Showing posts with label Belarus. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Belarus. Show all posts

Friday, August 31, 2012

An update on the situation of Belarusian anarchist prisoners

Belarus ABC

Mikalai Dziadok (4,5 years) is finishing his 3rd month in a solitary cell after having refused to work on Saturdays. Work is obligatory in Belarusian penal colonies, but is regulated by the Labour Code, which prescribes that a person shouldn’t work more than 40 hours a week. Mikalai was forced to work more on Saturdays, but refused to do so. He was punished with 6 months of solitary confinement on June 1st. During this period he is deprived of all dates, phone calls and food supply from the outside.


Ihar Alinevich (8 years) served 14 days in a punishment cell for refusing to clean the inner yard of the colony. This work is done only by certain prisoners who relate to the downcasts*. Thus, the prison administration tries to make him the downcast as well. In Belarusian prisons the downcasts do all the dirty work, eat and work in the distance, they are objects of humiliation and often used for sex by other prisoners. The pressure can be the result of the fact that Ihar’s mother started publishing his prison diaries. Earlier he refused to sign a petition for mercy.

Aliaksandr Frantskevich (3 years) was put in a punishment cell for refusing to clean the cell, which is the work for the downcasts. Before that he was visited by a top-rank policemen, who had organised the arrests of anarchists in autumn 2010. He tried to intimidate Aliaksandr and hinted at the necessity to sign the petition for mercy. Moreover, other prisoners get punished for having contacts with Aliaksandr.

Jauhen Vas’kovish (7 years) doesn’t receive any letters from people other than his parents. The censor only shows him empty envelopes. He informed that he had also been asked to sign the petition for mercy, but refused to do so.

Artsiom Prakapenka (7 years) conducts a hunger strike since August 8th and is now in a punishment cell. Artsiom was forced to work in the first shift, thus he cannot make a special vegetarian lunch for himself, as he had done before, when he worked in the second shift. He also refused to sigh the petition for pardon and receives letters only from parents.

Pavel Syramolatau (7 years) signed the petition for pardon in June, but has not been released so far.
* There is a strict hierarchy in post-soviet prisons, according to which several “casts” are distinguished. Every cast has a certain scope of rights and duties. The hierarchy is now not so strict as before, but still the prison authority has to put up with it. Sometimes it uses the hierarchy in its own interests.

“Blatnye” – professional criminals, part of ‘mafia’ or organised groups outside of prison, are on top of the hierarchy. They are in charge of illegal supply of food, tea, cigarettes and cell phones in prison. They guarantee the ‘prison law’ and judge conflicts between other prisoners. Usually don’t work.
“Muzhiki” – ordinary prisoners, the most numerous group. They work, don’t fight for the power in prison, don’t collaborate with the prison administration.

“Kozly” (trusties, ‘activists’) – prisoners, openly collaborating with the prison authority, working for the administration (librarians, different managers, etc.). It is frowned on to get in touch with this cast.
“Opuschennye” (the downcasts) – gays, people that are used for sex (even if they are not gay), prisoners, sentenced for paedophilia, rapists, and people that get in touch with the previously mentioned. It is enough to take something from the downcast, to touch him or to eat with him at one table to be considered a downcast as well. They don’t have any rights and usually do the dirty work – washing toilets, etc. They always live separated from other prisoners.

The prison authority tried to break the ‘laws’ and mix all kinds of prisoners, but it always resulted in mass disorders and suicide attempts. For any prisoner it is better to die or get punished than to be labelled a downcast by others and serve the rest of the sentence in humiliation. It is almost impossible to change your cast.

Sunday, June 10, 2012

Call for solidarity with Belarusian political prisoners 30th of June - 2nd of July

June 2, 2012 Avtonom
It has been a long time since the last call for solidarity with the Belarusian anarchists appeared (http://abc-belarus.org/?p=133&lang=en). Today we have to admit that the new wave of solidarity is needed urgently to help them out from the prison. That’s why we call you to participate in days of action in solidarity with Belarusian political prisoners from June 30 to July 2.

The activists Ihar Alinevich, Mikalai Dziadok, Artsiom Prakapenka, Pavel Syramolatau, Aliaksandr Frantskievich, Jauhen Vas’kovich that were detained in autumn 2010 and winter 2011 and then sentenced to 3 to 8 years of prison in May 2011 for a series of attacks on state and capital symbols are finishing their second year in jail. During this time their comrades and relatives did their best to help them feel comfortable in custody and set them free. In October 2011 they were acknowledged political prisoners by right-watch organizations. This fact gave them bigger chances to be freed as soon as possible, because at the moment the President of Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko, faces pressure from the European Union with the demands to set free all the political prisoners and decriminalize them. From August 2011 he has already pardoned more than 30 of them, but none of our comrades was granted freedom. Lukashenko said publicly, that he will pardon only those, who will write the petition for pardon, thus admitting their guilt and asking him personally for mercy. All the rest will remain in prison, he stated. In fact two comrades, Mikalai Dziadok and Alexandr Frantskevich were already asked if they want to sign the petition in August 2011, both refuses to do it. Now there are 13 political prisoners left in Belarus, among them are 5 our comrades and 1 more, imprisoned for the action of solidarity with them. We are sure that none of them will ask for mercy, because it would a shame for an anarchist or any honest person to do so. All the prisoners are experiencing different kinds of pressure from the administration of the prisons they are held in*, because Lukashenko wants to be a winner in this situation and make it as if it is not the EU that forces him to set free the political prisoners in fear of more political and economic sanctions, but as if it is his good will to pardon them, again only if they ask for it. We strongly oppose the fact that our comrades are now traded for benefits form the EU and condemn the pressure that they experience*. We call everybody to protest against this tortures and demand the immediate liberation of the political prisoners of Belarus, including anarchists.

We welcome solidarity actions of ANY kind starting from now on to accumulate amount of it on days of solidarity, we also ask you to make solidarity actions at least once a month if you find it possible even after the days of solidarity. We need constant pressure on the regime and the EU politicians in this situation. Let it be a non-stopping roll of action all over the world, until our comrades are free!

*The cases of pressure on the prisoners include: transfers to another penal institutions, deprivation of food supply from the outside, deprivation and cuts on the dates with relatives, deprivation of phone calls, delays and gaps in letters’ supply, placing to the solitary cell, transfers to a penal facility with special regime, etc.

To know more about the attacks, visit http://abc-belarus.org/?p=6&lang=en
To know more about the sentences, visit http://abc-belarus.org/?p=326&lang=en

Anarchist Black Cross Belarus

Friends and Relatives of arrested

Monday, March 26, 2012

English pages of Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow are up again, prisoner list updated

March 26, 2012 Avtonom

At some point last year our wiki, including the prisoner list, got broken, but during last weeks we have recovered
it.

Starting point is here: http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Anarchist_Black_Cross

At this point, our English pages has only prisoners from former Soviet Union, but if you want to help us to
have a wider perspective, you are welcome to register to wiki anytime!

Our prisoner list is here: http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Category:Prisoners_in_former_Soviet...

International prisoner list (in Russian language, by category)


Right now, we list following 7 prisoners from the former Soviet Union. Some other anti-fascists and anti-authoritarians are currently remained (Alexey "Shkobar" Olesinov, 3 alleged Pussy Riot members etc.), but as remand prisoners are not allowed mail, we do not list them.

Of the 7 prisoners, only Rinat Sultanov, anarchist anti-fascist from St. Petersburg, is held in Russia. He is expected to be out on parole soon. Rest of the six prisoners are from Belarus, they were all jailed last years for suspected insurgent activities against the Lukashenko regime. Five of them are anarchists, whereas sixth, Jauhen Vas'kovich, is a Christian democrat who decided to join to a common front with anarchist insurgents. For photos of the prisoners, visit our wiki.

Note that Belarus is a bilingual country, official and preferred names of most of the arrested are in Belarusian language, thus we list prisoners by their Belarusian names. But as prisoner registry of prisons is organised in Russian language, we list addresses with Russian names, when they differ from Belarusian names. Below,

Ihar Alinevich

Olinevich Igor Vladimirovich Otryad 12, Brigada 120, IU "IK-10", Tehnicheskaya ul. 8, g. Novopolotsk 211445 Vitebskaya oblast Belarus

Mikalaj Dziadok

Dedok Nikolai Aleksandrovich, Otryad 4, IK-15 p/o Veyno, Slavgorodskoe shosse, 183, 213105 Mogilev Belarus

Aliaksandar Frantskievich

Frantskevich Aleksandr Vladimirovich, Otryad 2, IK-22 "Volchi nory" st. Domanovo, Ivachevichkiy rayon 225295 Brestskaya oblast Belarus

Artsiom Prakapenka

Otryad 15, IK-17 213004 Shklov, Mogilevskaya oblast Belarus

Rinat Sultanov

Otryad 7, FKU IK-53, ul. Svobody d.22, pos. Privokzalni 624391 Verhoturye Sverdlovskaya oblast Russia

Pavel Syramolatau

IK-19, Slavgorodskoe shosse 3 km, 213030 Mogilev Belarus

Jauhen Vas'kovich

Yevgeni Sergeevich Vas'kovich Tyurma 4, ul. Krupskoy 99A 212011 Mogilev Belarus

English pages of Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow are up again, prisoner list updated

March 26, 2012 Avtonom

At some point last year our wiki, including the prisoner list, got broken, but during last weeks we have recovered
it.

