Coordinates | 52°1′″N18°30′″N |
---|---|
Country | Iraq |
Name | Iraqi Armed Forces |
Founded | 1921 |
Current form | 2003 |
Branches | Iraqi Army, Iraqi Air Force, Iraqi Navy |
Headquarters | Baghdad |
Commander-in-chief | Nouri Al-Maliki |
Commander-in-chief title | Prime Minister of Iraq |
Minister | Abdul-Qadar Mohammad Jassim al-Mifarji |
Minister title | Minister of Defence |
Commander | General Babaker Shawkat B. Zebari |
Commander title | Chief of Staff, Iraqi Joint Forces |
Age | 18-49 |
Manpower age | 16-49 |
Active | 276,600 |
Reserve | 342,212 |
Amount | $17.9 billion |
Percent gdp | 8.6% (2006) |
Foreign suppliers | (as of Saddam's Era) (after Saddam's Era) (as of Saddam's Era) (as of Saddam's Era) |
Imports | , (former) (current) |
Exports | |
Ranks | Iraqi Army Ranks Insignia }} |
The armed forces of Iraq have a long but not particularly successful history. They were initially formed in the early 1920s. Six military Coup d'états were mounted by the Army between 1936 and 1941. The armed forces first saw combat in the Anglo-Iraqi War of 1941. They fought against Israel in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, in the 1967 Six Day War, and in the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Two wars with the Kurds were fought in 1961-70 and 1974-75. A much larger conflict was the Iran-Iraq War, initiated by the Iraqis in 1980, which continued until 1988. Thereafter Iraq began the Iraq-Kuwait War which led to the Persian Gulf War of 1991, which led in turn to confrontations over the Iraqi no-fly zones during the 1990s, and finally the Iraq War of 2003. The Iraqi armed forces have had mixed success at the strategic level but consistently poor tactical performance during most of their history.
The armed forces are administered by the Ministry of Defence (MOD). Since the 2003 invasion of Iraq, which toppled the Saddam Hussein regime, the Iraqi Armed Forces have been rebuilt with substantial assistance from the United States armed forces. Since the implementation of the U.S.-Iraq Status of Forces Agreement on January 1, 2009, the Iraqi Armed Forces and the forces of the Ministry of Interior (Iraq) are responsible for providing security and upholding law and order throughout Iraq.
The Iraqi Army, in particular, is one of the most trusted national institutions of Iraq. While generally capable in a internal security role, Iraqi deficiencies have been identified in enabling functions, such as, e.g., logistics and military intelligence. In high-end conventional operations, Iraqi capabilities are currently limited by lack of artillery and air power. There are also concerns regarding corruption and sectarian agendas within the force.
Part A, First Section, Article 9 states that 'The Iraqi armed forces and security services will be composed of the components of the Iraqi people with due consideration given to their balance and representation without discrimination or exclusion. They shall be subject to the control of the civilian authority, shall defend Iraq, shall not be used as an instrument to oppress the Iraqi people, shall not interfere in political affairs, and shall have no role in the transfer of authority.' Parts B and C prohibit the formation of military militias outside the framework of the armed forces and prohibit armed forces personnel from standing for political office or campaigning for political candidates. Part C expressively notes that military personnel are allowed to vote in elections. Part E expressively states the Iraqi Government's commitment to the respect and implementation of Iraq’s international obligations regarding the non-proliferation, non-development, nonproduction, and non-use of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. The Second Section says that military service shall be regulated by law.
Iraq's legislation on defence dates from the Coalition Provisional Authority period of 2003-2004. CPA Order 22 established the New Iraqi Army on August 18, 2003, and CPA Order 67 renamed the New Iraqi Army the Iraqi Armed Forces on March 21, 2004. In the process, the New Iraqi Army was expanded to include an Army, Air Force, Coastal Defense Force, reserve forces, and other elements.
Iraq does not appear to have publicly issued a national defence review or white paper. Much of defence policy since 2003 has been set by the United States. For example, one mission objective for Multi-National Force-Iraq was an ''"Iraq that has a security force that can maintain domestic order and deny Iraq as a safe haven for terrorists"''. To do this, the U.S. aimed to train and equip Iraq's security forces and gradually transition security responsibilities to them. In 2010 there are at least three major defence tasks. They are the suppression of the insurgency, the resolution of the Kurdish Peshmerga forces' status in relation to the Iraqi Armed Forces themselves, and longer-term, the growth of the armed forces so that they can defend Iraq from external threats.
Iraqi participation in the Six Day War was limited, principally owing to the slow reaction of the Iraqi 3rd Armoured Division, which had been stationed in eastern Jordan. The 3rd Armoured Division did not organise itself and reach the front line before the Jordanians ceased operations. Therefore Iraqi participation was limited to a Tu-16 bomber raid on Israel, which did not locate its targets, and a return Israeli air raid on H-3 airbase. The Israelis reportedly destroyed 21 Iraqi aircraft for the loss of three of their own.
After the first Kurdish war ended with a Peshmerga victory, the Iraqi military began to implement a number of changes. First, they concluded that Soviet equipment and methods did not suit their needs. The Soviet Union was trying to influence Iraqi policy by holding up arms deliveries, and the Iraqis had concluded that Soviet weaponry was inferior to Western equipment. Thus despite the significant amount of Soviet equipment that Iraq continued to receive (shown by the SIPRI Arms Transfers Database, Iraq 1973–1990), Iraq actively attempted to buy Western military equipment. Buys from France and the UK included 64 Mirage F1 fighter-attack aircraft in 1976, 200 AMX-30 tanks in 1977, and 200 Cascavel APCs from the UK in 1978. That same year Iraq ordered ten frigates and corvettes from Italy. While Iraqi generals supported a complete changeover to Western equipment, Western countries were reluctant to sell large amounts of weaponry, Western weapons were more expensive that Soviet ones and took longer to train personnel on, and there was a reluctance to make a complete equipment reversal. However, more Western weapons were bought and reliance on Soviet doctrine reduced. In most cases, the Iraqis went back to British doctrine, while in others, they melded British and Soviet doctrine. Iraq's logistics capability was also improved, with 2,000 heavy equipment transporters bought.
Iraqi participation in the Yom Kippur War of 1973 took the part of a 60,000 strong Iraqi Army expeditionary force which operated on the Syrian front. However the force did not perform very well. The air force did not do well either, losing 26 of the 101 fighter aircraft sent to Syria without shooting down any Israeli aircraft.
The Kurds started the second Kurdish war of 1974-75. The war ended in Kurdish defeat after the Iranian-Iraqi Algiers agreement cut off Iranian support to the Kurds. From 1973 to 1980, Saddam largely relieved the armed forces of internal security functions by creating new paramilitary forces, such as the Iraqi Popular Army. He also guaranteed the military's loyalty to the regime by promoting loyal officers and purging questionable ones. However this had the effect of filling the senior officer ranks with incompetents. (Pollack 2002, 182-183)
During the 1990s the Iraqi Armed Forces were involved in suppressing the 1991 uprisings in Iraq, which led to refugees fleeing north in 1991. The U.S. launched Operation Provide Comfort with allied aid to provide assistance to these refugees. This involved some confrontations with the Iraqi armed forces. The Iraqi no-fly zones were established partially due to these operations. Operation Southern Watch dominated Iraqi airspace in the southern part of Iraq while Operation Northern Watch did the same in the north. As a result of Iraqi actions, Cruise missile strikes on Iraq were launched in June 1993. Kuwait was then threatened with Republican Guard divisions in October 1994, which resulted in a major U.S. protective deployment designated Operation Vigilant Warrior. Operation Vigilant Sentinel was a later 1995-07 operation of the same nature. More Cruise missile strikes on Iraq were launched in 1996. Iraq was bombed again in Operation Desert Fox in 1998. As U.S. preparations for an attack on Iraq gathered pace in 2002, Operation Southern Focus was launched, further damaging Iraqi air defences in the southern part of the country.
Saddam's government did not respond to the ultimatum. Therefore on March 19, 2003, U.S. Central Command forces with British, Australian, and Polish assistance began to invade Iraq. In the process, Saddam's military was defeated and dispersed. In the south, V Corps (United States) and I Marine Expeditionary Force, including a British armoured division, defeated the Iraqi 3rd Corps, Republican Guard, and Fedayeen Saddam. In the north, Task Force Viking, a special operations led task force, defeated the Iraqi 1st and 5th Corps and attached Republican Guard elements. Significant battles included the Battle of Nasiriyah and the Battle of Baghdad. After the invasion, the Coalition Provisional Authority was established to administer the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq.
The Iraqi military was formally disbanded and the Iraqi Military of Defense was dissolved shortly after the invasion, by Coalition Provisional Authority Order Number 2 of May 23, 2003.
On June 25, 2003 the Vinnell Corporation was awarded a contract to train the first nine battalions, or 9,000 recruits, of a 44,000 person-strong "New Iraqi Army." The Coalition Military Assistance Training Team under Major General Paul Eaton was responsible for managing the process.
On September 3, 2003 Coalition Provisional Authority Order Number 28 established Iraqi Civil Defense Corps as a temporary security and emergency service agency for Iraq to complement operations conducted by Coalition military forces in Iraq.
In April 2004 an Iraqi battalion refused to fight insurgents in Fallujah. Soon afterwards, the U.S. military structure in Iraq was reorganised. Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I) was created under General George W. Casey, Jr.. For the new Iraqi armed forces, the most important move was the creation of Multi-National Security Transition Command - Iraq (MNSTC-I) as a subordinate command to MNF-I, under Major General David Petraeus. MNSTC-I was given the task of building up the new Iraqi Armed Forces, as well as the MOI and other security forces. A new force generation plan authorized an end-strength of ten Iraqi army divisions. On 22 April 2004 under Coalition Provisional Authority Order Number 73 all personnel, facilities, and equipment of the Iraqi Civil Defense Corps were transferred to the Iraqi Ministry of Defence as a component of the Iraqi Armed Forces.
After the dissolution of the Coalition Provisional Authority on June 28, 2004, the Coalition stayed in country at the request of the Iraqi government and under a UN Mandate to help the fledgling government develop its security forces and fight an insurgency. For periods immediately after the invasion, U.S. Army forces had seen the fighting as conventional 'fighting in built up areas (FIBUA),' rather than as an insurgency. After a review of the Iraq War military strategy in the end of 2004, General Casey directed the Coalition forces to shift their focus from fighting insurgents to training Iraqis. This was to be the strategy until 2006. The aim was a small Coalition footprint and a rapid handover of security responsibilities to newly generated Iraqi security forces. Developing host-nation security forces became a cornerstone of the 2006 United States Counter-insurgency doctrine.
After national elections in December 2005, however, the insurgency shifted focus from a resistance against the occupation towards sectarian conflict. Accelerated by the Golden mosque bombing in February 2006, the levels of sectarian violence rose dramatically and the security situation deteriorated. In Baghdad a cycle of sectarian violence accelerated in which Al-Qaeda affiliated Sunni insurgents carried out suicide-bombings in Shia districts and Shia militias retaliated with killings in Sunni districts.
It became evident that the Iraqi Armed Forces and the various MOI forces were incapable of putting a lid on the sectarian violence and protecting the population, and the MNF-I had to adjust plans for security transition. Even though Iraqi forces had received initial training and been equipped, they hadn't developed the capabilities needed to plan, conduct and sustain effective counter-insurgency operations. There were also challenges at the ministerial level, within the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Defense. The ministries could not sustain their forces in terms of logistics, intelligence, communications and procurement. A by-product of the Iraq War troop surge of 2007 was that it provided the ISF time for training and leadership development, as well as more Coalition partnering units. The commander of the Iraqi Assistance Group, Dana Pittard said June 2007 that the lesson learned is that Coalition forces should not draw down too quickly and that the transitioning of security responsibilities will take time. In July 2006 a milestone was achieved when the first province transferred to Provincial Iraqi Control. Al Muthanna Governorate was the first province to meet this status. Twelve further governorates were transferred to Provincial Iraqi Control from September 2006 to October 2008.
The Iraqi Army launched its first solely planned and executed high-profile division-level operation March 25, 2008 in the Battle of Basra (2008). The IA received Coalition support only in air support, logistics and via embedded advisors. A British infantry brigade stationed at Basra International Airport was ready in a tactical overwatch role but did not intervene.
On January 1, 2009, the Provincial Iraqi Control process was superseded by the U.S.-Iraqi Security Agreement (see also U.S.-Iraq Status of Forces Agreement), which transferred all provinces' security responsibilities to the Iraqi government. Five provinces were transferred at once as a result.
The Peshmerga, since September 2009 the 'Armed Forces of the Kurdistan Region,' are a separate armed force loyal to the Kurdistan Regional Government. The force is quite sizable. USF-I public affairs officers indicated that the KDP and PUK both have around 100,000 peshmerga (totalling 200,000) as of January 2010. The two divisions are included in this figure; the regional government and the central government disagree as to whether they are under Baghdad's authority and to what extent.
Military intelligence has been rebuilt since the army was dissolved in 2003. However it has suffered from political interference. In mid 2009 Prime Minister al-Maliki reportedly dismissed Major General Jamal Suleiman, the director of military intelligence, and took on the job himself. The Prime minister had reportedly dismissed the director of Iraqi national intelligence at the same time.
The Iraqi army is described as the most important element of the counter-insurgency fight. The tactic is to provide security and other services on a local level by using infantrymen on dismounted patrols. As insurgents lose the passive or active support from the local population, they will easily be defeated, it is believed.
Light infantry brigades are equipped with small arms, machine guns, RPGs, body armor and light armored vehicles. Mechanized infantry brigades are equipped with T-54/55 main battle tanks and BMP-1 infantry fighting vehicles. The Hungarian Armed Forces have donated 77 Soviet-made T-72 tanks from their own arsenal. The tanks have been refurbished by Hungarian specialists and were delivered in fully battle-ready condition in 2004. Training personnel was also provided to the newly forming Iraqi army. Iraq will be receiving 280 M1A1M tanks from 2010 and 2013.
From its creation in 1922 to 2003, the army suffered from a number of serious difficulties, junior tactical leadership among them. "Iraqi forces consistently had problems because of a dearth of technical skills and a limited exposure to machinery." (Pollack, 2002, p. 265) However it also had significant strengths, particularly in two areas: logistics and combat engineering. Two impressive logistical accomplishments of the army included the ability to sustain an armoured corps in Syria during the Yom Kippur War and their ability to move formations of corps size from one end of the country to another in days during the Iran-Iraq War. (Pollack, 2002, p. 265) Since 2003, creation of combat forces has been the priority, and logistical support was initially supplied in one way or another by the coalition. As of mid 2008, logistical problems included a maintenance crisis and ongoing supply problems. Logistical capabilities have been developing, however, and the build-up of a nationwide logistical structure, with the Taji National Depot at its centre, is now well under way.
In addition, all military hospitals under the Saddam regime were looted and abandoned during the 2003 invasion of Iraq; thus as of April 2007 the Army had no military hospitals. There is only one military prosthetics facility in the country and virtually no mental health or burn treatment services. Wounded Iraqi soldiers are expected to receive treatment either at civilian hospitals or if possible, at Coalition medical facilities. Corruption practices spurred partly by over-taxation at these civilian hospitals significantly drive up costs to the soldier. Due to overwhelming red tape within the Iraqi military compensation system, it is commonplace for the soldier to end up bearing the financial brunt of medical expenses.
USF-I will implement the withdrawal of U.S. forces and materiel by December 31, 2011. However, U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates has mentioned the possibility that Iraq will request help with protecting its air space and further advise Iraqi forces beyond 2011. Such an agreement, however, would require new bilateral negotiations between the governments of Iraq and the United States.
The U.S.-Iraq Strategic Framework Agreement, different from the Status of Forces Agreement, stipulates a long-term relationship, and has no explicit expiration date. The agreement covers, e.g., the areas of culture, health, rule of law, economy, information technology, but also defense and security cooperation. The agreement stipulates a ``''strong Iraq capable of self-defense''´´, but also explicity states that ``''The United States shall not seek or request permanent bases in Iraq´´.
The Iraqi Air Force, in particular, cannot yet defend the territorial sovereignty of its air space. Moreover, the Iraqi Army is trained and equipped primarily for an internal defense role, and it has limited armour and artillery.
U.S. Army Major General Tony Cucolo has mentioned Operation Bright Star as an example of a possible joint training exercise component of a future U.S.-Iraq military-to-military relationship.
While Iran has been accused of involvement in the Iraqi insurgency, the Iranian government has also publicly offered help to build up the Iraqi armed forces. Then-Iraqi Defence Minister Saadoun al-Dulaimi met with his Iranian colleague Rear Admiral Ali Shamkhani in Tehran in 2005, and the Iranians pledged to give assistance.
Iraq Category:Law enforcement in Iraq Category:Military of Iraq
bg:Въоръжени сили на Ирак de:Irakische Streitkräfte fr:Forces armées irakiennes he:הכוחות המזוינים של עיראק hu:Irak hadereje ja:イラク治安部隊This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
The armed forces of a country are its government-sponsored defense, fighting forces, and organizations. They exist to further the foreign and domestic policies of their governing body, and to defend that body and the nation it represents from external aggressors. In some countries paramilitary forces are included in a nation's armed forces. Armed force is the use of armed forces to achieve political objectives.
The study of the use of armed forces is called military science. Broadly speaking, this involves considering offense and defense at three "levels": strategy, operational art, and tactics. All three levels study the application of the use of force in order to achieve a desired objective.
Many countries have a variation on the standard model of three or four basic Armed Services. Variations include China (army, navy, air force, strategic missile force), South Africa (army, navy, air force, military health service), India (army, navy, air force, coast guard), Egypt (army, navy, air force, air defense) or the Netherlands (army, navy, air force, military police). The United States has five (army, navy, air force, marines, coast guard), like Italy (army, navy, air force, military police and financial police). In Germany, the defense part of the Bundeswehr consists of the Army (''Heer''), Navy (''Marine''), Air Force (''Luftwaffe''), Joint Support Service (''Streitkräftebasis''), and Central Medical Services (''Zentraler Sanitätsdienst'').
In larger armed forces the culture between the different Armed Services of a country's armed forces can be quite different.
Armed forces may be organized as ''standing forces'' (e.g. regular army), which describes a professional army that is engaged in no other profession than preparing for and engaging in warfare. In contrast, there is the very rare ''citizen army'' as used in Switzerland. A citizen army (also known as a militia or reserve army) is only mobilized as needed. Its advantage lies in the fact that it is dramatically less expensive (in terms of wealth, manpower, and opportunity cost) for the organizing society to support. The disadvantage is that such a "citizen's army" is usually less well trained and organized.
A compromise between the two has a small cadre of professional non-commissioned officers (NCOs) and officers who act as a skeleton for a much larger force. When war comes, this skeleton is filled out with conscripts or reservists, who form the wartime unit. This balances the pros and cons of each basic organization, and allows the formation of massive armies (on a scale of millions of combatants), necessary in modern total war.
The obvious benefit to a country in maintaining armed forces is in providing protection from foreign threats and from internal conflict. In recent decades armed forces personnel have also been used as emergency civil support roles in post-disaster situations. On the other hand, they may also harm a society by engaging in counter-productive (or merely unsuccessful) warfare.
Expenditure on science and technology to develop weapons and systems sometimes produces side benefits, although some claim that greater benefits could come from targeting the money directly.
;Armed forces of the world
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
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