Article [+PDF]: Chinguwo, Byrne, McGregor, van der Walt, “Why May Day matters to Malawi… History with anarchist roots”

Paliani Chinguwo, Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor and Lucien van der Walt, 1 May 2013, “Why May Day Matters to Malawi … history with anarchist roots”, The Nation, Labour Day Supplement, (Malawi), pp. 11-12.

pdflogosmallThe PDF is here

Malawi strikesWhy May Day matters to Malawi …History with anarchist roots

Paliani Chinguwo, Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor and Lucien van der Walt, 1 May 2013, “Why May Day Matters to Malawi … history with anarchist roots”, The Nation, “Labour Day Supplement,” (Malawi), pp. 11-12.

Introduction

When we celebrate May Day, we rarely reflect on why it is a public holiday in Malawi or elsewhere. We want to share the powerful struggles that lie behind its existence and the organisations that created it and kept its meaning alive. May Day, international workers day, started as a global general strike commemorating five anarchist labour organisers executed in 1887 in the US. Mounting the scaffold, August Spies declared:

“If you think that by hanging us, you can stamp out the labour movement – the movement from which the downtrodden millions, the millions who toil and live in want and misery – the wage slaves – expect salvation – if this is your opinion, then hang us! Here you will tread upon a spark, but there, and there, and behind you and in front of you, and everywhere, flames will blaze up. It is a subterranean fire. You cannot put it out.”

Anarchist* roots

May Day’s roots in the revolutionary workers’ movement are often forgotten. It arose from the anarchist movement – anarchism is often misunderstood. Anarchists such as Spies wanted society to be run by the ordinary workers and farmers, not capitalists or State officials. In place of the masses being ruled and exploited from above, society and workplaces should be run through people’s councils and assemblies, based on participatory democracy and self-management.

Anarchism was a global mass movement from the 1870s, including in the USA. Its stress on struggle from below for a radically democratic socialist society appealed to the oppressed in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Europe and the Americas.

The 1880s USA looked like China today: massive factories, poverty, slums, and the oppressed working class under the boots of the powerful, wealthy elite. Anarchist workers fought back. They were central to the US-wide general strike of May 1 1886, involving 300 000 workers. Unions demanded the eight-hour working day and justice for the masses.

Storm centre

Chicago was the storm centre: the third largest US city where the elite flaunted its wealth in the face of poor American and immigrant workers. Chicago saw the largest 1 May demonstrations, against the backdrop of terrible working conditions and poverty, worsened by economic depression.

The power of the Chicago movement rested not just on numbers, but also on revolutionary ideas. It was the anarchist International Working People’s Association (IWPA) that led the massive march of 80 000 people through Chicago, growing during the following days to 100 000.

IWPA leadership included black women like ex-slave Lucy Parsons, immigrant workers like Spies and Americans like Oscar Neebe and Albert Parsons.

Its Pittsburgh Proclamation called for ‘the destruction of class rule through energetic, relentless, revolutionary and international action’ and ‘equal rights for all without distinction of sex or race.’

Internationalist in outlook, the IWPA and the Chicago-based anarchist Central Labour Union (CLU) it led, fought for all working and poor people, regardless of race or nationality. It published 14 newspapers, organised armed self-defence and mass movements, and created a rich tapestry of revolutionary counter-culture like music.

Anarchists rejected elections in favour of mass organising and education. Elections, the IWPA said, achieved nothing much: the State was part of the system of elite rule; politicians were corrupted into the ruling elite. Instead, most IWPA activists stressed unions as the basis for genuine workers’ and farmers’ democracy: unions should undertake factory occupations, leading to an anarchist (free) society.

Haymarket martyrs

On May 3, Chicago strikers fought with scabs; police killed two strikers; the IWPA called a mass protest against police brutality at Haymarket Square. Here, an unknown person threw a bomb at police, who then shot dead many workers.

The Chicago elite used the clash to crackdown on anarchists. After a blatantly biased trial, eight anarchists were convicted of murder, falsely blamed against all evidence for the bombing.

Spies, Albert Parsons, George Engel and Adolph Fischer were hanged in 1887. Louis Lingg committed suicide instead. Samuel Fielden, Neebe and Michael Schwab got life sentences.

Rebuilding, anarchists and other socialists formed the Labour and Socialist International in 1889. This proclaimed May Day as Workers Day, a global general strike to commemorate the Haymarket Martyrs, fight for eight-hours, and build global workers unity.