Starting point is here: http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Anarchist_Black_Cross

At this point, our English pages has only prisoners from former Soviet Union, but if you want to help us to
have a wider perspective, you are welcome to register to wiki anytime!

Our prisoner list is here: http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Category:Prisoners_in_former_Soviet...

International prisoner list (in Russian language, by category)


Right now, we list following 7 prisoners from the former Soviet Union. Some other anti-fascists and anti-authoritarians are currently remained (Alexey "Shkobar" Olesinov, 3 alleged Pussy Riot members etc.), but as remand prisoners are not allowed mail, we do not list them.

Of the 7 prisoners, only Rinat Sultanov, anarchist anti-fascist from St. Petersburg, is held in Russia. He is expected to be out on parole soon. Rest of the six prisoners are from Belarus, they were all jailed last years for suspected insurgent activities against the Lukashenko regime. Five of them are anarchists, whereas sixth, Jauhen Vas'kovich, is a Christian democrat who decided to join to a common front with anarchist insurgents. For photos of the prisoners, visit our wiki.

Note that Belarus is a bilingual country, official and preferred names of most of the arrested are in Belarusian language, thus we list prisoners by their Belarusian names. But as prisoner registry of prisons is organised in Russian language, we list addresses with Russian names, when they differ from Belarusian names. Below,

Ihar Alinevich

Olinevich Igor Vladimirovich Otryad 12, Brigada 120, IU "IK-10", Tehnicheskaya ul. 8, g. Novopolotsk 211445 Vitebskaya oblast Belarus

Mikalaj Dziadok

Dedok Nikolai Aleksandrovich, Otryad 4, IK-15 p/o Veyno, Slavgorodskoe shosse, 183, 213105 Mogilev Belarus

Aliaksandar Frantskievich

Frantskevich Aleksandr Vladimirovich, Otryad 2, IK-22 "Volchi nory" st. Domanovo, Ivachevichkiy rayon 225295 Brestskaya oblast Belarus

Artsiom Prakapenka

Otryad 15, IK-17 213004 Shklov, Mogilevskaya oblast Belarus

Rinat Sultanov

Otryad 7, FKU IK-53, ul. Svobody d.22, pos. Privokzalni 624391 Verhoturye Sverdlovskaya oblast Russia

Pavel Syramolatau

IK-19, Slavgorodskoe shosse 3 km, 213030 Mogilev Belarus

Jauhen Vas'kovich

Yevgeni Sergeevich Vas'kovich Tyurma 4, ul. Krupskoy 99A 212011 Mogilev Belarus

Thursday, October 06, 2011

Human rights defenders recognize Alinevich, Dziadok and Frankevich political prisoners

Human Rights Center "Viasna" and the Belarusian Helsinki Committee recognized Ihar Alinevich, Mikalai Dziadok and Aliaksandr Frantskevich as political prisoners of the present regime. The human rights defenders came to this conclusion on the basis of analysis of the so-called “Case of Anarchists”.

According to the conclusion of the BHC, this decision is based on the following findings:

1. Preliminary investigation of the criminal case was accompanied by serious procedural irregularities, including violations of the rights of convicts. They include: arbitrary detention, violation of the terms and procedures of detention established by the Criminal Procedure Code of Belarus, the violation of the right to protection, a violation of the presumption of innocence, and others. I. Alinevich was detained in Moscow, and his transportation to the KGB jail in Minsk was carried out with gross violations of established procedures, including procedures for the extradition of citizens from the territory of the Russian Federation to Belarus. During the trial, convicted I. Alinevich, M. Dziadok and A.Frantskevich Olinevicha I., M. Dedok, A. Frantskevich repeatedly stated about illegal actions against them during the investigation, including psychological pressurization and tortures.

During the trial, said that against them during preliminary investigation used illegal actions: the psychological pressure and torture. On the application of torture to have a trial and a number of witnesses who retracted their statements made by them during the preliminary investigation (K. forging, A. Zhingerovsky, I. Bogachek, Bugaev, S. Slusar). These circumstances during the preliminary investigation and court proceedings with adequate completeness have not been verified and they were not given a legal assessment. The use of tortures was also confirmed by a number of witnesses who refused from the testimonies given during the preliminary investigation (I. Bahachak, A. Buhayou, K. Kouka, S. Sliusar and A. Zhynherouski). These circumstances weren’t subject to a due check-up and evaluation during the investigation and the court proceedings

2. During the trial, the principle of equality of the parties to submit evidence was violated. Gross violations of prisoners' rights give reason to believe that the trial was not an objective, comprehensive and inclusive, and the verdict was unjustified and illegal. Imposed under these circumstances the sentence should be reversed and the case – intended for a new trial.

3. Detention of I. Alinevich, M. Dziadok and A. Frantskevich and their punishment with such long, clearly inadequate prison terms, is obvious way related to the political motives of the authorities.

4. According to these findings, the national public association "Belarusian Helsinki Committee" and experts of the Belarusian human rights community consider Ihar Alinevich, Mikalai Dziadok and Aliaksandr Frantskevich political prisoners of the current regime in Belarus.

source: http://spring96.org/en/news/46165

Monday, October 03, 2011

Cross the border before it's not too late - escape story of Denis Solopov in his own words

Avtonom

I am often faced with one basic question: whether, if knowing the
consequences I would still take the same actions I did last year. Of
course I would. Yes, we all suffered the consequences, but we also
proved that average people, when united are able to scare insolent
bureaucrats. Nowadays in the Russia this is worth the effort. Who are
the police investigators and field operatives? TThey are subordinates
who are generally too frightened to admit that they are the slaves of
their bosses, deceiving themselves that things are otherwise. Many of
them have clearly understood that they have to make some junk and invent
a sort of extremism. Maybe there are also sincere stupid people who
believe in their work. These fools do not see the extremists in
officials and instead search for them in housing districts.

- Now, at last all of the «Khimki hostages» are free. Only days ago you
were imprisoned in the most famous Ukrainian jail, and now you are
packing your luggage to go to the Netherlands. To begin with tell us in
detail about the conditions according to which you were set free.

- A week before my release I was visited by an official representative
of the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) who told me
that I would be released soon because a country had been found which
would accept me(give merefugee status). He said that I would be freed
the same day, probably after dinner. I was finally released a week
later. The building guard told me to go get my photo taken for the
discharge papers, and the hall guard told me to pack up my things for
release. At that moment I was alone in the cell, because Ivaschenko
(Solopov's cellmate, ex-acting Ukrainian Minister of Defence – OS (“Open
Space” website with editorial notes where it was first published –
transl.)) had been transported to court. I started to pack up my things:
clothes, documents. I still left four bags of items and food in prison.
Partly with the «goat» (goat is the literal translation from prison
slang used for prisoners working together with the administration -
transl.) in the depot, partly in the quarantine area for recently
arrived prisoners. In quarantine where it's mostly newbies you can never
find basic items.

The building guard gathered some people, one guy who was sick with
tuberculosis needed to be hospitalized, another one had to be deported.
We were going through the dungeon. There, in Lukjanovka, the buildings
are connected with a complex dungeon, it is an old jail, a legacy from
tsarism. The guard first led the others, then went with me to the
«mistress» (the warden of the remand prison - OS). I didn't go into the
office, the warrant officer went in alone to sign some documents. The
guard asked me why I'd been released (he didn't know who I was) and I
answered that they had simply decided to free me without reason. Maybe
he could be happy for me.

I was then led to Dombrovsky, the sub-warden of the remand prison. By
the way, I was frequently asked where I would go. They had to write it
in the documents, including the discharge papers. As a result they wrote
in my Moscow address. Then I started to argue, because I obviously did
not want to find myself in the hands of the Moscow region policemen. In
practice, there was that chance, that I would be met at the gates of
theKiev prison and would be transported to the Khimki department of
interior, for example. They started to persuade me that the information
in the discharge papers was only a formality, and I would not be forced
to go to Moscow. Then I demanded to make a phone call and money for the
public transporation fare, which one is supposed to receive according to
the law. I just wanted to let the lawyer know about my release, and that
I would be met by my friends, not by the police. They laughed about the
money, as I'd expected. And they didn't let me use the phone saying that
they didn't want to take that responsibility onto themselves. Then I
told them, smiling, that they were driving me to crime, because I would
be forced to take a mobile phone away from somebody at the gate and
return to prison. We exchanged some more jokes but they still didn't let
me use the phone.

At the security-check point I asked to use the phone one more time. My
attendant offered to go outside together with me and ask for a phone
from one of the passers-bye. He understood that near Lukjanovka most
people would not give their phone to the bald-headed young man with the
sports bag, pale from a long imprisonment. He came outside with me but
silently vanished when I was persuading a random passer-by to let me use
his phone. Then there was the scene that many of us know from the
cinema: the prison gates behind, the bag in hands, the discharge paper
in the pocket. No money, no phone. About an hour later I realized that I
was free, looked around and planned what to do further.

