Should Liz Cheney be your hero?

Liz Cheney is my hero. On positions of policy, I disagree with her almost 100% of the time, but I see her as one of the first moral heroes of this millennia. A highly principled woman willing and able to set aside every one of her personal interests to do what’s right for her country.

She contrasts this with Democrat sympathisers who claim to see through Cheney’s apparently principled stand — those whose arguments amount to the assertion that “Cheney’s stance has nothing to do with principle, but rather vengeance 2 served cold”.

However being asked to choose between light and dark seems a bit stark to me. Having observed politics from nearer and further for quite a few decades now, I’d never assume anyone had 100% pure motives. Ted Cruz stood up for principle — the principle of not lying every time you open your mouth in politics. Why? Because he was opposing Donald Trump who couldn’t open his mouth without lying. But Ted came to Jesus and it turned out he wasn’t a person of principle any more.

My operating assumption is that Liz Cheney has got herself into a situation in which Trump is an enemy and, having made her bed, she’s lying in it. That’s not me saying that all politicians are ‘cynical’. Rather the opposite. It’s saying that politics is a profession in which one is endlessly trading off ends and means, endlessly trying to promote one’s own career and do something worthwhile. And in that world, a great deal of the time the ends justify the means. And the art of politics is ultimately understanding where the ends don’t justify the means.

In all the democratic cultures I know, people tend to chat about politics as if it’s pretty clear who’s a goodie and who’s a baddie. They criticise those politicians they don’t like as if all politicians should be candid and strictly principled in all they say and do. Then of course when those on their own side do the same, they immediately make excuses — of course they have to cut corners given how ruthless their opponents are etc etc.

By this means almost everyone’s political chit-chat participates in a kind of moral panto. It’s one of the many ways in which political culture gets engulfed in wishful thinking. Indeed, as I’ve said before, I think we need a whole new ‘alt-political discourse’ to rise above the moral panto of wishful thinking into which the current political discourse has descended.

I don’t want to get too high on my horse about Cannold here as short pieces must compress what is said, but it really did stick in my craw to be told that her analysis was that of “an ethicist”. If that’s what ethicists have to tell us — that we have to choose between naivete and everyone’s-in-it-for-themselves-cynicism — then so much the worse for ethicism. I prefer ethics which is all about that land bounded by the two extremes of panto. It’s all about how we try to feel good about our own conduct in a murky world — a world in which vice always comes disguised as virtue.

Still, Liz Cheney got into politics to trade off ends and means and then got herself into the situation she’s in, and she’s digging in and fighting. She’s fighting for us all. That’s good enough for hero status for me.

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Posted in Democracy, Philosophy, Political theory, Politics - international | 4 Comments

Elections are all about competition right? (They weren’t way back when)

As part of my recent fascination with competitive and ‘de-competitive’ merit selection, I’ve been looking at the origins of both parliamentary and presidential elections. Intriguingly though we now associate elections with competition between candidates, in both the British parliamentary system and the American presidency, elections were not competitive. Indeed, contemporaries regarded the idea of competition for such an office with alarm for its tendency to encourage ‘faction’.

But isn’t an ‘election’ competitive by definition? Isn’t that the meaning of the word? Well no! That’s what the word implies today, but its root in Latin simply means “to pick” or “to choose”. The word ‘elect’ retains this sense in Christian theology when speaking of ‘the elect’ — those chosen, not in competition with each other but by God. One can circle back from this reference to observe that the electorate is the sovereign body when it comes to its being represented, and in this sense an ‘election’ is the choosing by the sovereign body — if you’re dealing with God, I’m reliably informed that He’s sovereign and so he elects the elect. And if you’re dealing with the electorate, it chooses who is the elect.

Early seventeenth-century English parliamentary election.

In early modern England, political choice was subsumed within a wide system of social relations. Complex notions of honor, standing, and deference, shared but not always articulated, helped to regulate and absorb conflict between and within loosely defined status groups. The selection of members of Parliament, an intermittent event for county property holders and members of designated boroughs, was but one part of a continuing process of social distinction. Despite the uniqueness of Parliament in the political history of the nation, in the ongoing life of the communities that chose its members, parliamentary selection existed in a broader context. For peers of the realm, a summons to the House of Lords was a prescriptive right, another attribute of their nobility. For members of the small group of dominant gentry families within the county communities, it was both a responsibility of service and a privilege conferred on them by kin and neighbors. For rich merchants of large boroughs, it followed as part of the cursus honorum of civic office; while for gentlemen and lawyers, who obtained the majority of borough seats parceled out to patrons, it was an occasion to follow their own busi- nesses, advance their careers, or simply partake of the delights of the capital.