So May Day began as an example of globalisation-from-below. And it continues to be a rallying point for workers everywhere, facing social and economic injustices 120 years on.

Struggles in Malawi

Malawians played an important role in unions in South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Famously, Clements Kadalie spear-headed the anarchist-influenced 100 000-strong Industrial and Commercial Workers Union.

In Malawi itself, unions can be dated to 1945, when the truck drivers and anti-colonial activists, Lawrence Makata and Lali Lubani, set up a Transport and General Workers Union, the Magalimoto. This was in the context of Blantyre City strikes by teachers, sanitation workers, domestic servants and rail workers.

While the British State rolled out labour reforms in its colonies from the 1940s, the aim was to contain unionism. Repression remained common, especially against politicised unions. Unions heaved a sigh of relief at Malawi’s self-government (1963) and independence (1964). They had suffered heavily, especially during the 1959 State of Emergency.

But while unions enjoyed cordial relations with the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) during the independence struggle, relations turned sour in 1964 as President Hastings Banda cracked down. When unions seemed to support ‘dissident’ Cabinet ministers, 14 out of 19 were de-registered. In 1965, Banda’s MCP placed unions under direct party control, a step to creating the one-party State, with Banda as President-for-Life.

Rejuvenated unionism

The 1980s IMF/World Bank-sponsored Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) imposed by Malawi’s elite, plus 1990s pro-democracy struggles across Africa, rejuvenated unionism.

On April 6 1992, veteran unionist, Chakufwa Chihana, shook the country by openly challenging the one-party State at Chileka Airport, upon return from South Africa. His arrest sparked a strike wave, starting on May 5. In 1993, the civil service experienced two mass strikes in health, education and transport for better wages and conditions.

The strikes met severe repression, echoing the US Haymarket events. In 1992 and 1993, dozens of workers were injured or detained by State security forces; others were killed. Finally, the MCP regime was forced from below to start respecting freedom of association and to loosen its grip on unions.

Malawi’s May Days

Under the one-party State, May Day was not a public holiday nor could unions organise independent May Days.

So, the first May Day in independent Malawi was in 1994. Held at the Ryalls Hotel in Blantyre just two weeks before the first multiparty general elections, and 11 months after a referendum in favour of elections, it was organised by the Hotels and Food Workers Union. Held, however, at a luxury hotel, without publicity and in the wake of State repression of dissidents and strikers, the event was poorly attended.

May Day became an official public holiday in 1995 under the newly-elected United Democratic Front (UDF) government – which included Chihana as Second Vice-President.

That year, the Trade Union Congress of Malawi (TUCM) held a widely publicised series of May Day activities at Kamuzu Stadium and a peaceful march. The then minister of Labour, Ziliro Chibambo, was present, as were employer representatives. When the minister saluted workers’ contributions to the independence and democracy struggles, promising to defend workers, the mammoth crowd jubilantly ululated.

That same minister was, however, lambasted by the UDF government, after investors complained bitterly of his speech. By the 1996 May Day commemorations, a new minister of Labour was in office. And only from 2004 did the State President start attending May Day events.

Today, tomorrow

While parliamentary democracy in Malawi and the reintroduction of free unionism, mark major advances for the working class, many problems remain.

SAP-style neo-liberal policies remain; many work for low wages or on small plots, and have in reality very little say over major issues; restrictions on free speech remain; police often use excessive force. In the Sadc region and Malawi in particular, an 8-hour day is still not a reality.

Conclusion: May Day today

The Haymarket Tragedy remains a symbol of countless struggles against capitalism, the State and oppression. Freedoms won in recent times rest on the sacrifices of martyrs like the IWPA anarchists, and the Malawian workers of 1959, 1992 and 1993.

May Day is a symbol of the unshakeable power of working class solidarity, and of remembrance for martyrs. It can serve as a rallying point for new anti-capitalist, participatory-democratic left resistance.

We need to defend and extend the legacy of the Haymarket affair, and to build the working class as a power-from-below for social change.

* For an in-depth analysis of anarchism’s roots and global history: Schmidt, M. & van der Walt, L. (2009). Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism. AK Press: San Francisco, contact: Lucien.vanderWalt@gmail.com

Credits

*Sian Byrne works for the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), South Africa. Warren McGregor is a lecturer at the University of Witwatersrand, South Africa; Lucien van der Walt lecturer at Rhodes University, South Africa; Paliani Chinguwo is a researcher at Southern Africa Trade Union Coordination Council, Botswana.