The discharge papers not only substituted all other documents but also
gave me the right of travel in public transport. I decided not to go for
a bus because I didn't want to prove to some cunning conductress (in the
ex-USSR it's usually a women's job - transl.) that I had the right to
travel. But I was forced to explain myself to the «turnstile-watching»
woman in the metro who had exceeded her duties giving me a detailed
examination. I then went to the flat of my Kiev friends where I could
get in contact with the lawyer and representatives of the UNHCR. After
that I only needed to avoid any troubles while the documents for my
departure to the third country were issued by the UNHCR.

- Everybody saw the Khimki action video footage and photos. Arrests,
trials, etc. were closely and detailedly reported in the press. Petya
Kosovo published stories about his travels around Europe. Tell us how
you managed to get away.

- After you had gone into the building of the Moscow region state
department of interior I waited for you in the Alexandrovskiy garden. I
waited for your call. After an hour you phoned me and said «All right»
which meant, according to our agreement, that the situation was
unfolding in the most unfavorable manner. I threw away my mobile phone
to escape detection. I then connected with friends using the new,
«blank» phone which I had bought in the subway, explained the situation,
and asked for enough money to live on the run. They obtained the
necessary sum that very evening. I decided not to go home, not to phone
any of my relatives. Lastly using my sources in law enforcement agencies
I found out what the situation was, partially confirming the plans of
the «police investigative measures». When I realized that you would be
imprisoned anyway, and I would be found and arrested immediately or put
on the wanted list if I wasn't found me, I decided to cross the border
before it was too late. The next day, July 30, I called a taxi via
public telephone and asked to be taken to the suburbs, to one of the
railroad stations going in the direction of Belarus. Naturally, I went
with the regional electric train in order not to buy a ticket with my
passport.

- You went to Minsk? Did you pick it for a particular reason?

- No. At that time the only thought I had was of escape, of crossing the
border. I literally escaped in the clothes I had left home with. Where
to go and what to do later on I couldn't even imagine.

- The trip to Belarus by regional train lasts a couple of days. What are
your brightest memories of your escape route?

- When I was in one of the towns closer to Belarus, I had to spend the
night somewhere. In hotels I was asked for a passport. I decided to go
to some 24-hour bar. I found a pizzeria. There, some local guys and
girls were celebrating something. I asked if they knew where I could
rent a flat or room for a day. I explained that I had trouble with my
documents. I just generally chatted with them. The guys promised to
think about my problem, then suggested to go to the birthday of one of
their friends. As a result we all danced in some yard. But I still had
to clean up and sleep to look normal at the border. Then, a total
stranger who was going to go for the night to his girlfriend's, offered
me the keys to his flat and suggested I sleep there. The most ridiculous
thing was that he said no one was at home but in fact his mother was. I
was forced to apologize for the late visit and introduce myself as her
son's friend from Moscow. As any true Russian woman would, she fed me
borscht and all sorts of savory foods till I could barely move, before
she headed off to sleep. In the morning I called a taxi to take me to
the train. I went by train to a station close to the Belarussian border,
but I decided to cross over with the bus going to Vitebsk. I did it
without any problems. The passengers' documents were not checked properly.

In Vitebsk I first went to find Internet access and found out that in
Belarus you are asked for your passport in Internet-cafes. I managed to
haggle over this and get in without it. I bluffed something about having
forgotten it in the hotel and being too lazy to return and that I could
dictate my passport data from memory. As a result I sat at the computer
for five hours, browsing news and writing down all the information I
needed about hotels, transport and renting flats. I took the cover and
photo from my old student id card and on the computer made up a new card
with a new name, so I had a somewhat secure document. It became easier
to explain who I was with it. Under the pretense that I had left my
passport with my relatives who would come later I could get a room in a
hotel in the city center for a several days. There, I more or less
planned my next steps. I decided to go to Minsk. In a large city it is
easier to go unnoticed.

In Minsk I rented a flat from a woman who had stood on the railway
platform with the sign «flat for rent». It was much safer than trying to
go to some Minsk hotels without a passport, or to go to a rental agency.
The weekly rent was low. In Moscow I had been a realtor for some time so
I could assess the price. I had a look at the flat and decided that
suggested cost was fair. Everywhere I went I inspired confidence in the
people around me. As a bonus, the landlady left me food and a local SIM
card. My friends from one Russian town made me, by my request, a Skype
account with enough money on it. Throughout that entire period I tried
not to contact anyone, even trusted friends. Nobody knew, where and how
I was. Later I changed several accounts just in case. For all my
relatives I had already disappeared for half a month. Friends let me
know that our house in Moscow was under external observation, from the
news I learned about the roundups and all kinds of madness done by
Moscow region policemen. I first called my father, and told him
literally a couple of phrases: «I am not in Russia. I'm OK. Don't worry,
concentrate on Max.» Daddy answered: «Well done! Good that you phoned.»
Then I called my friend who was supposedly tapped. I joked with her
about my location a little for the benefit of the cops. I wanted to
intrigue them to search for me further from Moscow, in the opposite
direction of where I was. The joke turned out well, they searched for me
in all kinds of places... At that point I felt more or less confident in
myself. A last unclear thing was what to do further.

- How was it that you found yourself in Ukraine at last?

- In general, I spent some time in Internet cafes, learning useful
information and planning what to do next. It was in the very center of
Minsk. Unexpectedly, two of my closer friends from Moscow came to this
cafe. Of course, their troubles had not been as great as mine, but they
had decided to leave Moscow for the period of the roundups. It was a
very nice meeting, furthermore they had reliable friends in Minsk.
Hiding became more cheerful. Together we decided to leave for the
Ukraine. In Belarus we couldn't have a normal life. After all, the
special services in Belarus work more effectively, as opposed to the
Russian ones. You cannot do anything without a passport, and the local
people are oppressed. We decided that we should go to Crimea while it
was still warm, rest at the seaside and feign at being tourists. We went
to the border in buses. Understanding the level of control we decided to
cross the border legally, with our passports. At that point we
separated, so my friends would not run the same risk as me. We all made
it over the border by bus.

Next up we bought tickets to Eupatoria without a problem. Once there we
first went to swim in the sea. We behaved like tourists. There were no
troubles, and we just relaxed. We decided to find cheap accommodation in
the private sector. Asking the shop girls, we found different options in
several villages. One of them was called Krasnoe. We decided to go
directly there, in the village with revolutionary traditions ("Krasnoe"
means "Red" in Russian - transl.). We rented the second home of a
certain uncle Kolya. He had his own farm: goats, pigs, melons. For us
the cost of living was very low, and in addition to this he fed us fresh
milk, eggs, vegetables. However, after some time uncle Kolya understood
that we were staying suspiciously long. Usually people arrived for a
week, but we had already stayed an entire month. Apart from this we did
not drink like the usual tourists do, but instead jogged in the mornings
and exercised at the horizontal bars. We only swam, ate watermelons, and
played sports. Kazantip was nearby, and local people were used to seeing
the young tourists constantly intoxicated, and we didn't fit. Of course,
we went to some of these parties on the coast, but there we stood out as
well, by not consuming alcohol and drugs. We found out the news on the
Internet at the post office, when we went to the city for food. We tried
to find a possibility to leave for Europe, got in contact with trusted
people about different options, legal or not. But we couldn't find a
suitable one. The best option was illegal, with a fifty-fifty chance of
success, and for a rather large sum. It did not suit us.

And so the holiday season came to an end. Uncle Kolya started to tell
tales about guys who had robbed some metallurgic factory, or whatever,
and had hidden at his farm. He clearly hinted that he wanted to hear our
criminal story too. We, however, feeling our finances dwindling, started
to joke about robbing the postal service.

After about a month of rest we received exact information about our
cases from our sources; who was of greater interest and who less so. In
general, as we expected, my friends had nothing to be afraid of, only I
was wanted by the police. I was also put on the Interpol search list. We
then decided to separate. The guys returned to Moscow, where all was
calm, and I went on to Kiev.

- How did you decide to ask for refugee status in Ukraine? Didn't that
seem to be the more dangerous thing to do rather than living there
illegally?

- After arriving in Kiev I carefully got in touch with my reliable local
friends, who were ready to help. These friends knew people who are
working in the field of legal aid to refugees. I began sorting out the
details of the procedure to get refugee status. As a result, I once
again considered all my options, and made the decision to go via the
legal route. Anyway, I actually hadn't committed any crime, hadn't
killed anybody, hadn't robbed anybody. I was advised to meet and consult
with a reliable expert in the field. There aren't many similar
situations with Russian refugees in the Ukraine. My case was similar to
the ones with the National-Bolsheviks. I was advised to consider their
experience and take their mistakes into account. First I went and
addressed the UNHCR and their partner organization HIAS which allocated
me a lawyer. All these competent moves were possible thanks to the very
qualified help of my friends. These procedures are very difficult and
demand a heap of papers which are not easy to gather whilst being wanted.

The most dangerous thing was addressing the Kiev immigration services.
Despite having a legal duty to maintain confidentiality, they share the
information they receive with the criminal investigations' department.
However, I had already gone via the legal route, so I had no choice.
According to international procedure, I was obligated to ask for refugee
status in the country where I was. Of course I took precautions and did
everything as carefully as possible, consulting with the lawyer.
Everyone at the Kiev immigration services was shocked by my visit and my
story. The employees there are quite shameless idlers who aren't
prepared to do their job. Nevertheless I carefully stated everything,
and they were obliged to consider my case right away. I explained that I
had no phone number, but that I would call them periodically, to learn,
how things were progressing and being processed. It lasted four months,
all the while I was collecting documents for the UNHCR.