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Economic Ideas and Policy Outcomes: Ross Garnaut’s Gruen Lecture

Austro-Hungarian Economists

Below is Ross Garnaut’s lecture in honour of my Dad.

Economic Ideas and Policy Outcomes: Applications to Climate and Energy

Fred Gruen signed up as Professor of Economics in the ANU’s Research School of Social Sciences in 1972, at the same time that I joined the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies as a Research Fellow. Fred spent the next few years as a Consultant to Prime Minister Gough Whitlam. My work was initially based at the ANU’s New Guinea Research Unit in Port Moresby. Two years or so later, I was seconded from the ANU by Papua New Guinea’s first national Secretary for Treasury and Finance, Mekere Morauta, to help him build the economic policies and institutions for Independence.

From Port Moresby I kept close contact with the economists in the Institute at the ANU, presenting a number of seminars on issues I was thinking through in Port Moresby. I recall John Crawford chairing one public seminar adapting the Swan model of internal and external balance to an economy with a predominant subsistence or non-market sector, and another presenting Anthony Clunies Ross’ and my paper on the Resource Rent Tax. Fred was present and engaged on these occasions.

So was Ann Gruen. She had a strong interest in Papua New Guinea development. I learned much later that Fred’s first visit to Papua New Guinea provided his first scholarly contact with Austro-Hungarian economics and also with the top echelons of wartime (and subsequently postwar) Australian social democratic economic thought, while igniting a long, happy and fruitful marriage.

I’ll retell the New Guinea story because it is Fred’s first point of contact with the two intellectual traditions that I discuss in this lecture. Fred joined the Australian Army after his detention on the Hay Plains as a refugee from an enemy country. He was passing north through Brisbane and sought a copy of Frederick Hayek’s “Road to Serfdom”. The helpful librarian said that she did not have it; but her cousin was reading it and she would see what she could arrange. So Fred was introduced to Ann and Austro-Hungarian economics at the same time. Travelling on to Lae, now occupied by inactive Australian forces, Fred provided lectures to servicemen. Nugget Coombs, visiting as Secretary of the Department of Postwar Reconstruction was at the back of one. Continue reading

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An Alt-left?

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What is it with James Burnham? I associate him — via Curtis Yarvin — with the alt-right. And Burnham is the founding text of what I call the Alt-centre (of which I am the founder and which I’m hoping to parlay into world domination if only I can get some time away from the keyboard). And here is Burnham and the Marxist left. Well, Burnham was a Marxist, but his big contribution was the two books he wrote as he emerged as Trotsky’s best American mate and headed rightwards —  The Managerial Revolution and The Machiavellians. And they’re the texts discussed in the video.

Anyway, I can recommend the first presentation. It addresses Burnham’s concerns well. The only telltale sign that it’s from the Marxist left is the occasional creepy reference to where Burnham fails to be ‘dialectical’ in his thinking. I recall the phrase from Czesław Miłosz’s descriptions of the Stalinist intelligentsia in The Captive Mind. I hadn’t realised before then the imperative that Marxist regimes felt to ensure that all serious thinking to be done by the intelligentsia be ‘dialectical’.

Apart from that, the talk seems very thoughtful and unflinching about the current state of the Marxian left (it’s in roughly the same state as the star of the parrot sketch). Following the links I discover The platypus Initiative no less — it’s a good name for putting reality ahead of thought (fancy that!) via this story.  And here’s its premise:

Platypus contends that the ruin of the Marxist Left as it stands today is of a tradition whose defeat was largely self-inflicted, hence at present the Marxist Left is historical, and in such a grave state of decomposition that it has become exceedingly difficult to draft coherently programmatic social-political demands. In the face of the catastrophic past and present, the first task for the reconstitution of a Marxian Left as an emancipatory force is to recognize the reasons for the historical failure of Marxism and to clarify the necessity of a Marxian Left for the present and future. — If the Left is to change the world, it must first transform itself!

The improbable — but not impossible — reconstitution of an emancipatory Left is an urgent task ….. To abdicate this or to obscure the gravity of past defeats and failures by looking to “resistance” from “outside” the dynamics of modern society is to affirm its present and guarantee its future destructive reality.

That seems an excellent platform for developing an alt-left, one not weighed down by historical commitments and the sentimentalism that has so marred the left and its politics in the past.

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Universal basic income: notes of an agnostic

I got this list from Google Images. It’s a good checklist though some may quibble with some of it.

Michael Haines, who has previously posted on Troppo, is campaigning for universal income funded from the adoption of sovereign money — which would yield a large amount of seigniorage like revenue to government. Geoff Croker is campaigning for something similar from the UK. I responded to this by email which I reproduce here.