Reference

Paliani Chinguwo, Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor and Lucien van der Walt, 1 May 2013, “Why May Day Matters to Malawi … history with anarchist roots”, The Nation, Labour Day Supplement, (Malawi), pp. 11-12.

Read more of this post

[ONLINE ONLY] Shawn Hattingh and Lucien van der Walt, 2013, “Mandela, the ANC and the 1994 Breakthrough: Anarchist / syndicalist reflections on national liberation and South Africa’s transition”

[ONLINE ONLY] Shawn Hattingh and Lucien van der Walt, 2013, “Mandela, the ANC and the 1994 Breakthrough: Anarchist / syndicalist reflections on national liberation and South Africa’s transition,” for anarkismo.net here.

featured image

SUMMARY

The destruction of the apartheid state form, with its odious policies of coercion and racism, was a major triumph for the working class in South Africa and elsewhere, showing that ordinary people can challenge and defeat systems that seem quite unbreakable. Mandela did play a heroic role, but was also the first to admit that “It is not the kings and generals that make history but the masses of the people, the workers, the peasants, the doctors, the clergy.” And indeed, it was the black working class, above all, that through struggle tore down many features of apartheid by the late 1980s, such as the pass law system, the Group Areas Act and numerous other odious laws and policies.

The 1994 transition in South Africa was a political revolution, a break with the apartheid and colonial periods of state-sanctioned white supremacy, a “massive advance” in the conditions of the majority. It introduced a new state, based on non-racialism, in which South Africa was to be a multi-racial, multi-cultural but unified country, founded on human rights; welfare and social policy and legislation was transformed; capitalism was kept in place, but despite this, there were very massive and very real changes, political and material, that made qualitative differences in the daily lives of millions of black and working class people. And for millions, it is precisely the association of Mandela with that victory and with those changes that makes him so emotionally powerful.

Yet at the same time, Mandela’s policies and politics had important limitations that must be faced if the current quandary of South Africa, nearly 20 years later, is to be understood. Mandela never sold out: he was committed to a reformed capitalism, and a parliamentary democracy, and unified South Africa based on equal civil and political rights, a project in which black capitalists and black state elites would loom large. These goals have been achieved, but bring with them numerous problems that must be faced up if the final liberation – including national liberation – of South Africa’s working class is to be achieved.

The 1994 breakthrough was a major victory, but it was not the final one, for a final one requires a radical change in society, towards a libertarian and socialist order based on participatory democracy, human needs rather than profit and power, and social and economic justice, and attention to issues of culture and the psychological impact of apartheid.

As long as the basic legacy of apartheid remains, in education, incomes, housing and other spheres, and as long as the working class of all races is excluded from basic power and wealth by a black and white ruling class, so long will the national question – the deep racial / national divisions in South Africa, and the reality of ongoing racial/ national oppression for the black, Coloured and Indian working class – remain unresolved. And so long will it continue to generate antagonisms and conflicts, the breeding ground for rightwing populist demagogy, xenophobia and crime. By contrast, a powerful black elite, centred on the state and with a growing corporate presence, has achieved its national liberation.


Mandela, the ANC and the 1994 Breakthrough:
Anarchist / syndicalist reflections on national liberation and South Africa’s transition

Shawn Hattingh and Lucien van der Walt
Since Nelson Mandela’s death, thousands of articles and millions of people have paid tribute to him. They have rightly praised him for his stance against the apartheid state, which saw him spend 27 years in prison, his non-racialism, and his contribution to the struggle in South Africa. For much of his life Nelson Mandela was indeed the most prominent figure in the liberation struggles in Africa that were waged in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Read more of this post

[Analysis in TRANSLATION] Lucien van der Walt and Michael Schmidt, 2013, “Apresentando Chama Negra”

Portuguese translation of chapter one of Lucien van der Walt and Michael Schmidt, 2009, Black Flame: the revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism (AK Press, San Francisco, Edinburgh).  More information etc. about Black Flame here.

Source:  Instituto de Teoria e História Anarquista (ITHA) here.

pdflogosmallPDF is here and here

Michael Schmidt e Lucien van der Walt.