- Nevertheless you were still under international warrant and being
searched for, besides the fact that you were in the Ukraine without
proper documents. Were there times when you were stopped casually by
police officers? When they tried to detain you?

- I basically did whatever I could in order not to attract attention. I
grew my hair out, wore a suit with ironed out trousers and polished
shoes. I also wore glasses with zero lenses for the additional image of
intelligence. When you look like that, you won't be stopped for id
checks. Obviously you are either going to work, or coming from work.
Just in case however, I always had enough money for a pay off in case
such a situation came up. It's important to say that in Ukraine the
police is overly corrupt and that played right into my hands. There was
only one time when I broke my own rule and went out to a shop after
midnight. I wanted to buy kefir. The district was restless, and late in
the night with kefir in my hands I stirred the suspicion of patrolmen.
But I managed to tell them the exact address of the house next to mine
and pointed to it with my hand, proving that I lived there, and convince
them that I had left my passport at home.

- Were there any specific attempts to catch you? What do you know about
the steps taken by investigators? How did you assure your own safety?

- Of course, after asking for refugee status I didn't relax and lived as
I had before. I didn't tell anyone about my location, even my parents
didn't know the country and the city where I was hiding. Though my
father certainly guessed. Lots of my friends in Kiev found out that I
had been hiding in their city, only after my arrest. So I didn't relax.
On the contrary, I was always vigilant. I was watching the address which
I had left at the immigration services. Both the local Kiev police as
well as the Moscow region police showed up in the area around this
address. My Moscow sources had informed me that Moscow region police had
gone after me. And it was true. They showed up, and decided to visit the
address I had specified at the immigration services. Having guessed in
advance that such a situation was likely to take place, I had left the
address of a girl I actually knew though I never went to her flat. I
asked the girl to convince cops in such a situation that I really lived
with her in her apartment, just that I'm not there at that particular
moment.

When they came to the apartment asking her whether she knew where Denis
Solopov was living, she let them in the house and even showed them my
presumed room. Then she wrote me all about it over e-mail and said that
she had been questioned by Kiev police, but that she also recognized
Moscow cops. Though they had been silent the whole time in order not to
squeal on their Moscow accent. Then, she had looked out the window and
had seen two cars with four people each, and the small bus with curtains
at the windows.

The second time around only local police came led by the colonel.
Everything was the same, only this time they left some nonprofessional
surveillance all over the house. I was informed about that, and I
decided to go there to observe them from the house next door. Then I
called my friend and asked her to leave the house and to go to a cafe so
that the cops would reveal themselves for certain. It was amusing. To
watch those who watch.

- So you clearly understood the risk involved in going to the
immigration services. Why did you go there to get a rejection? You were
arrested there, eventually.

Yes, I went there even though I knew I would get a rejection. Regarding
the risk of getting arrested, it was fifty/fifty. Still, there was the
hope that the Ukrainian cops would simply decide not to mess with a
scandal waiting to happen. However, when I walked out the door, having
gotten the rejection, I realized immediately that they had surrounded
the building from all sides. I didn't have any desire to run away, so I
decided to stay calm. One of them, in a gray hood, approached me,
presented himself and asked for my documents. Immediately, some more of
them came close to me. They came out of two cars. Then even more of them
appeared. There were lots of them and all were in civilian clothes. I
was even pleased by such serious concern. Some of the young ones, as
always, had started to show off, trying to break my arms. They put me in
handcuffs, put me in the car, and sat down close to me, one on each
side. Well, as it usually goes, they started to ask the standard
ridiculous questions: «What did you really do? Why were you so high on
an international wanted list if it was just about hooliganism?» They
took photographs for themselves with their phones.

I actually even felt a kind of relief. Now, I no longer depended on
myself. The measures that I had taken in advance, now had to work for
me. The main thing was to inform my lawyer of what was happening as soon
as possible. I even fell asleep in the car on the way to the police
station. There, they took my fingerprints, photographed me and filled
out some forms. For sure their Russian was really bad, even worse, than
the Russian of our police force. I had to try hard to complete
everything fast and without any mistakes.

You remember what happened next. I was sent to the office of the deputy
chief of the investigatons' department of Solomensky ROVD. He asked me
some questions and told me he didn't wish me any harm. He told me
there'd been rumors that I might be killed while in prison. «You
disturbed someone very important». Well, there had been quite some
rumors going around about me. Eventually all of them left and I was
alone in the office. At that moment the door slammed, and it broke.
While they had a meeting about the door lock and were swearing, accusing
me that I'd slammed the door intentionally, I used their computer and
found out that it was connected to the Internet. I then went on Facebook
and informed you and several other friends about the situation. This
information reached the lawyer immediately. He arrived quickly and began
working on the necessary documents. I did nothing.



-Tell us your impression of the first days in prison. What do the
convicts of Lukjanovskaya prison look like?

-A police paddy wagon arrived to the office and I was transferred to the
temporary detention facility. It appeared quite flashy: it was clean,
bright, with hot water, edible meals and clean linen, almost like a spa
resort. Later I learned that it had been built especially to show off in
front of Europeans. There I met different criminals: one murderer, a con
artist and a professional athlete, who was seriously beaten up by the
police, I don't remember for what. Then I was transferred again to
Lukjanovka. There were a lot of people, we talked a little, I became
acquainted with some of them. At first they separated ex-police officers
from us and the snitches, searched everyone and eventually put us in
quarantine. It was a big room for forty people, mostly first-time
convicts. Conditions were awful there: dirty, humid, most packages never
reached people. Everyone had to sit there for several days. It was quite
cold, but the plank iron beds had no mattresses on them. I caught a
serious flu, was lying there with a high temperature. But I also became
acquainted with a lot of people.

The overwhelming majority had been sentenced for nonsense. There were a
lot of addicts, mostly methamphetamine addicts, not heroin. They
gathered in groups to discuss their experiments on how and what to cook
into drugs. To tell the truth, I was enraged by these conversations. But
most of the convicts were not even addicts but just poor guys. Small
robberies, ridiculous hundred grivnas thefts from supermarkets, well,
different drunken assaults and murders. A perfect example was a homeless
guy who'd broken off a huge litter-bin and dragged it to scrap metal
yard for several kopecks. For such things they put people in prison too.
I suppose it's being done this way to make sure the prisons are always full.

There were also very interesting people. It's interesting to talk about
many of them. My first cell was filled with con artists sentenced for
economic crimes. That cell was considered very civilized. In general,
there were quite a lot of interesting people. Then a guard came, I still
remember his surname, Berezovsky. He called me and said: «I have to
transport you to a special block». I didn't want to go, though I knew
that the special block is quite normal too, and in general there were
vip-convicts. But anyway I didn't want to move, because I was already
acquainted with everyone. One of them was a tattooer from Zhukovsky,
Russia. I told him that I draw too. Together we drew sketches on
bed-sheets with a gel pen. In the evening a guard came and told me I was
going to move.

I came into a new cell. The room was small (three places), clean, very
tidy, there was a refrigerator. There was one quiet old intelligent guy
making a salad. He immediately started to talk to me on a first-name
basis. He introduced himself: "Valery Vladimirovich". We greeted each
other. I told him that I was awaiting extradition to Russia according to
the article on "hooliganism", but that in fact it was a political case.
He named his articles: «excess of official powers» and «misappropriation
of state property».

I thought that the colonel was probably quite important, and later I saw
on TV that he was the vice Minister of Defense Ivaschenko. I told him
about Khimki. Now we understood that neither of us was a liar. We
communicated normally though we were people of different age and social
status. He taught me how to play chess. I left him my drawings. The
worst thing in the special block is the lack of communication.
Communication with relatives is only possible through the lawyer.

-Who else would you like to talk about from the special block?

I met a lot of different people in the special bock of the prison. For
example, I met the director of "Kievgorstroj-2" Sergey Ivanovich Kushch,
who supervised over many building projects. I presented him one of my
paintings on his Birthday. One week prior to my release, Sergey Kostakov
was also released. He was sentenced for disorder during the «Tax Maidan»
in Kiev. He wasn't in the special block, but close to us. I got
acquainted with him, while we were being taken to court. A lot of people
supported him, including 20 deputies. He had heard about Khimki as well,
when it had been shown on TV among other current events. Not as detailed
as in Russia, of course, but Ukrainian people knew about the situation.
Kostakov is a very calm person. I also often saw a fat amusing American
Fletcher, the millionaire who created a financial pyramid. He didn't
speak to anyone, but I saw him frequently. In general, the elite walks
in the prison-yard. In comparison to the regular prison standards, our
sports court was really huge.

-What is your impression of the political situation in Ukraine after
talking to some of the main characters in various scandals?

-Most information I just heard from ordinary convicts. In general, in
prison, Yanukovych is considered an unworthy president. He was a «goat»,
and he was sentenced for having almost raped someone. It is said that
the real power in Ukraine is with the Donetsk clan and he is just one of
their puppets. When he came to power even drivers in the government
garage, old professionals, had been replaced by Donetsk drivers. There
are a lot of stories about takeovers of small and medium businesses by
Donetsk clan members.

