Vojislav Šešelj, JD (Serbian Cyrillic: Војислав Шешељ, pronounced [ʋǒjislaʋ ʃěʃeʎ]) (born 11 October 1954, Sarajevo, PR Bosnia and Herzegovina, FPR Yugoslavia) is a Serbian politician, writer and lawyer. He is the founder and president of the Serbian Radical Party. He was a member of the Serbian parliament.
Šešelj is on trial for alleged war crimes and is suspected of being involved in crimes against humanity[1] by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). He surrendered voluntarily in February 2003 but his trial did not begin until November 2007.[2]
In February 2009, the prosecution had presented 71 witnesses against Šešelj. With seven hours left in the prosecution, his trial was suspended because of alleged witness intimidation. The trial was resumed on 12 January 2009, and Šešelj does not plan to call any witnesses in his defense, stating that there is no need since the prosecution has not presented a single worthy witness. On 24 July 2009, he was sentenced to a further 15 months in custody for disrespecting the court. As of April 2012 the trial was still under way as Šešelj has spent a total of more than nine years in custody. Of all ICTY indictees, Šešelj spent the longest time without a verdict being delivered. This is partly due to a hunger strike, his decision to not appear for his opening statement (he was self represented), and the aforementioned witness intimidation.[3] In September 2011, the ICTY rejected Šešelj’s bid to have his long-running trial discontinued.[4] In his submission to the court, Šešelj stated that his right to be tried in a reasonable amount of time has been violated, and called the current situation “incomprehensible, scandalous and inappropriate”. However, the bench found that “there is no predetermined threshold with regard to the time period beyond which a trial may be considered unfair on account of undue delay” and also argued that Šešelj “failed to provide concrete proof of abuse of process”.
Vojislav Šešelj was born in Sarajevo, PR Bosnia-Herzegovina, FPR Yugoslavia, to an ethnic Serb family from Popovo Valley in the eastern Herzegovina (father Nikola Šešelj and mother Danica Misita). The family lived near the old Sarajevo train station before they moved to Hrasno neighbourhood. Šešelj's father worked on the railways and died during Šešelj's early youth; he and his sister Dragica were raised by their mother.
Šešelj attended First Sarajevo Gymnasium with excellent grades. While there, at the age of 17, he took an offer to join the Communist League (SKJ), which was extended to him as a result of the exceptional effort shown at one of the workers' actions in Banja Luka that were organized in the years following the devastating 1969 earthquake that hit the city. He was also involved with various student organizations in school as the president of the gymnasium's student union and later as the president of its youth committee. Even during his gymnasium days, Šešelj demonstrated his argumentative side and had frequent altercations with school principal Blanka Popović and municipal youth committee president Boban Jakovljević over what he saw to be discrepancies between proclaimed theory and the practical implementation of various initiatives. During these disagreements, Šešelj still stayed within the parameters of communist ideology.[5]
After gymnasium, Šešelj enrolled at the University of Sarajevo's Faculty of Law, where he completed his undergraduate studies in two years and eight months.[5] Though short, his time at Sarajevo University was eventful as he openly criticized dean candidate Fuad Muhić, publicly proclaiming him unfit to perform the duties of that position.[5]
Immediately after graduation in mid 1976, Šešelj continued with graduate studies by enrolling at the University of Belgrade's Faculty of Law, where he earned a masters degree in June 1978 with a masters thesis titled The Marxist Concept of an Armed People. On 26 November 1979 he obtained a doctorate at the same university after successfully defending his dissertation (doctoral thesis) titled The Political Essence of Militarism and Fascism, which made him the youngest PhD holder in Yugoslavia at only 25 years of age.[6]
While still pursuing his Ph.D., Šešelj applied for a position as assistant lecturer at the University of Sarajevo's Faculty of Law, but instead was hired by the Faculty of Political Sciences at the same university. In December 1979 he joined the Yugoslav People's Army to serve the mandatory military service and was stationed in Belgrade. He left the army in November 1980, but in the meantime he had lost his position at the university.[citation needed]
During early 1980s, Šešelj began to associate more with individuals from dissident intellectual circles in Belgrade, some of whom had Serbian nationalist political leanings. After arriving home in Sarajevo after completing his army service, Šešelj's career stagnated due to difficulties in finding a job. He held Muslim professors at the Faculty of Political Sciences Atif Purivatra, Hasan Sušić and Omer Ibrahimagić responsible for his situation, openly criticizing and describing them as Pan-Islamists and nationalists.[7]
In September 1981, Šešelj finally rejoined the Faculty of Political Sciences where he was asked to teach courses on international relations. The Faculty of Political Sciences, as a starting point for future politicians, was closely controlled and overseen by the Communist Party, and outspoken Šešelj quickly drew the attention of party officials. He openly supported another prominent young intellectual, Nenad Kecmanović, who was himself embroiled in a controversy that drew criticism from some sections of the communist nomenklatura in Bosnia due to his writings in NIN magazine. Furthermore, in the literary journal Književna reč, Šešelj continued to criticize Muslim university professors (Atif Purivatra, Hasan Sušić and Muhamed Filipović) for having harmed his professional career. He further reproached them for taking part in an international conference in Madrid that focused on Muammar al-Gaddafi's Green Book. Šešelj considered the views that these intellectuals expressed in their contributions to the said conference as "pan-Islamist".