“Apresentando Chama Negra”

9 de agosto de 2013 ·

Michael Schmidt e Lucien van der Walt. “Apresentando Chama Negra

Esse texto é a introdução do livro Black Flame: the revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism [Chama Negra: a política classista e revolucionária do anarquismo e do sindicalismo de intenção revolucionária], de Michael Schmidt e Lucien van der Walt. Nele, os autores sulafricanos introduzem os argumentos que são abordados com mais detalhes no próprio livro, o qual constitui, sem dúvidas, um marco nas novas investigações do anarquismo, colocando as pesquisas em outro patamar. Enquanto o livro completo não é publicado no Brasil, o ITHA disponibiliza essa introdução no intuito de difundir, ao menos em parte, resultados das recentes pesquisas desses pesquisadores que, já sendo utilizados por alguns autores brasileiros, prometem contribuir determinantemente com o rumo das discussões sobre o anarquismo.

* Baixe o artigo completo aqui: Michael Schmidt e Lucien van der Walt – Apresentando Chama Negra

[Analysis in TRANSLATION] Lucien van der Walt, 2013, “(Re)Construindo um Cânone Anarquista e Sindicalista Global: resposta a Robert Graham e Nathan Jun sobre Chama Negra“

Portuguese translation of Lucien van der Walt, 2013, “(Re)Constructing a Global Anarchist and Syndicalist Canon – a response to Robert Graham and Nathan Jun on ‘Black Flame‘,”  ‘Anarchist Developments in Cultural Studies,’ special issue on ‘Blasting the Canon,’ No 1  (2013), pp. 193-203, which you can read here.

Source:  Instituto de Teoria e História Anarquista (ITHA) here.

pdflogosmallPDF is here and here

Lucien van der Walt

“(Re)Construindo um Cânone Anarquista e Sindicalista Global”

3 de outubro de 2013 ·

Lucien van der Walt. “(Re)Construindo um Cânone Anarquista e Sindicalista Global: resposta a Robert Graham e Nathan Jun sobre Chama Negra“.

Nesse breve texto, Lucien van der Walt, um dos autores de Black Flame [Chama Negra], debate com dois outros autores sobre a questão do cânone anarquista. Van der Walt apresenta reflexões teórico-metodológicas relevantes para os estudos do anarquismo; propondo uma metodologia histórica e sociológica, ele defende-se das acusações dos outros autores, de que sua abordagem seria restrita e dogmática, e demonstra que, distintamente, ela busca ser global e enfatiza o anarquismo como algo importante para os dias de hoje. Nega o argumento sustentado pelos autores, de que existem vários “anarquismos”, colocando que há, em termos históricos, uma ampla tradição anarquista, que compartilha princípios comuns e que possui em M. Bakunin e P. Kropotkin seus maiores representantes.

Esse texto, junto com outros que o ITHA está traduzindo, assim como a própria tradução do livro Chama Negra, visa proporcionar aos leitores de fala portuguesa o acesso a esse grande debate contemporâneo, central a nosso ver, sobre a teoria e a história do anarquismo.

* Baixe o artigo completo aqui: Lucien van der Walt – Reconstruindo um Cânone Anarquista e Sindicalista Global

[Analysis in TRANSLATION] Lucien van der Walt, 2013, “O Papel Histórico do Anarquismo: uma visão global“

Portuguese translation of Lucien van der Walt, February 2012, “Anarchism’s historical role: a global view,” Freedom, pp.  12-14, which you can read here

Source:  Instituto de Teoria e História Anarquista (ITHA) here.

pdflogosmallPDF is here and here 

Lucien van der Walt.

“O Papel Histórico do Anarquismo”

30 de outubro de 2013 ·

Lucien van der Walt. “O Papel Histórico do Anarquismo: uma visão global“.

Esse texto foi elaborado a partir de trechos de uma palestra proferida por Lucien van der Walt na livraria Freedom, de Londres, posteriormente publicada no periódico Freedom, em fevereiro de 2012. Nele, o autor discute brevemente algumas questões que motivaram a produção de Black Flame [Chama Negra], contestando o caso de que a Revolução Espanhola (1936-1939) foi uma exceção no anarquismo. Ele compara anarquismo e marxismo, discute o papel do anarquismo na criação dos primeiros sindicatos revolucionários na América Latina, retoma personagens e episódios importantes do anarquismo e do sindicalismo de intenção revolucionária relevantes na China, África do Sul,  Coréia e Ucrânia e discute a luta anticolonial anarquista. O texto foi complementado com material iconográfico disponibilizado pelo próprio autor.