-Tell us the story of your sentence in the segregation cell. What were
you locked up there for on the 9th of May? And don't forget to tell
about how you painted it.

-Well, it was the 9th of May. A holiday. Suddenly the guard comes in the
cell: «Gather your things for the segregation cell». «What for?» I asked
him. «It's none of my business. My business is to take you there. Ask
officials about the reason».

I gathered my things, and then I was taken away. Everyone who was to be
closed up in the punishment cell was gathered up. Then they took me for
a search. There they took everything we had. We weren't allowed to take
anything: neither cigarettes, nor books. We were then taken to warden.
The chief warden and his deputies were there. There was a queue for the
segregation cell. One of his deputies asked me:

- Do you know, what you are being punished for?

- No.

- How? Your phone was taken from you in the cell.

And he told me the date.

- We hadn't been searched on that day, and no phones had been taken from
us. Show me the report.

- Here's the report, sign it. And he gave me the paper.

- I won't sign.

- You will regret it. Ten days of segregation cell.

The warden was looking at it silently. Then he said:

- What cell are you from?

- The fifteenth.

- Who else is there?

- Ivaschenko.

- To figure it out, - he told the deputy.

Convicts advised me not to argue. If I argued I would get the maximum
sentence. Suddenly, before transferring us to the segregation cells, the
guard entered and said: «Solopov, go home» (in the direction of my
cell). It appeared, that I was to return to my cell because I hadn't
signed that report. The next day the prison warden called me and kindly
told me in private: «Well, I have decided not to punish you severely.
I'll punish you with a sentence in the segregation cell. Just two days
in order that you understand what it's like». So they punished me. I
still don't know what for. Later they even apologized.

Well, the segregation cell had naked concrete walls, a concrete bowl and
a hole in the floor as a toilet. The most pleasant thing was the wooden
floor, because the cot was screwed to the wall during the whole day, so
you couldn't sit on it. There was nothing to do in general. You couldn't
have a normal meal. Meal in segregation is a mixed fodder that you can
only eat if you're starving. The only edible thing was bread, and only
with tea.

Being bored, I broken off some kind of stalactites from plaster, and it
became a piece of chalk for me. Besides that I took a piece of crude
crumbly black concrete. I had two colors. Using them I drew a sofa on
the wall, where there was the cot, two pictures in frames and on the
blank wall a slightly opened door. I tried hard and the result was not
so bad. I worked conscientiously on the perspective. The next day
security guards were delighted and they took pictures on their mobile
phones. They verbally abused me, as was their duty, but in fact they
called everyone to come and have a look.

- You mentioned your paintings. How many works did you create while you
were in prison?

- Besides the picture I gave you from prison, where I drew the cell, I
worked on some other pieces. I gave "Ronald-balanderand" (“balanda” is a
Russian prison slang for “meal” and “balander” is a prisoner who
delivers “balanda” - transl.) to Sergey Ivanovic Kushch from
"Kievgorstroj". It was of Ronald McDonald carrying a meal like a
prisoner. But I didn't explain all the meanings I had put into that
painting. He with his cell mate, the head of some village council, often
philosophized about this work during their walks. I also made one work
around the situation in Libya and Gaddafi. I made one about refugees.
All my works had some social relevance, connected to my actual
circumstances, but I don't want to describe them in words. I hope, they
will be available to a larger public in some time.

- You're a participant in the 4th Moscow Biennale of Contemporary Art.
Are we going to see your exposition in Moscow?

- Yes, definitely. I will do my best to make it happen. I hope, it will
be possible to show some of the paintings I made in the remand prison.
Thanks, by the way, to all who made an effort to exhibit my works in
Moscow and Kiev while I was imprisoned. I am ready to create more varied
and especially controversial works. In fact, the idea of having my own
exhibition came up in my head while I was hiding and there was something
on TV about an attack on an art gallery. It was situated in the old
building of the Khimki administration and, as was explained by one of
Khimki officials, was in fact the actual target of the antifa attack -
OS. I then decided to draw some pictures on canvases (before my arrest I
had finished only one) and with the help of my friends make an
exhibition in Moscow. It would be cool: I'm in the international search,
and there is my exhibition in Moscow. I also had an idea to arrange an
auction after the exhibition, and donate the money to the Khimki art
gallery.

- You're a professional jeweler. Your status in a new country would
allow you to get an additional education, there is a jewelery industry
in the Netherlands. Are you going to work as a jeweler?

- Yes, I will try. I hope, I will have the possibility to find a job,
allowing me not only to earn enough money to live happily, but also to
help provide my parents a better life.

- You're moving to a prosperous European country, where you will have
social security and will be able to get a free education and the chance
to work. Are you satisfied with the role of emigrant?

- No, the life of an emigrant doesn't suit me. Thanks, of course, to the
Netherlands for the residence permit, but this country is unfamiliar to
me, with its specific rules. I'm a Russian person, grew up in my
country, with its own culture, and at the first possibility I will
return home. The conflict with the state doesn't cancel out that it's my
homeland. And, being abroad, I want to influence life in my country. I
have left only to go back. I'm not a dissident, dreaming to run away.

- After a year, what do you think? What consequences did the events in
Khimki have on you, your relatives and friends?

- Well, on the one hand, many have suffered from the reprisal actions of
the Moscow region police. On the other hand, it was the real revolt of
thinking youth. It was not an oppositional action, not a banal protest.
It was a revolt against Evil, against the people who symbolize true
extremism across all Russia.

I'm often being asked such a simple question: «Would you have behaved
the same way a year ago if you had known about consequences?». My answer
is: «Definitely». Yes, all of us have suffered from the consequences.
But we have proved that ordinary kids if they are ready to unite, are
capable to put fear into shit-eating officials. In present day Russia
this is worth its weight in gold.

- What would you tell the investigators who worked on your case?

- Of course I could say: «Haha, you're losers, I got out of prison and
bypassed you». But I don't want to say that. Who are these
investigators? They are subordinates who are generally too frightened to
admit that they are the slaves of their bosses, deceiving themselves
that things are otherwise. Many of them understand that they're forced
to be engaged in this mess and make up extremism. Perhaps there are also
sincerely ridiculous people who believe in what they do. These fools do
not see the extremists in officials and instead search for them in
housing districts. I also want to tell such guys that when they catch
thinking people, it would be desirable, if they too reflected on this.
And I want to wish them to have respect for themselves. Of course if
they have any code of honor at all, if not the officers' code, then at
least the basic human code of honor.

- Do you have anything to add?

- Thanks to everyone for whom my destiny wasn't indifferent. Thanks to
all the people who helped me and my relatives. These are hundreds, if
not thousands people in different cities and countries. I have met many
of them while I was hiding and when I was in prison, some I'd known
earlier, and many of them I haven't met to this day. They are people
with different views, often even opposing views, with different
destinies and positions in society, but I am sincerely grateful to each
one of them. And I hope that with each story such as this one these good
people will believe more in their strength.

http://inter.antifa.ru/page/denis-solopov-cross-the-border-before-its-not-too-late#cut

(through
https://avtonom.org/en/news/cross-border-its-not-too-late-escape-story-denis-solopov-his-own-words)

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Friday, September 23, 2011

Petition in defense of Belarus imprisoned anarchists

Sept. 21, 2011 Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow

The last European dictator is now trading people's freedom for loans
from the west. He has now set 24 political prisoners free. Please find
below links to the petition to liberate Belorussian anarchists. The
petition has also been signed by members of several political parties
and organisations in Belarus and abroad:

Alexandr Feduta, journalist

One of the first to sign was journalist Alexandr Feduta, former cellmate
of anarchist Igor Olinevich in KGB pre-trial detention prison. I shared
a cell for one month with Igor Olinevich and have signed this petition
with full conscience because I know: this guy has received eight years
in prison for nothing, just because he hasn't surrendered and didn't
admit fault", - admitted Alexandr Feduta in his blog.

Anatoly Lebedko, Chairman of United Civil party (Belarus) said
"As to Igor and others, it is a case with underlying political reason.
Authorities needed to show a successful fight with "local terrorism".
It's very easy to show that in conditions of absence of an independent
judicial system. Besides I have spent more than a month with Igor in one
cell, and have concluded my own opinions about him, as a person and a
citizen. United Civil Party considers that in the conditions of absence
of an independent judicial system, in a situation of ceaseless hunting
for dissidents, the detainees of the "arson case" could and should be
considered political prisoners".

Sergey Martselev, former leader of Nikolay Statkievich's electoral
headquarters
"I have spent a month in one cell with Igor Olinevich. He is courageous
and person of principles, charges against of him are based on false
denunciations, therefore I want to join the petition in his defence," -
noted Sergey Martselev.

Igor Lyalkov, first deputy chairman of the party BNF
"Anarchists - political prisoners, without their liberation the dialogue
with Lukashenko is impossible. It is the position of Party BNF and of
all reasonable people," - considers the first deputy chairman of the
party BNF Igor Lyalkov.