Still, the biggest controversy was raised when Šešelj came up against faculty colleague Brano Miljuš. Protege of Hamdija Pozderac and Branko Mikulić (SR Bosnia-Herzegovina's highest and most powerful political figures at the time), Miljuš was well positioned within the communist apparatus as the secretary of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Communist League's Sarajevo branch. Šešelj dissected Miljuš's masters degree thesis and accused him of plagiarizing more than 40 pages in it from the published works of Karl Marx and Edvard Kardelj.[8][9] Šešelj's criticism didn't end there, as he went after even the highest political echelons in the republic, particularly Pozderac who was the reviewer of Miljuš's masters degree thesis. As a result, a bitter and protracted power struggle spilled outside the faculty and into the political institutions and corridors of power. Other faculty members and intellectuals to offer their support to Šešelj were Boro Gojković, Džemal Sokolović, Hidajet Repovac, Momir Zeković, Ina Ovadija-Musafija, etc.[5] Still, the Pozderac side was much stronger and the whole thing ended with Šešelj being expelled from the Communist League on 4 December 1981.[10]
By spring 1982, barely 6 months after getting re-hired, his position at the Faculty of Political Sciences was also in question. He ended up getting moved (essentially demoted) to the Institute for Social Research (Institut za društvena istraživanja), an institution affiliated with the Faculty. A number of Belgrade intellectuals, mostly writers and researchers in the social sciences, came to his defense by writing letters of protest to the government of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to the Faculty of Political Science in Sarajevo. Around this time Šešelj became very critical of the way that the national question was dealt with in Yugoslavia: he spoke out in favour of the use of force against Kosovo Albanians and denounced the passivity of the Serbian political leadership in handling the Kosovo crisis. Furthermore, in his view the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina were not a nation but a religious group. He expressed his fear of seeing Bosnia and Herzegovina turn into a republic dominated by Muslims.[citation needed]
Šešelj began to be followed and spied on by UDBA (Yugoslav state security) agents. His first arrest took place on 8 February 1984, the second day of the Sarajevo Olympics. He was on a train from Sarajevo heading to Belgrade when the secret police burst on board around Podlugovi station and seized some of his writings that he had in the suitcase. Among the agents handling his arrest that day was Dragan Kijac (later Republika Srpska state security chief). In Doboj, Šešelj was taken off the train, transferred into a police Mercedes, and transported to Belgrade where he was questioned for 27 hours straight before being let go and informed that he would be contacted again. After getting back to Sarajevo, UDBA took him in twice more for questionings, which were handled by Rašid Musić and Milan Krnjajić. According to Šešelj, they had the transcripts of the various conversations he had with some of his closest friends in which they openly criticized everything from specific political figures to communist regime in general:
“ |
They were essentially trying to get me to implicate all the people I talked to because they needed a basis for a group trial. For ethnic balance purposes they needed a Serbian group to persecute since they just convicted Izetbegović's Muslim one.[11] |
” |
On 20 April 1984, he was arrested at a private apartment in Belgrade among the group of 28 individuals during the lecture given by Milovan Đilas as part of Free University, a semi-clandestine organization that gathered intellectuals critical of the communist regime. Šešelj spent 4 days behind bars before being released.[11]
However, Šešelj was a free man for barely three weeks. In mid May 1984, Stane Dolanc, Slovene representative in Yugoslav Presidency and the all-powerful longtime state security chief, gave an interview to TV Belgrade, explicitly going after Šešelj for his unpublished manuscript Odgovori na anketu-intervju: Šta da se radi? in which he calls for "reorganization of the Yugoslav federalism, SFR Yugoslavia with only four constituent republics (Serbia, Macedonia, Croatia and Slovenia), abolishing of the single-party system, and the abolishing of artificial nationalities". Two days later, on 15 May 1984, Šešelj was arrested again in Sarajevo. This time, as soon as he got to prison, he began a hunger strike that lasted 48 days, which got the foreign press interested in his case:
On 9 July 1984, he was given an eight-year sentence in prison. The verdict delivered by presiding judge Milorad Potparić concluded that Šešelj "acted from the anarcho-liberal and nationalist platform thereby committing the criminal act of counterrevolutionary endangerment of the social order". The single most incriminating piece of evidence cited by the court was the unpublished manuscript that the secret police found in Šešelj's home. On appeal, the Supreme Court of SFR Yugoslavia reduced the sentence to six years, then to four, and finally two. Up until his sentencing, Šešelj taught political science at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, and later in Sarajevo.[12]
Šešelj served the first eight months of his sentence in Sarajevo and the last fourteen in Zenica prison before getting released in 1986 – two months early due to continuous pressure, protests and petitions by intellectuals throughout Yugoslavia (many of whom were later his bitter political opponents). In total, Šešelj spent 22 months in prison, six of which were spent in solitary confinement.
Upon release from prison, Šešelj permanently moved to Belgrade. Talking about the reasons behind the move, he said:
“ |
It was literally a question of survival. Continuing to live in Sarajevo was simply not possible. I got out of Zenica prison, without work, surrounded by police, and without any prospect of ever getting a job there. So I decide to move to Belgrade where it was much easier for a dissident like me to survive. Belgrade already had dissidents whereas in Sarajevo I was the first and the only one.[13] |
” |
In 1989 Šešelj returned to the United States where Momčilo Đujić, a Chetnik leader from World War II living there in exile, bestowed on Šešelj the title Vojvoda (duke) of the Chetniks, to make a "unitary Serbian state where all Serbs would live, occupying all the Serb lands".[14] Together with Vuk Drašković and Mirko Jović, Šešelj founded the anti-communist Serbian National Renewal (SNO) party in 1989. Šešelj later split off the SNO party to form the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), thus forming the Chetniks under his command.[14]
In late 1991, during the Battle of Vukovar, Šešelj went to Borovo Selo to meet with a Serb Orthodox Church bishop and publicly described Croats as a genocidal and perverted people.[15]
In the elections of December 1992, the SRS won 27 percent of the vote versus the 40 percent won by the Socialist Party of President Slobodan Milošević. His relationship with Milošević was amicable during the first years of the Yugoslav Wars.[6] Šešelj and his party were in effect Milošević's close allies who helped them orchestrate the mass layoffs of journalists in 1992, and Šešelj publicly proclaimed their backing of Milošević as late as August 1993.[16] In September 1993, however, Šešelj and Milošević came into conflict over Milošević's withdrawal of support for Republika Srpska in the Bosnian War, and Milošević described Šešelj as "the personification of violence and primitivism".[6] Šešelj landed in jail again in 1994 and 1995 for his opposition to Milošević. In 1998 as violence in the Serbian province of Kosovo increased, Šešelj joined Milošević's national unity government, siding briefly with the pro-Milošević government.[citation needed]
In July 1997, Šešelj made a guest appearance on BKTV's Tête-à-tête talk duel programme with lawyer Nikola Barović as the other duelist. The duel quickly denegerated into an emotional exchange of verbal antagonism and ad hominem attacks that culminated in Barović pouring water on Šešelj. Sometime later Barović was physically assaulted by Šešelj's security detail. Šešelj stated that Barović slipped on a banana peel and tumbled down the flight of stairs.[17]
Šešelj objected to foreign media and human rights organizations acting in Yugoslavia, saying:
He became vice-president of the Serbian government between 1998 and 2000. During the Kosovo War and the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, he and his political party were willing to support Milošević, but after three months of bombardment they were the only party to vote against the withdrawal of Serbian security forces from Kosovo.[19]
Vojislav Šešelj on Serbian Radical Party billboard in 2012 Serbian elections
In late February 2003, Šešelj surrendered to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) on the indictment of "eight counts of crimes against humanity and six counts of violations of the laws or customs of war for his alleged participation in a joint criminal enterprise".[1] In 2005, Šešelj made headlines when he was asked to read a letter which he earlier sent to the ICTY that stated his contempt for the court. The letter was read in front of cameras by Šešelj and contained copious amounts of insults and expletives aimed at the top Tribunal officials and judges. In his letter, Šešelj said that the presiding judge has only "the right" (mocking the Hague's judges) to perform oral sex on him, and he referred to Carla Del Ponte as "the prostitute". Recordings of this statement have been aired many times in Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
While in custody, he wrote „Kriminalac i ratni zločinac Havijer Solana” (“Felon and War Criminal Javier Solana”), a criticism of the NATO Secretary General (and the current High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Secretary-General of both the Council of the European Union and the Western European Union) who led the 1999 war in Kosovo.[20]
On 2 December 2006, about 40,000 people marched in the Serbian capital, Belgrade, in support of Šešelj during his 28-day hunger strike in The Hague - after the ICTY denied him the right to choose his own defence counsel. Speaking at the rally, Radical Party secretary Aleksandar Vučić said "He's not fighting just for his life. But he's fighting for all of us who are gathered here. Vojislav Šešelj is fighting for Serbia!"[21] Šešelj ended the hunger strike on 8 December after being allowed to present his own defence.[22] Although in custody in The Hague, Šešelj led his party's list of contenders for the January 2007 general election.[23]
Under the ICTY indictment, Šešelj is charged with 15 counts of crimes against humanity and violations of the laws or customs or war. The first of these charges is for persecution of Croat, Muslim and other non-Serbs in Vukovar, Šamac, Zvornik and Vojvodina. The other charges include murder, forced deportation, illegal imprisonment, torture and property destruction during the Yugoslav wars.[1]
On 11 February 2009, after 71 witnesses had already been heard and with the expected conclusion of the prosecution's case just seven hours away, the presiding judges suspended Šešelj’s trial indefinitely at the prosecutors’ request. The prosecutors alleged that witnesses were being intimidated. Šešelj claimed that the true motive of the prosecutors was that they were losing their case. He claimed the court had presented numerous false witnesses to avoid having to acquit him and said it should pay him damages for "all the suffering and six years spent in detention". One of the three judges voted against the suspension of the trial stating that it was “unfair to interrupt the trial of someone who has spent almost six years in detention”.
A contempt of court case against Šešelj was opened for having revealed, in a book he had written, the identities of three witnesses whose names had been ordered suppressed by the tribunal, and for this he was sentenced to 15 months imprisonment by the ICTY.[24][25]
On 25 November 2009, it was announced that Šešelj's trial would continue on 12 January 2010. The trial resumed on schedule and continued until 17 March 2010.[26] On 10 March 2010, the weekly ICTY press briefing announced that Šešelj was scheduled to appear in court on 20 April 2010 for contempt of court for allegedly disclosing court restricted information on 11 protected witnesses. This is his second time he has been charged with contempt. In July 2009 he was found guilty of contempt on similar charges involving two protected witnesses and was sentenced to 15 months in jail. On 17 March 2010, the weekly ICTY press briefing announced that "The trial of Vojislav Šešelj has been adjourned until further notice, pending checks on the health status of the remaining four Chamber witnesses". In the weekly ICTY briefing on 24 March stated "The trial of Vojislav Šešelj is expected to continue on Tuesday at 14:15 in Courtroom I with the testimony of one of the four remaining Trial Chamber witnesses". On 14 April 2010, the weekly ICTY press briefing announced that with only one witness still to be heard, on the 30 March 2010 Šešelj trial was adjourned until further notice but was likely to resume in May 2010, after Šešelj's second contempt proceeding initiated against him by the Tribunal have ended.[26]
Prosecutors have demanded a 28-year sentence against Seselj for allegedly recruiting paramilitary groups and inciting them to commit atrocities during the Balkan wars of the early 1990s. In closing remarks at his war crimes trial on 14 March 2012, Seselj said the Yugoslav tribunal empowered by the U.N. Security Council is actually a creation of Western intelligence agencies and it doesn’t have jurisdiction in his case. He reportedly vowed "to make a mockery of his trial".[27]
Šešelj has written several books in which he explicitly accused Roman Catholic churches of engaging in genocide and other activities against Serbs. Among them are:
- ^ a b c ICTY, Vojislav Seselj indictment, 15 January 2003.
- ^ BBC News|Europe|Serb accused at war crimes trial
- ^ (http://icty.org/x/cases/seselj/cis/en/cis_seselj_en.pdf l ICTY Case Information Sheet)
- ^ Seselj Bid to Discontinue Trial Rejected
- ^ a b c d Intervju: Šešelj, BH Dani, 23 November 1998.
- ^ a b c BBC News, 2007-11-07.
- ^ Vojislav ŠEŠELJ, Hajka na jeretika /Campaign against a Heretic (Beograd: ABC Glas, 1991), p. 12.
- ^ BRANO S ONOGA SVETA Ko je novi mandatar vlade u Banjaluci i da li ce nekadasnji prepisivac Karla Marksa uspeti da napravi politicki kapital?, NIN 1 January 1999.
- ^ Novi mandatar u RS - Viša dedinjska matematika, Vreme, 9 January 1999.
- ^ Yves Tomic. The Ideology of a Greater Serbia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries - The political ideas of Vojislav ŠEŠELJ. p. 68. http://www.helsinki.org.rs/doc/expert%20report%20-%20yves%20tomic.pdf.
- ^ a b Svi moji zatvori, NIN, 27 February 2003.
- ^ John Mueller, "The Banality of 'Ethnic War,'" International Security, vol. 25, no. 1 (summer 2000): 42-70.
- ^ Tako su govorili 1996
- ^ a b B92 - News - Comments - Witness: Šešelj had Chetnik ideology
- ^ Renaud de la Brosse (4 February 2003). "Political Propaganda and the Plan to Create a "State for all Serbs" - Consequences of Using the Media for Ultra-Nationalist Ends - Part 3" (PDF). Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. http://hague.bard.edu/reports/de_la_brosse_pt3.pdf. Retrieved 16 April 2012.
- ^ Renaud de la Brosse (4 February 2003). "Political Propaganda and the Plan to Create a "State for all Serbs" - Consequences of Using the Media for Ultra-Nationalist Ends - Part 4" (PDF). Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. http://hague.bard.edu/reports/de_la_brosse_pt4.pdf. Retrieved 16 April 2012.
- ^ Robert Thomas. Serbia under Milošević: politics in the 1990s. p. 330. http://books.google.com/books?id=IDzmXEDJFX8C&pg=PA330&lpg=PA330&dq=%C5%A1e%C5%A1elj+nikola+barovi%C4%87&source=bl&ots=_EcEu99l2x&sig=uJAKKjuKUhz1jS8wdhOPh6JW-V4&hl=en&ei=L-k_TuPeNIKe-QasvMDaBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=5&ved=0CDYQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q&f=false.
- ^ "Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Šešelj Threatens Journalists and Human Rights Organizations", Human Rights Watch, 2 October 1998.
- ^ [1][dead link]
- ^ "There is no peace with Solana and NATO" - Serbian Radicals' deputy head
- ^ "Serbs march in support of Šešelj", BBC News, 2 December 2006.
- ^ "Serb suspect ends hunger strike", BBC News, 8 December 2006.
- ^ "Serbian suspect to stand in poll", BBC News, 21 November 2006.
- ^ www.iht.com International Herald Tribune article (February 2009).
- ^ ICTY Tribunal Update, No. 2009-02-20
- ^ a b ICTY weekly press briefings
- ^ "Serbian war crimes suspect Seselj says his trial was political". Washington Post with Foreign Policy. 14 March 2012. http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/serbian-war-crimes-suspect-seselj-says-his-trial-was-political/2012/03/14/gIQA2asCCS_story.html. Retrieved 28 March 2012.
- ^ [2] (Serbian)
- ^ [3] (Serbian)
- ^ [4] (Serbian)
- ^ [5] (Serbian)
Persondata |
Name |
Seselj, Vojislav |
Alternative names |
|
Short description |
Serbian politician |
Date of birth |
11 October 1954 |
Place of birth |
Sarajevo, former Yugoslavia |
Date of death |
|
Place of death |
|