Esse texto, junto com outros que o ITHA está traduzindo, assim como a própria tradução do livro Chama Negra, visa proporcionar aos leitores de fala portuguesa o acesso a esse grande debate contemporâneo, central a nosso ver, sobre a teoria e a história do anarquismo.

* Baixe o artigo completo aqui: Lucien van der Walt – O Papel Histórico do Anarquismo

[Analysis in TRANSLATION] Lucien van der Walt, 2012, “Kontra-moć, participativna demokracija, obrana revolucije: debata o Black Flame-u , revolucionarnom anarhizmu i historijskom marksizmu”

Croat translation of Lucien van der Walt, 2011, “Counterpower, Participatory Democracy, Revolutionary Defence: debating Black Flame, revolutionary anarchism and historical Marxism,” International Socialism: a quarterly journal of socialist theory, no. 130 , pp. 193-207, which you can read here.

Source: found here

pdflogosmallPDF is online here

Lucien van der Walt

Kontra-moć

Kontra-moć, participativna demokracija, obrana revolucije: debata o Black Flame-u , revolucionarnom anarhizmu i historijskom marksizmuIzdavački komitet Lokalne grupe Rijeka, 2012. Read more of this post

[Analysis in TRANSLATION] Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor &Lucien van der Walt, 2011, “Γιατί η Πρωτομαγιά είναι σημαντική: Ιστορία με αναρχικές ρίζες”

Greek translation of Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor &Lucien van der Walt, 2011, “Why May Day Matters: History with anarchist roots,” South African Labour Bulletin,  Volume 35, Number 1, pp. 51-53 which you can read here.

Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor &Lucien van der Walt

“Γιατί η Πρωτομαγιά είναι σημαντική: Ιστορία με αναρχικές ρίζες”

Όταν γιορτάζουμε την Πρωτομαγιά σπάνιες φορές γνωρίζουμε ή καταλαβαίνουμε γιατί η μέρα αυτή είναι αργία στη Νότια Αφρική και σε πολλά μέρη του κόσμου. Οι Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor και Lucien van der Walt διηγούνται την ιστορία των δυναμικών αγώνων που βρίσκονται πίσω από την Πρωτομαγιά και των οργανώσεων που δημιούργησαν αλλά διατήρησαν τη σημασία της ζωντανή.

Αντιμέτωπο με τη νεοφιλελεύθερη παγκοσμιοποίηση, το πλατύ κίνημα της εργατικής τάξης αναγκάζεται να παγκοσμιοποιηθεί από τα κάτω. Ο διεθνισμός της εργατικής τάξης δεν είναι κάτι νέο. Πρέπει να διδαχθούμε από το παρελθόν. Read more of this post

Article [+ PDF] Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor &Lucien van der Walt, 2011, “Why May Day Matters: History with anarchist roots”

Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor &Lucien van der Walt, 2011, “Why May Day Matters: History with anarchist roots,” South African Labour Bulletin,  Volume 35, Number 1, pp. 51-53

pdflogosmallPDF is online here

Why May Day matters

History with anarchist roots

When we celebrate May Day we seldom know or reflect on why it is a holiday in South Africa and in many parts of the world. Sian Byrne, Warren McGregor and Lucien van der Walt tell the story of powerful struggles that lie behind its existence and of the organisations that both created it and kept its meaning alive.Faced with neo-liberal globalisation, the broad working class movement is being forced to globalise-from-below. Working class internationalism is nothing new; we need to learn from the past.

May Day or international workers day started as a global general strike to commemorate five anarchist labour organisers executed in the United States in 1887. Mounting the scaffold, August Spies declared: ‘if you think that by hanging us, you can stamp out the labor movement – the movement from which the downtrodden millions, the millions who toil and live in want and misery –the wage slaves – expect salvation – if this is your opinion, then hang us! Here you will tread upon a spark, but there, and there, and behind you and in front of you, and everywhere, flames will blaze up. It is a subterranean fire. You cannot put it out.’

Anarchists stressed the self-emancipation of the masses by building revolutionary counterpower. This meant mass organisations against the state as the basis for a new participatory democratic society. Syndicalism was one approach which entailed building revolutionary trade unions. Read more of this post

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