Andrzej Pochobut, journalist of Polish newspaper GazetaWyborcza
"I've also signed this petition. After litigation and statements of
witnesses about the pressure upon them there was a steady sensation that
Nikolay Dedok, Alexandr Frantskevich and Igor Olinevich were simply
appointed guilty, and "the most humane court in the world" has banally
executed the order of special forces." - journalist Andrzej Pochobut,
political prisoner condemned in July 2011 for 3 years conditionally
under the article 367 of Criminal Code "Slander of the President".

Kiryll Atamanchik, coordinator of youth initiative StudAlliance
"It's insulting to see such situation in the country. People are getting
thrown into prison on forged cases, their friends and relatives are
threatened. Just like in a country with occupational martial law. Horror
... With Nikolay Dedok I've been in correspondence through LJ. It was
interesting to always have constructive discussions with him. It's very
nice when young men in any country have such civic consciousness and
it's twice more pleasant that there are such people in Belarus where it
is so necessary. The student's community of EHU from the very beginning
consistently supported Nikolay Dedok's liberation. Litigation which
sentenced Nikolay for four and a half years of prison was ridiculous.
The Law in Belarus was soaked with mud and thrown in the trash. I, my
friends, and also my colleagues, we will all make efforts to make it as
soon as possible for Nikolay to leave the cells of that establishment
where there should be those who judged it ", - the publicist and the
coordinator of youth initiative StudAlliance Cyril Atamanchik said.

Nikita Lihovid, ex-political prisoner
"They are condemned for political reasons. Personally for me, they are
political prisoners, therefore their liberation should be demanded
together with defendants of the December 19th case and on the
Lobov-Dashkevich case. All of them together are political prisoners," -
says ex- political prisoner Nikita Lihovid who has spent 81 days in a
penal insulator of the Novopolotsk colony.

Pavel Vinogradov, ex-political prisoner
"With Alexander Frantskevich I have spent some months in a pre-trial
detention center, and then other 3 months in "The Wolf Holes Prison".
Where of course we were also in contact, though we were in different
groups. On 9th of September Mirzayanov and Lobov and I were all
suggested to sign the petition for pardon, but he has refused (as well
as all of us). I think that all of them should be set free (anarchists -
ed.), as I'm aware of the pressure upon them during the investigation
and how the court proceedings took place "," - the former political
prisoner Pavel Vinogradov admits.

The petition has also been signed by members of several political
parties and organisations in Belarus and abroad:.
Nikolai Khalezin, Art Director at Belarus Free Theatre.
Aleh Novikau, chairman of Belorussian "Green" party.
Yury Glushakov, deputy chairman of Belorussian "Green" party.
Ales Mihalevic, ex-candidate for the presidential post and nowadays
political emigrant
Alexey Shidlovsky, one of the first Belorussian political prisoners,
political emigrant
Irina Khalip, journalist and editor, wife of the ex-candidate Andrey
Sannikov

Russian http://www.petitiononline.com/6polit/petition.html
English
http://www.gopetition.com/petitions/in-defense-of-belarus-imprisoned-anarchists.html
Brief review of the process of Belarusian anarchists
http://spring96.org/en/news/43788

source:
http://avtonom.org/en/news/petition-defense-belarus-imprisoned-anarchists

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Saturday, August 20, 2011

Documentaries about the prosecution of anarchists in Belarus

English version of the documentary "Disregarding The Law" and "Anarchy.
Direct action. Impartial" version are now available in the internet. The
movies tell the story of the repressions of anarchists in Belarus in
september 2010 - may 2011.

Short description of the "Anarchy. Direct action. Impartial":

“The documentary was created in winter 2011 by ABC Belarus to cover the
repressions of the anarchist movement in Belarus from september 2010 up
to february 2011. The movie include the comments from anarchists,
Russian and belarus officials, human right activists. ”

part 1: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W_T4v5EexYo (to see the subtitles
you should turn it on)



part 2: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZHPXB8zWF8Q (to see the subtitles
you should turn it on)



Short description of the "Disregarding The Law":

“Anarchists were prosecuted in Minsk (Belarus). They've decided to stand
up against the system. They attacked the stronghold of bureaucrats and
don't want to deal with tyranny. Prosecutor demand for them from 5 to 9
years of imprisonment. The investigation process is commented by the one
who escaped from the country.”

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5BidA6yOLcY (to see the subtitles you
should turn it on)



----------------------------------------------

You can help translating documentaries into different languages at
dotsub.com:

-"Disregarding The Law":
http://dotsub.com/view/c2ee667f-b0b3-4332-a8a5-9b3c6ec6a1ff
-"Anarchy. Direct action. Impartial p.1”:
http://dotsub.com/view/f9bf5490-ddf9-4e59-9cae-5fc9174b0768
-"Anarchy. Direct action. Impartial p.2”:
http://dotsub.com/view/7f901f27-5f9b-46cc-9552-d9b8d608de1f

---

Source:
https://avtonom.org/en/freenews/documentaries-about-prosecution-anarchists-belarus-are-now-available-internet-english

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Monday, July 04, 2011

New Addresses of Belarusian anarchist prisoners

Dedok Nikolai Aleksandrovich / Dziadok Mikalai Aliaksandravich*
IK-15, 213105, Mogilev, p/o Veino, Slavgorodskoe shosse, 5 km. KARANTIN
BELARUS

Frantskevich Aleksandr Vladimirovich / Frantskevich Aliaksandr
Uladzimiravich*
IK-22 “Volchi nory”, 225295 , Brestskaya obl., Ivatsevichski r-n, st.
Domanovo KARANTIN
BELARUS

Olinevich Igor Vladimirovich / Alinevich Ihar Uladzimiravich*
IK-10, 211440, Vitebskaya obl., Novopolotsk, ul. Tekhnicheskaya, 8 KARANTIN
BELARUS

Vaskovich Evgeni Sergeevich / Vas’kovich Jauhen Siarheevich (KGB attack)*
IK-15, 213105, Mogilev, p/o Veino, Slavgorodskoe shosse, 5 km. KARANTIN
BELARUS


During following weeks (or months) the prisoners are to stay in
quarantine unit, therefore please note KARANTIN on the envelope. Follow
the updates – when the number of the unit where the imprisoned will be
trasfered is known to us, we will change this information.

We will publish updated lists here, but right now we are having some
technical problems with the prisoner list:

http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Category:Prisoners_in_former_Soviet_Union

* The names are given both in Russian and Belarusian, but we recommend
to use the first one (Russian), as the prison register is conducted in
Russian.

** Quarantine is a period when the ‘fresh’ prisoner is kept not being
registered with a certain prison unit. During this time the prisoner is
examined by the medics and goes thru registration. May last for several
weeks or months.

source: http://avtonom.org/en/node/15992

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Friday, June 24, 2011

Silent revolution in Belarus

The situation in Belarus is now getting closer to the one that was
during the elections in December 2010 but now it seems to be more
massive and popular.

After the elections the economy collapsed without Russian dotations.
The local currency devaluated almost thrice. Therefore the national
bank limited the operations with foreign currencies wich led to smaller
banks' collapses, blocking currency accounts and cards and long lines
before the currency exschange points similar to those for toilet paper
and bread in the Soviet Union. The prices for most of the goods went up
by 100%. The big and small businesses that where dealing with import
are closing down as they can't buy the currency. Imported cigarettes,
hygiene goods, etc. have disappered. The petrol prices went up and
limitations were imposed on buying it for one car.

Social unrest grows and some groups already let their steam off.

Thus, on June 7 a second action "Stop Petrol!" was held by motorists in
Minsk and other cities of Belarus. They blocked the central avenues
with their cars as a protest against growing prices on the fuel. On the
whole 1600 participants took part in the action.
Video is here http://nn.by/?c=ar&i=55425

Thus, on June 12 a border crossing with Poland was blocked by the
people (about 200) who sell petrol and other cheap goods to Poland
which is sometimes their only way of earning money. This happened after
the border patrolrefused to let them cross the border.
Video is here http://nn.by/?c=ar&i=55641

On June 13 the same action happened on another border crossing. About
50 people came to protest.
Video is here http://nn.by/?c=ar&i=55712

Meantime, the notion of the "Silent revolution" came out as a
possibility to protest without being detained. The idea is to gather at
the central square of the city every Wednesday without any party
symbols, flags and slogans and just stand or walk up and down silently.
When the number of the people gets to a critical point people can start
real protests. the actions are organised through social networks.
The first action was ignored by the authority, journalists and most of
the population. The next week action (June 15) counted more than 1.500
in Minsk and about a 1000 in other cities. 240 people were detained,
just for standing and clapping hands.
Video and pics http://nn.by/?c=ar&i=55856

Lukashenko condemned the action and on June 21 passed the law that
forbids any mass gatherings at central squares of the city.

The action that took place yesterday, on June 22, gathered twice as
many people throughout the country and about 450 were detained and
beaten up.
Pics of detains taken one after another http://nn.by/?c=ar&i=56237
More pics http://news.tut.by/politics/231928.html
Video http://nn.by/?c=ar&i=56238

People detained during the actions are mostly fined with the sum equal
to their monthly salary, but the public raised money for most of them,
others received money from a right-watch organisation.