As far as I understand it, you’re both arguing that you generate all this free money with sovereign money and then you spend it on UBI.  They’re two separate policies that need to stand or fall on their own merits. 

Thus for instance, I’m in favour of green taxes and wealth taxes and some move towards greater sovereign money (I don’t think I’m so clever that I know what would happen with full sovereign money so I’d like to take some substantial steps in that direction and then reassess). But the case for each is a product of their cost-effectiveness, distributional impacts considered in the context of the political economy of each measure. (If you’re not sure what I mean, the last two dot points of this post relate to political economy questions). 

The case for UBI likewise needs to be made on the merits. 

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Posted in Democracy, Economics and public policy | 25 Comments

Gruen: detox democracy through representation by random selection

I use Troppo to make various notes for file as it were for reference in future. And on wanting to record something I found that I hadn’t reproduced this post — which was originally at The Mandarin — here. So here it is, with some notes to file below.

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Posted in Cultural Critique, Democracy, Political theory, Politics - international, Politics - national, Sortition and citizens’ juries | 4 Comments

Some thoughts on fixing the Australian health system

This is an edited version of an article that first appeared in Crikey on 3 June 2022.

As I see it, the four most pressing challenges for the new Minister for health and ageing concern: 1. promoting health (not just treating disease); 2. addressing the disconnect between care settings (particularly hospital, primary and dental care), 3. fixing the private sector; and 4. addressing the national disgrace that is aged care.

‘Health’ is much more than medical interventions

 Firstly, the portfolio needs to encompass health, not just healthcare. The distinction is important. Health is more than the absence of disease. Healthcare is mostly concerned with treating illness. It has little to say about promoting health and avoiding illness unless it involves medical interventions (part of the problem is how we pay for care… but we’ll get to that).

The most pressing issue is the pandemic, which is far from over. The new government needs to listen to experts and work with, not against, the states and territories on containing it. In fact, COVID-19 perfectly demonstrates the value of public health interventions. They suppress spread (distancing, masks, periodic restrictions) and severity (vaccination).

Beyond that, we need to invest more in promoting health especially in tackling “upstream” risk factors. We have a pedigree here. Australia led the world in reducing tobacco use — a globally recognised public health success despite a determined campaign opposing it. Nicola Roxon, the health minister at the time, did a very good job standing up to vested interests.

The minister was less successful at adjusting the cataract surgery rebate to align with the cost-effectiveness of Medicare reimbursement for other procedures. To be fair, this was a harder sell than tobacco but it nevertheless illustrated Machiavelli’s timeless observation that:

“…nothing is more difficult to plan, more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to manage than a new system 1 for the initiator has the enmity of all who would profit by the preservation of the existing ways and merely lukewarm defenders in those who gain by the new ones.”

It also confirmed the golden equation of health care: every $ of spending = a $ of income (sometimes a very good income indeed.)

It’s now well established that the most powerful determinants of health (and disease) are social and economic. Inequality is especially harmful. It reduces everyone’s health, not just those at the bottom. The government has the levers controlling many of the factors affecting our health: education, tax, housing, social services and welfare.

Public housing — neglected over the past decade — can deliver some quick health wins. Unsurprisingly, improved housing availability and quality has been shown to reduce hospital admissions and re-admissions. We need health in all policies across the relevant portfolios and through the Council of Australian Governments (COAG).

Sorting out health care

What we call the health system in fact covers mainly medical care. It’s an illness system and, to be honest, it’s a stretch to call it a system at all; it’s more like patchwork, a marble cake that’s increasingly struggling to address modern demands of chronic, non-communicable disease, multi-morbidity and mental ill health.

Some serious changes are needed to improve how the current arrangements work for patients and consumers as well as those for those who toil every day to deliver care (who have really copped it throughout the pandemic).

Mental health care is probably the biggest illustration of the problems and challenges we have . We need to listen to patients, consumers and experts about how to invest in the prevention and treatment of mental ill health. The current ‘system’ is broken – and the current disconnect between primary, community and hospital care is a major contributor.

Hospitals are expensive and at times dangerous places. We must do everything we can to keep patients out of them, and if not, to ensure that their stay is as short and as safe as possible. I concede that this is difficult under a funding model that rewards activity and I caution against simply throwing more money at public hospitals. Inflating the balloon won’t reduce the pressure.

While the states run our public hospitals, the Commonwealth is responsible for primary care. Rising levels of chronic disease mean that our GPs and allied health professionals are on the frontline in helping people manage their health problems and keep them out of hospital. It also gives them a landing pad after they leave acute care, freeing up beds faster and helping reduce wait times at the front door.

(Most states need sub-acute beds and more social care for people who may have trouble coping at home — there are massive savings on offer by reducing the number of ‘boomerang’ patients.)

But we have a GP shortage in areas of greatest need (the inverse care law). Many patients don’t see their doctor because of high out-of-pocket costs (bulk billing data is a sham). Little wonder that compared to those living in other OECD countries, Australians are almost twice as likely to be admitted for respiratory conditions, most of which should be managed out of hospital.

SOURCE: OECD.STAT

We can bolster primary and community care in several ways. We should ensure that electronic medical records used in public hospitals can exchange information with those used in other settings, especially GPs and pharmacies. My Health Record isn’t working. The privacy risks can be managed. The benefits of integration can be considerable.

In the long term, we need a discussion with our medical colleagues about changing the training, socialisation and culture of medicine to value generalists as highly as specialists. Doctors are human so part of that is about money and a career in general practice (a specialisation in its own right) should be a financially attractive option.

Among OECD countries that provide this data, Australia has the second-lowest GP income rates relative to their specialist colleagues.  We need to change this by increasing how much GPs earn.  (Reducing the amount specialists earn is not a fight I would advise anybody to pick – see the cataract example above and what Nye Bevan had to say).

SOURCE: OECD.STAT

Follow the money … FFS

Many of the problems we have boil down to how we pay for health care. We don’t pay for health, nor can we because we’re hopeless at measuring it. So the prevailing approach fee-for-service (with the apt acronym of FFS) with the implicit assumption that the service produce health. Aside from the fact that this assumption often incorrect, FFS is probably the worst way to fund care that seeks to provide joined-up services for the growing number of people with multiple morbidity and complex health and social care needs. (Those suffering from mental ill health are a prime example).

In the interim, we should at least structure FFS to reflect various levels of patient complexity. Providers must have an incentive to invest the time to help their most vulnerable patients. A good start would be to raise the Medicare rebate for general consultations. This should at least begin to improve access for our poorest (and sickest).

But some point, we need to discuss ways to fund care that rewards value, not volume – both in general practice and hospitals. There are calls to unify the funding source for both. This would be the perfect solution. Given their overall vastly superior performance in managing COVID-19, I’d argue that the states would be better placed to manage and fund a unified health system in each jurisdiction. But I suspect that convincing any government to relinquish control of health care is highly ambitious.

A national health reform commission, however, could begin drawing up transition in funding to deal with this and other challenges we face. There’s plenty of alternatives to FFS. Perhaps we could try paying providers a lump sum per patient based on their level of health need (Gonski for health). We could incentivise people registering with primary care providers. We could encourage more care integration by bundling payments across the entire care cycle rather than pay for each individual component as if the patient were a product on an assembly line (albeit a very inefficient assembly line that would have Henry Ford spinning in his grave).

This commission — comprising representatives of patients and consumer experts as well as the usual suspects from the clinical world and academia — would be well placed to begin incorporating dental care in the health system. This is a much-needed reform that can 1. alleviate a lot of immediate suffering, 2. improve overall health, and 3. reduce pressure on other parts of the system.

‘Private’ health needs a major rethink

Most Australians receive elective procedures in the private sector. “Private” healthcare in this country is a cosy arrangement between insurers and providers, all propped up by billions courtesy of the taxpayer each year. The truth is that private health diverts resources away from the public sector, rather than taking pressure off it. The result is a two-tiered arrangement where those who can afford it get care (sometimes excessive and unnecessary care) while those who can’t go without, languishing on waiting lists. Little wonder the industry is in real trouble.

We can have a private sector (we will continue to have one regardless of what anybody thinks or says) but it must be designed to serve consumers — not providers and insurers. Several things can be done. Stronger regulation on fees and charges, including better transparency and limits. Also, why not publish provider outcomes so that patients can assess the quality they’re getting for their money?

We need to press on with efforts to modernise the Medicare Benefits Schedule, which is full of items that are obsolete or do not reflect effective, high-value care. And maybe giving more say to health funds in how care is delivered could improve efficiency and value in the sector.

Markets: a good servant, poor master — just look at aged care

The most fundamental tenet is this: health isn’t a commodity, and healthcare is fundamentally different to any other service or product. Market forces can play a role (note the health systems of Israel or the Netherlands) but they must be carefully guided and regulated. Relinquishing it all to the invisible hand will simply result in paying more for worse health outcomes. For evidence, just look at the USA.

In fact, we need not look abroad at all. Australian aged care is a prime example of what happens when we leave it to all to the market. It’s a complete mess, and a taskforce to implement the Royal Commission findings is needed as soon as possible. In a nutshell: more regulation, outcomes data, consumer protection and better pay for care staff. (We often hear ‘you pay peanuts you get monkeys’. Well, if this is true it applies equally here just as it does for executive remuneration.)

We shouldn’t waste a day.

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