(Source and video: http://avtonom.org/node/15952)

Monday, June 06, 2011

Fue dictada la sentencia en el “caso de los anarquistas bielorrusos”: hasta ocho años de régimen aumentado por cargos inconsistentes

Fue dictada la sentencia en el “caso de los anarquistas bielorrusos”:
hasta ocho años de régimen aumentado por cargos inconsistentes


El 27 de mayo en la corte de la región Zavodsky de Minsk la juez Yanna
Jvoynitskaya dictó sentencia en el caso de los anarquistas bielorrusos
Ígor Olinevich, Nikolay Dedok, Alexandr Frantskevich, Maxim Vetkin y
Evgueny Silivonchik. Estos jóvenes fueron culpados de realizar una serie
de acciones políticas, entre las cuales se cuenta el ataque a la
embajada de le Federación Rusa en Minsk en agosto de 2010. Fueron
acusados según el artículo sobre “bandalismo premeditado” (parte II,
artículo 339 del Código Penal de Bielorrusia) y “destrucción premeditada
y daños a la propiedad privada” (parte II, artículo 218). Frantskevich
fue culpado también de “sabotaje informático”, “acceso ilegal a
información por ordenadores” y “desarrollo, uso y difusión de programas
dañinos” (parte II, art.349, parte II art. 351, 354 del Código Penal).
La corte los declaró culpables en la mayoría de las acusaciones.



Ígor Olinevich fue condenado a ocho años de privación de la libertad en
una cárcel de máxima seguridad (el procurador exigía 9 años).

Nikolay Dedok fue condenado a cuatro años y medio de privación de la
libertad en una cárcel de máxima seguridad (el procurador exigía 6 años).

Alexandr Frantskevich fue condenado a tres años de privación de la
libertad en una cárcel de máxima seguridad (el procurador pedía 5 años).

Maxim Vetkin fue condenado a cuatro años de libertad restringida y
enviado a un centro correccional abierto (precísamente esa condena
exigía el procurador). Hasta el momento de ser enviado a la
correccional, fue dejado en libertado condicional (antes Vetkin había
estado retenido).

Evgueny Silivonchik fue condenado a un año y medio de libertad
restringida y enviado a un centro correccional abierto (el procurador
exigía tres años).

Los acusados debieron pagar una multa de 100 millones de rublos
bielorrusos (algo así como 20 mil dólares) por daños a un automóvil de
la embajada rusa.

Olinevich, Dedok y Frantskevich niegan su culpabilidad en los hechos.
Vetkin y Silovonchik, en cambio, se declararon culpables y declararon en
contra de los otros acusados.

Valentina Olinevich, la madre de Ígor declaró después de que fue dado el
dictamen de la corte: “si antes arrestaban a los hijos de otras
personas, nosotros creíamos que no era nuestro problema. Pero hoy
arrestaron a nuestros hijos, mañana serán los hijos de alguien más.
Todos debemos estar alerta! No permitamos que esto siga sucediendo!”.
Además llamó la atención acerca del papel infame que ha jugado Rusia en
la suerte de Ígor: “Rusia ha permitido que en su territorio secuestren a
las personas. Esto es una infame violación a los derechos humanos, que
ha venido sucediendo bajo el consentimiento de las autoriades del país”.
Recordemos que el 28 de junio Ígor Olinevich fue secuestrado en Moscú
por agentes de las fuerzas especiales e ilegalmente llevado al calabozo
de la KGB de Minsk.

Alexandr Dedok, padre de Nikolay y abogado de muchos años de
experiencia, muchos de ellos incluso como juez, declaró a los medios de
comunicación: “Durante el juicio se cometieron varias violaciones al
procedimiento legal. Se destaca, en primer lugar, la inconsistencia de
las acusaciones. Esta sentencia es injusta e ilegal. Una corte imparcial
y legal no los habría sentenciado”. Alexandr Dedok hizo un paralelo
entre este proceso y el proceso de los “hechos del 19 de diciembre”,
cuando fueron acusados los participantes de una acción de protesta
contra la adeluteración de las elecciones presidenciales.

La Cruz Negra Anarquista de Bielorrusia declaró que las sentencias
tienen motivaciones políticas y que las acusaciones son inconsistentes.
Además, todas las acciones y participaciones ficticias de las cuales
fueron juzgadas estas cinco personas, no poseen carácter violento, pues
como resultado de ellas ni una sola persona fue atacada ni sufrió
lesiones. La mayoría de dichos “ataques” contra diferentes objetos
tenían un carácter simbólico, y los daños que sufrieron fueron
insignificantes.

Podés ver la transmisión de la sala de acusaciones y obtener
información más detallada de los últimos días del proceso en la página
belarus.indymedia.org

"Не признающие законов":
http://rutube.ru/tracks/4469719.html
es una película documental sobre el proceso de los anarquistas bielorrusos.

Cruz Negra Anarquista de Bielorrusia

http://avtonom.org/es/node/15834

Escribidle a los presos políticos bielorrusos!

Hace pocos días unos anarquistar bielorrusos recibieron una sentencia
en prisión considerablemente larga que no corresponde a los cargos que
contra ellos se habían levantado. Es evidente que la corte sentenció tan
fuertemente a los acusados, que no se declararon culpables, para imponer
el terror a todos aquellos que intentan cambiar algo en la sociedad. La
serie de represiones en Bielorrusia en los últimos tiempos es una prueba
de que los anarquistas se han convertido en una amenaza real para el
estado, para Lukachenko y sus secuaces, ya temerosos de la situación.
Tienen miedo de los jóvenes que con sus manifestaciones han demostrado
que no todo el país calla y se somete por temor a perder lo poco que
tiene.

Durante el próximo mes, estos anarquistas condenados seguirán siendo
mantenidos en los lugares de retención en donde han estado los últimos
meses. Por eso este es el mejor momento para escribirles y expresarles
todo vuestro apoyo!

Nikolay Aleksándrovich Dedok, 4 años y medio de prisión. Ulitsa
Vologarskovo N. 2 CIZO-1, Minks, Bielorrusia, C.P. 220050.

Aleksandr Frantskevich, 3 años de prisión. Ulitsa Volo Ulitsa
Vologarskovo N. 2 CIZO-1, k. 46, Minks, Bielorrusia, C.P. 220050.

Ígor Vladímirovich Olinevich, 8 años de prisión. a-ya 8, Glavpochtamp,
Minsk, Bielorrusia, C.P. 220050,

A continuación publicamos las impresiones del publicista Alexandr
Feduta, quien estuvo en la misma selda con Ígor Olinevich en el CIZO de
la KGB.

***
La Corte y el caso

Yo estuve en la misma celda con Ígor Olinevich. Yo era el mayor de los
cinco que estábamos allí (las celdas están diseñadas para cuatro
personas). Tengo 46 años, y el siguiente por edad era Kirill, que tiene
29 años. En la mesilla teníamos “Cien años de soledad” y “Vida y
Destino”. Antes de que yo llegara, en esa misma celda había estado
Lebedko. Ígor es un anarquista convencido. Discutíamos frecuentemente
con él, hasta quedarnos afónicos. “Usted, Alexandr, es simplemente un
marxista!”, me decía Ígor molesto. “Marxista” para él es un insulto.
Habiendo leído a Kropotkin y Bakunin, él está convencido de que el
estado no debe ir desapareciendo con el tiempo, sino ser destruido, y de
que el verdadero revolucionario no es aquel que intenta modernizar el
estado, sino el que quiere destruirlo. Y debe destruirlo ahora mismo,
inmediatamente, sin esperar el día de mañana! Ígor es alto, de frente
alta. Trabajó como ingeniero en “Integral”, donde tenía una brillante
carrera como profesional y hombre inteligente de negocios, donde rige la
jerarquía. Estoy seguro de que si quisiera, podría conseguir todo lo que
quisiera en este sentido. Pero a Ígor le preocupan más otras cosas, y en
lugar continuar con los juegos de rol sobre los que apasionadamente les
contaba a sus compañeros de celda, prefirió empezar a estudiar
profundamente el pensamiento anarquista clásico. Rusia lo traicionó.
Estaba en Moscú, en un café esperando a un amigo, que no llegaba.
Finalmente lo llamó. Vio cómo desde el otro lado de la calle un par de
tipos prácticamente iguales, vestidos de forma que la ropa no les
estorbara pegar y atrapar a agluien, se dirigían hacia el café. “Vienen
por mí” pensó Ígor. Según me parece, Ígor no se equivocaba en el momento
de valorar las relaciones entre el estado y el individuo. Los tipos no
le mostraron ninguna orden, simplemente lo tomaron, lo subieron al coche
y todo el trayecto desde Moscú hasta Minsk lo mantuvieron esposado. Ese
día no figura en ningún documento. “Así es siempre” me decía. “Y no
llamó a nadie en la plaza?”, “Y usted qué haría con ellos, Alexandr?”,
ironizaba este chico rapado con un pequeño mechón de pelo arriba de la
nuca. “Qué, cantarles una canción? Se debe llamar a la gente cuando
estás listo para el asalto, y ustedes, qué decían, alto! Manifestación
pacífica! Una bobada es todo eso, una bobada. Las manifestaciones no
pueden ser pacíficas. Hay que estar preparado para el asalto del poder”.
Pero bueno, precísamente por estar preparados para ese asalto es que
juzgaron y condendaron a estos chicos anarquistas. A los nuestros les
dieron unas condenas terribles, pero a estos, les dieron peores. Las
organizaciones de defensa de los derechos humanos no consideran a los
anarquistas presos ideológicos, sino bándalos. En este caso están del
lado de la corte bielorrusa. Pero el juicio no fue justo, de eso estoy
más que seguro.

PD.: Strughkofrendy, me habéis convencido. No deberíamos hablar de
presos de conciencia, sino de presos políticos.

http://feduta.livejournal.com/669357.html

http://avtonom.org/es/node/15834

Sunday, May 29, 2011

You are the best! Thank you from ABC-Belarus

Today, when the sentence was passed on Belarusian anarchists, Anarchist
Black Cross-Belarus considers it a must to say the words of gratitude
that had accumulated during the 8.5 months of waiting and struggle.

Out experience has proven that really ‘a friend in need’s a friend indeed’.

First of all we would like to express gratitude to all the people,
groups, collectives and organisations which responded to our calls for
solidarity with Belarusian anarchists.

We got support from Moscow, St. Petersburg, Omsk, Novorossiysk,
Irkutsk, Vladivostok, Ekaterinburg, Ufa, Kazan’, Cheboksary, Nizhniy
Novgorod, Volgograd, Voronezh, Belgorod, Rjazan’, Smolensk, Simferopol,
Mariupol, Donetsk,whole, within 8 months 74 solidarity actions of all
kinds took place, from info-meetings and leaflets spread to radical
actions (the blockade of the Moscow-Minsk road, attacks on KGB, police
stations and detention facilities). Kyiv, Lviv, Chishinau, Minsk,
Bobruisk, Gomel, Grodno, Bereza, Zhlobin, Vilnius, Riga, Lublin, Warsaw,
Szczecin, Budapest, Prague, Sofia, Vienna, Tirol, Berlin, Rostock,
Hamburg, Marcelle.

On the whole, within 8 months 74 solidarity actions of all kinds took
place, from info-meetings and leaflets spread to radical actions (the
blockade of the Moscow-Minsk road, attacks on KGB, police stations and
detention facilities).
After some actions our comrades got sentenced to 7 (arson of KGB in
Bobruisk) and 8 years of prison (Ihar Alinevich – the attack on the
detention facility with the demand to set free the arrested anarchists).

Just imagine how important was EVERY action, any news from outside that
nobody is forgotten and nothing is forgiven, for the guys behind the
bars. We took every opportunity to pass all the information about your
concern to them.
*You can view the solidarity map here:
http://www.umapper.com/maps/view/id/77883/

The same words of gratitude we want to say to those who helped us
financially (gathered money in the concerts, organised benefit-gigs and
info-meetings, passed money from collectives and individuals). With your
help the arrested got timely lawyer’s help and all the necessary things.
We’d like to point out those who helped organise the ABC-tour.

We also grateful to any person that helped in spreading information
about the repression in Belarus by all means, to every journalist that
took interest in our case and was unbiased covering the events. We’d
like to mention reporters from “Belsat”, “Nasha Niva”, Radio “Freedom”,
“Euroradio”, “Belgazeta”, “Novaya gazeta”, “ORT”. Without your support
the situation wouldn’t get so much publicity.

We are gratefull to right-watch organisations, such as “Spring96″,
“Belarusian Helsinki Committee”, “Amnesty International” for legal,
financial and informational support.

But still the warmest greetings go to the law-enforcement authorities.
We know that you read out web-sites so this message is especially for you.

Thanx for being the so-called sanitation force who picked out those who
doesn’t deserve to be called an anarchist. Now each of them is less free
than any o the guys who sentenced to prison terms because of them. Thanx
for opening our eyes of to them and we saw who is who.

Thanx for teaching us how to behave in your presence and under pressure
and for reminding us the importance of legal education.

Thanx for changing the outlook of our parents who were so vehemently
standing for us, that we were shoked ourselves. Now they are angry with
you, not with us.

Thanx for putting all kinds of pressure on us, that helped to finally
figure out the most important things in life and practice the will power.

We are grateful for this lesson. But we will mend our ways. For we have
just started our struggle.


source: http://www.autistici.org/abc-belarus/?p=295&lang=en

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Belarusian anarchists sentenced - up to 8 years of hard regime, evidence lacking

On the 27th of May, judge Zhanna Khvoynitskaya sentenced the Belarusian
anarchists Ihar Alinevich, Mikalaj Dziadok, Aliaksandar Frantskievich,
Maxim Vetkin and Yeveni Slivonchik. The young men were accused of a
number of political actions, amongst which was the attack against the
Russian embassy in Minsk in August of 2010.

Ihar Alinevich was accused of attacks against the Russian Embassy and
Belarusbank ("Property destruction with intent", statute 218 paragraph 3
of the Belarusian Criminal Codex), an attack against the remand prison
of Minsk (also statute 218, paragraph 2), an attack against a Casino and
an illegal demonstration at the military headquarters ("Aggravated
hooliganism", statute 339 paragraph 2 of Belarusian criminal codex). The
prosecutor asked for a 9 year sentence in hard regime, eventually he
received 8 years of hard regime (1).

Mikalaj Dziadok was sentenced for actions against a Casino, the military
headquarters and a yellow(2), state-controlled trade union, all
considered "aggravated hooliganism". The prosecutor demanded a 6 year
sentence of hard regime, he received 4.5 years of hard regime.

Aliaksandr Frantskievich was sentenced for actions against
state-controlled trade union, military headquarters and a police station
at Soligorsk, all considered "aggravated hooliganism", and also against
defacing website of city of Novopolotsk ("Electronic sabotage", "Illegal
access to electronic information", "Development, using or spreading
malware" (statute 349 paragraph 2, statute 351 paragraph 2, statute 354
of Belarusian criminal codex). Prosecutor demanded a 5 year sentence,
eventually he received 3 years of hard regime. Screenshots of the
action are available here:
http://belarus.indymedia.org/20141

Maxim Vetkin was sentenced for the actions taken at the BelarusBank and
the Russian Embassy in Minsk. He has been cooperating with the
investigation and giving testimony against the others. He was given a 4
year sentence in a low-security prison according to the prosecutor's
demands. He has been temporarily released.

Yevgeni Silivonchik was sentenced to 1.5 years in open regime prison for
the attack in Soligorsk. He has also cooperating with the investigation
and giving testimony against the other accused.

The accused have to compensate 100 million Belarusian rubles (around 20
000 dollars) in criminal damages to the respective institutions.

Alinevich, Dziadok and Frantskievich have been denying their
involvement, with the exception of the action at the military
headquarters. They are considering appealing their sentences, but the
appeal court may hand out even more severe sentences. The Strasbourg
court is not an option for the Belarusians, as Belarus is excluded from
the Council of Europe.

Valentina Alinevich, mother of Ihar, said "Yesterday someone else's
children were arrested, and we thought it was not our problem. Today
they arrest our children. Tomorrow they will arrest someone else's
children. People, be aware! Do not let it happen!". She also noted the
role of Russian Federation in the case of Ihar: "Russia accepted the
kidnapping of a person on its territory. It is an outrageous violation
of human rights, which took place in compliance with the Russian
authorities." Keep in mind, that on the 28th of November Ihar Alinevich
was kidnapped from Moscow by agents of an unconfirmed special service,
and illegally transferred across state borders to the remand prison of
the Belarusian KGB in Minsk.

Aliaksandr Dziadok, the father of Mikalaj and an experienced lawyer, who
has also worked as a judge, made the following statement to the press:
"There were plenty of violations during the court process. The
prosecution's case was not proven. The sentence is unjust and illegal.
An objective, law-abiding court would have dropped all charges against
the accused". Aliaksandr Dziadok made a comparison between the case
against the anarchists, and the case brought against those arrested
after the 19th of December (court cases against the latter, who
protested against the falsification of the general elections, which have
attracted sizeable international attention).

Anarchist Black Cross of Belarus considers the sentences politically
motivated, and the charges unproven. Besides this, all of the actions
for which the accused were sentenced, may be considered non-violent. No
living being was hurt as a consequence of the actions. Most of the
attacks were merely symbolical, and material damage was insignificant.

Reports from each day of the court are available on Belarussian
Indymedia and at http://www.avtonom.org/en/freebelarus.

"Defying the law", a documentary on the investigation and the court
cases against the Belarusian anarchists is available here:
http://rutube.ru/tracks/4469719.html
A version with English subtitles will be available in few days.

1. hard regime means less allowances in terms of visits, mails, and
packages and other "privileges"

2. yellow unions reject class struggle, oppose strikes and favor the
collaboration between capital and labor


Anarchist Black Cross Belarus

Addition from ABC Moscow:

On the 18th of May, another “Anarchist case” ended in Belarus – Yawgen
Vaskovich, Paval Syramalotaw and Artsyom Prakapyenka were each given 7
year sentences for a direct action against the KGB building in the city
of Bobruysk. A problem with this case has been that although media
perceived the three as anarchists, none of them had any connections to
the existing anarchist movement and thus attempts to contact someone
close to them and provide them with support prior to the court dates
failed. Hopefully, support may be provided during their lengthy prison
sentences.

Source: http://avtonom.org/en/node/15830

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia