Resistance Studies Reader 2008 out now!

Christopher Kullenberg September 9th, 2009

The Resistance Studies Reader 2008 (C. Kullenberg & J. Lehne, eds) is now out in print. It contains all published articles during the journal’s first year, and is a must-read for everyone interested in getting an overview of the vibrant field of resistance studies.

The book is sold at a non-profit price of 8,49 Euros + shipping, and is available globally. Order here. Also, you are free to download and copy the book for non-commercial purposes, which is great for reading groups and educational events.

The editorial team would like to thank all contributors, and John Petersson for the cover artwork.

See also: Rsmag.org

Art as Resistance

Stellan Vinthagen September 7th, 2009

Dahr Jamail writes in Truthout:
“Throughout history, culture and art have always been the celebration of freedom under oppression.”
- Author unknown

Soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan have tough truths to tell, and it has been well demonstrated that the establishment media does not want to broadcast these. Given the lack of an outlet for anti-war voices in the corporate media, many contemporary veterans and active-duty soldiers have embraced the arts as a tool for resistance, communication and healing. They have made use of a wide range of visual and performing arts - through theater, poetry, painting, writing, and other creative expression - to affirm their own opposition to the occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq.”

See more at Truthout.

Music politicised à la Barenboim resisted by Palestinians.

Stig-Magnus Thorsen August 20th, 2009

Friday August 7, Daniel Barenboim conducted a concert in Geneva (AP 08/08/09). The concert was dedicated to the pianist and scholar Edward Said and was meant to support the choice of Jerusalem as an Arab Cultural Capital. Barenboim and Said 1999 initiated the performing orchestra (West-Eastern Divan Orchestra) as a space for bringing Palestinian (Arab) and Israeli musicians together. The aim of the “Divan” is – according to Barenboim – to promote understanding between Israelis and Palestinians and pave the way for a peaceful and fair solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict.The art project has gained enormous enthusiasm in the West as steps toward peace and hopefully an end of the conflict. However, the initiative and progress of the Divan Orchestra is contested and resisted among many Palestinians, who see the project as tokenism. Instead, they would benefit from clear standpoints and real actions aiming at freedom. Now, Barenboims view on political issues contrast his suggested musical steps towards peace. This is proclaimed from many organisations e.g. The Palestinian writers and Artist union.The Palestinians – after their return to Palestine – often gain a repute of having ”slept with the enemy”. It’s also obvious that the cultural heritage from the Arab side is let down as Western music almost totally dominates the repertoire. Cultural curiosity and empathy towards Arabic Culture are obviously not comfortable on the divan. Thus the Divan is seen rather as an obstacle in the fight for equality and freedom.If music is to create a dialogue or act as a resistance (e.g. towards the ongoing war and occupation), both parties must agree on basic rationales and goals. In this case it is quite obvious that the target is not shared, rather great disharmony command as in wartime. Israelis often aim their dehumanising attacks toward cultural centres in Palestine. They deliberately hold all kinds of musicians at check points until times for scheduled performances are over on the West Bank.East Jerusalem suggested as Cultural Capital is controversial. Even if Barenboim says that “West Jerusalem is the capital of Israel and East Jerusalem will inevitably be the Palestinian capital”, and the Israeli violinist Shira Epstein asserts that the experience of a multi-background ensemble has helped her develop her own ideas about her Middle Eastern neighbours, we can question these opinions as hampering Israelis evicting Palestinians from East Jerusalem?No, the project does not solve anything, but gives honour to Barenboim. He has – after Said’s passing away in 2003 – run the Divan and by that been glorified by all who believe that problems can be solved with music only. However, art can only pretend and give images of solutions. It is in this case more likely that the mobilising effect of music will appeal to separating groups: peace-loving Westerners, Israelis with a mono-ethnic and mono-religious state in sight, and Palestinians who strives for freedom instead of a peace that normalises the present distribution of land. The facade of the music disguises that the factual conflict remains. Barenboim has at the same time become precious as canvassing a well-behaving Israel.Stig-Magnus Thorsén

Are “Flash mobs” potentially political?

Stellan Vinthagen July 11th, 2009

During some time “flash mobs” have been used among youth. Through often internet-based communication a group agrees on doing something in a public space at a given time, and then disappear. 100 people walking among others on a city-centre square will all at the same time suddenly roll around on the ground, stand up, and continue to walk. Or at a train station, 100s of individuals freeze in the position they are at a given moment, stay frozen, then after some signal, start moving again. During the last week, at several places in the world, lots of people suddenly started to dance to Michael Jackson’s “Beat it” in a tribute to the dead pop icon.

Is flash mobs a youth prank, a mob behavior, entertainment, or something else? Could it develop into something more political? It does indeed show the potential of acting in concert, in a dramatic way. A book that tries to understand these activities in a more political sense is the “Smart mobs: The next social revolution” by Rheingold, se the website Smart mobs.

To see an example, see the video on the flash mob at Grand Central, NYC. For more information, see  the Wikipedia text.

Free Gaza Movement’s Ship Threatened by Israeli Navy

Stellan Vinthagen June 30th, 2009

The humanitarian Free Gaza ship “Spirit of Humanity” is trying to give aid to the people in Gaza. The passengers are internationals who are concerned about the politically created humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the continuing blockade by Israel which hinders aid to come through.The idea of Free Gaza is to (1) bring humanitarian aid by people-to-people assistance, (2) show international solidarity, and (3) make peaceful resistance to the illegal blockade.

This is the 8th ship to sail to Gaza. The last one in December was violently stopped by the Israeli Navy.

They are right now being threatened by violence from the Israeli Navy, despite being unarmed, sailing in international waters and being protected by international law. Show your concern and protest to Israel. Follow the drama almost in real time at http://www.freegaza.org/.

I think this type of resistance is also interesting in a theoretical sense. It combines humanitarian assistance with nonviolent resistance in a way that merit it to be called a form of “constructive resistance”.

Iran and the need for nuanced views

jj June 25th, 2009

Steve Weissman is one of a few that has written very good comments on the discussion on Iran, US governmental involvment, the effect of NV, hidden agendas, and the problem with simplified answers. Ackerman is one of those who for many years now have financed research, training and dissemination of NV means. In an article in IHT from January Ackerkman and Ahmadi presented their views and predictions. Weissman commenting on that one is helping us with a more nuanced view of these important but difficult questions.

Read and enjoy.

Iran: Non-Violence 101

by Steve Weissman,
t r u t h o u t | Perspective

Peter Ackerman and Ramin Ahmadi called the revolution on January 4, 2006, in an article in the International Herald Tribune with the prophetic title “Iran’s Future? Watch the Streets.”

“Against all odds, nonviolent tactics such as protests and strikes have gradually become common in Iran’s domestic political scene,” they wrote. “Student activists have frequently resorted to, and the violent response of the regime and repeated attacks of the paramilitaries have not succeeded in silencing them.”

Iran’s medical professionals, teachers, workers, bus drivers and women were also using non-violent tactics such as protests, industrial action, and hunger strikes in their fight for equal rights and civil liberties, the authors reported.

These “uncoordinated actions” had created “a grass-roots movement … waiting to be roused,” urged Ackerman and Ahmadi. But, “its cadres so far lack a clear strategic vision and steady leadership.”

Where would the Iranians find this vision and leadership?

“Nongovernmental organizations around the world should expand their efforts to assist Iranian civil society, women’s groups, unions and journalists,” the authors wrote. But, they left out a salient fact. In a chilling mix of Mahatma Gandhi and James Bond, Ackerman and Ahmadi themselves were already working with the United States government to engineer regime change in Iran.

A Wall Street whiz kid who made his fortune in leveraged buy-outs, the billionaire Ackerman was - and is - chair of Freedom House, a hot-bed of neo-con support for American intervention just about everywhere. In this pursuit, he has promoted the use of non-violent civil disobedience in American-backed “color revolutions” from Serbia to the Ukraine, Georgia, and Venezuela, where it failed.

Ahmadi teaches medicine at Yale and co-founded the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, using initial grants of $1.6 million in 2004 from the US Department of State, according to The New York Times. Washington reportedly continued its open-handed support in succeeding years, allowing the center to publicize the abuses of the Ayatollahs in English and Farsi.

Ahmadi and the center also ran regular workshops for Iranians on non-violent civil disobedience. These were in Dubai, across the straits from Iran. Some of the sessions operated under the name Iranian Center for Applied Nonviolence and included a session on popular revolts around the world, especially the “color revolutions.”

According to The Times, at least two members of the Serbian youth movement Otpor participated, as did the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, which Peter Ackerman founded and chaired. The sessions taught the Iranian participants how to use Hushmail, an encrypted e-mail account, and Martus software to upload information about human rights abuses without leaving any trace on the originating computer.

“We were certain that we would have trouble once we went back to Tehran,” said one of the Iranians. “This was like a James Bond camp for revolutionaries.”

No one should question the value of non-violent civil disobedience for those who would bring down an unpopular government. Nor does the American training deny the very real grievances felt by the millions of Iranians who have taken to the streets - or by the lesser numbers of middle-class women who banged pots and pans as part of earlier CIA destabilization programs in Brazil and Chile. Even more important, no one should doubt the courage and commitment of anyone who would stand up against the Ayatollahs and their repressive state power.

But the presence of American involvement adds several dynamics of its own, which Ackerman and Ahmadi failed to explain to their Iranian trainees.

First, the Americans decide where to put their efforts - and when to stop them. Washington does not fund or provide training and technology for non-violent revolutions against regimes it backs, as in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Israel or Colombia.

Second, the American meddling makes it easier for the Ayatollahs to build support within their own ranks and among a large majority of the population for whatever repressive measures they finally decide to take.

Third, the non-violent participants know nothing of other moves that the dark side of the American government might be making at the same time, whether staging acts of provocation, or supporting terrorist activities by breakaway groups such as the Baluchi Jundallah. Nor do the vast majority of participants know that American intelligence regularly uses training sessions of all kinds to recruit individual agents.

Fourth, the Iranian activists want to win. At least some in the America government might prefer to provoke a brutal defeat, a Tiananmen Square, to further isolate Iran and bring pressure within the Obama administration for a military response to the Iranian nuclear program.

Fifth, non-violent tactics and organizational discipline offer ways to win the support of soldiers and police officers, isolate would-be provocateurs, and avoid giving the government any easy excuse to bang heads and kill people. The same techniques also give the organizers ways to turn off the protest, as appears to have happened during the Orange Revolution in Ukraine.

One other dynamic has more lasting effects. During the Cold War, the CIA funded and manipulated a number of liberal and social democratic intellectuals, labor unions, civil society groups and publications. The CIA-run Congress for Cultural Freedom and its vast network were perhaps the best known. When journalists at Ramparts and elsewhere exposed the CIA’s hand, many of these individuals and groups became discredited for having allowed Cold Warriors and dirty tricksters to use them.

Washington’s promotion of non-violent resistance in other countries is already casting suspicion on a number of activists and thinkers who, wittingly or not, have allowed themselves to become pawns in open - and covert - programs to “promote democracy.” Non-violent activists everywhere need to draw a clear line against cooperating with governments of any stripe in this foreign meddling.

*************

A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France.

The Iranian Uprising is Home Grown, and Must Stay That Way

Stellan Vinthagen June 23rd, 2009

This article was Published on Friday, June 19, 2009 by CommonDreams.org and written by the California Professor and well-recognized Middle-East expert Stephen Zunes

It is a very interesting article and I have re-posted the beginning of the article below, but if you want to read the whole article you find it on CommonDreams: article link.

THE BEGINNING OF THE ARTICLE BY Prof. Zunes:

The growing nonviolent insurrection in Iran against the efforts by the ruling clerics to return the ultra-conservative and increasingly autocratic incumbent president Mahmoud Ahmadinjead to power is growing.  Whatever the outcome, it represents an exciting and massive outpouring of Iranian civil society for a more open and pluralistic society.

Ironically, defenders of Ahmadinejad’s repression are trying to blame everyone from the U.S. government to nonviolent theorist Gene Sharp to various small NGOs engaged in educational efforts on strategic nonviolent action as somehow being responsible for the popular uprising in Iran.  It appears to be based upon the rather bizarre assumption that millions of Iranians would somehow be willing to pour out onto the streets in the face of violent repression by state security forces only because they have been directed to do so by people from an imperialist power which overthrew their last democratic government and subsequently propped up the tyrannical regime they installed in its place for the next quarter century.

Even putting aside the bizarre spectacle of self-proclaimed “leftists” coming to the defense of a right-wing fundamentalist autocratic like Ahmadinejad, this claim ignores several key factors:

1) Neo-conservatives and other American hawks were hoping for a victory by the hard-line incumbent to justify their opposition to President Barack Obama’s tentative steps at rapprochement with the Islamic Republic.

2) Opposition candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi and the vast majority of his supporters are strongly nationalist, anti-American, anti-imperialist, and would neither desire nor accept U.S. support.

3) There has been a longstanding Iranian tradition of such largely nonviolent civil insurrections against imperialist powers and autocratic rulers and no outside power is needed to convince the Iranian people to rebel.

On Solidarity and Resistance and Iran

Magid Shihade June 20th, 2009

A Pakistani blogger claims that some Israeli  “activists” have been participating in the Twitter messaging campaign during the elections and events afterward in Iran.  Whether that is the case is to be verified later. What we can verify is that the U.S. government requested from Twitter to postpone their scheduled maintenance of the site so that those who are using it in the election campaign in Iran continue to do so (as reported in many U.S. media outlets including CNN). On a side note, it is not strange that the oil prices remained the same, and even went down (aljazeera, 6/22/09) despite the “insecurity, and chaos” in Iran? Whenever there is a need to make Americans feel afraid of change in some places and see a place, leader, or an event  as threatening …prices of oil go up under the rubrics of ‘the government has nothing to do with oil prices, it is companies who assess risks and conflicts that make these decisions. How come the possibility of overthrow of a regime in the oil rich country of Iran is not seen as a threat, risk…etc.? Is the message to the public here: “no worry, the change and havoc in Iran won’t make you pay more for gas, it might be even cheaper for you if the havoc continues”?

There are much evidence to the U.S. and Israeli mingling into the Iranian situation despite the claims for “non intervention”. As Kourosh Ziabari (”The Idol-Braker Ahmade”, and “Where are my votes?”, posted on Palestinethinktank.com, June 20th 2009) writes:

“Over the past days, the Persian section of Radio Israel aired exclusive “emergency” programs to cover the “Iran crises” by inviting “experts” and “scholars” who would unanimously invite the supporters of Mir-Hossein Mousavi to storm into the streets, call for the transformation of the Islamic government and destabilize the routine transportation, business and daily life in every way by burning the public facilities, mosques, universities and shops. The peaceful and nonviolent demonstrations of the protesting youths and pro-reform supporters of Mir-Hossein Mousavi who were demanding their votes be officially “respected” by the authorities was soon mixed with the illicit and criminal actions of the U.S. and Israel-backed revolts and mutineers whose ultimate desire was to see a “velvet revolution” going on everywhere in Iran.”

What can one also verify at this moment is worth bringing to discussion.

Who and what in Iran?

As far as the elections in Iran, the campaign was not between pro “democracy” and dismantling of the Islamic  republic political structure versus those who do not want democracy and what to maintain the political structure of the Islamic republic as it is.

These candidates participated in the elections only after being qualified by the election committee of the state.  Is this undemocratic?

It could be, but not less so than the system in Israel and the U.S. for example. In the U.S., Democrats and Republicans continue to block any third party from gaining power through their joined election committee, redrawing of districts that prevents thirds parties, preventing third party candidates from participating in the pre election presidential debates…etc.

In Israel too, parties who do not state publicly their commitment to the Jewish/Zionist basis of the state are challenged by the election committee, and sometimes disqualified. Even when they are allowed to participate, these parties are never included in any coalition government, and this has been taking place since 1948. In In Srael today, it is against the law to commemorate the tragedy of 1948. It is ok to remember what supposedly happened 2000 years ago, but not ok to remember what happened 60 years ago.

The point is that if the issue is really about democracy, than countries like Israel and the U.S. should stay out of this discussion. They have less to lecture to others about democracy in light of their past and current histories and policies internally and externally.

In the U.S. and Israeli media, the images of Mousavi versus Ahmade-Nejad as democrat versus not is not quiet accurate. After all, Mousavi was the Iranian prime minister during the early 8 years of the Islamic Republic, and that period was not less brutal and undemocratic, if not more,  than the 4 years of Ahmade-Nejad.  Couple of differences between the two period are regional. The 8 years of Mousavi in government was the years of war with Iraq, and Mousavi rhetoric during the election campaign was about distancing Iran from Hamas and Hisballah (as reported on Al-Jazeera). Maybe that why he is attracting the Israeli, American, and other western governments.

If Mousavi changed and wants to implement reforms in Iran and question policies of the current government as mistakes, than why he is not questioning the policies that his government implemented in the early 8 years of the Islamic Republic? Unless again, what is considered a better candidate in the West is the candidate that is anti-Arab, without caring of locally oppressive candidate who he was and possibly can be. Pahlavi–the Son of the Shah,claims that Hamas members are recruited to crush the uprising in Iran (C-Span, June 222, 2009), a claim that was challenged neither by the media present at his talk, nor by liberal commentators and experts.

As James Petras  wrote in the Financial Times  (June 15, 2009), the followers of Mousavi are largely those of upper class and western oriented, and those of Ahmede-Nejad on the other hand coming from the poorer classes.  Poorer and less western oriented Iranians are the majority, as two American polls showed prior to the election, were more likely to vote for the candidate who was accused by Mousavi to give too much money for the poor, and to worsen the relations with the West, and they did vote for him.

Having said that, it is hard to dismiss the fact that there are Iranians, who want a different regime. I am not sure if those who are behind Mousavi do all want that. The tragedy is that honest critical voices in Iran are being silenced and hijacked by right wing and by liberals in the U.S., Israel, and Europe. What other scholars have argued, disrupted development is at work here in the so called “Third World”, in a neo colonial form of “speaking for”.

It is also hard for those who want to promote democracy and liberty to not feel torn in their position between supporting possible change, while at the same time fear that what is happening in Iran is being or going to be hijacked by regional and global powers (Israel, and the U.S.). While one must stand with justice and freedom everywhere, one must not also be selective in being “vehement” on some cases, and being lame on others.

Who and what in Israel and the U.S.:

As I follow American and Israeli media, it is hard for me to swallow Israeli officials calling for the “stopping the crack down on demonstrators in Iran,” while they have been cracking down on a whole nation for over 60 years.

In the U.S., to listen to Fox and the Zionist racist Charles Krauthammer (Fox News June, 20, 2009), who called for cracking down on Palestinians and Iraqis,    while calling for the U.S. government to demand from the Iranian government to stop cracking down on the people on the street, is quiet bothersome to say the least. Are people in Israel or the U.S. free to demonstrate anywhere anytime? Don’t people get attacked when they demonstrate by the police and security forces in these countries?

Not only right wingers are calling for more intervention from their government in the Iranian situation, but also some liberals. Yet, there are few who have been calling for non-intervention (for ex. Just Foreign Policy. Org).

Who needs democracy, revolution, and help-solidarity?

While people are and should be commanded for showing solidarity with those who are under oppression, one must be careful not to be fooled into a campaign that is, if not designed, it is definitely  being hijacked by regimes (in Israel, the U.S., and Europe) who wish nothing good for the Iranian people, and wish only another subjugated country to fall under their influence or at least neutralized.

After all, Iranians need less help in these issues, and they have demonstrated in their history that they can do and in fact made changes to their political system again and again.

Those in the U.S. and Israel for example (and some European countries), who feel the need for showing solidarity need also to question the lack of their efforts to do only part of what the Iranian people have done in their history in challenging their governments.  For example, no similar public outrage took place in the U.S. when: elections were stolen, wars waged against other states and societies in their name, just to name some examples.

Those in the U.S. who continue to advocate for “non-violence” for example, should be at least as vehement in their campaign and funding of efforts to stop the violence of their governments. They should also be as vague as they have been when it comes to “conflicts” and their persistent efforts to show the “two sides of the story” as they do always when it comes to Israel/Palestine. Yet, it seems all this talk about the “two sides of the story” becomes flat when it comes to issues that fit their agendas.

He is a challene for all those on the U.S. who seems to got new life with the election of the new emperor. Get Obama to stop bombing Pakistan, get Obama ot make similar statements about Israel/Palestine, get Obama to Guantenamo on the occupied island of Cuba and similar pattern at home, get Oabma to put more fuding into education rather than “defense”. Here is another challenge for the liberals in the U.S. who especially advocate non-violence: Make a similar statememt about the regime in Israel, and about the resistance of the Palestinians without any qualifications or reservations.

Neither do Europeans show similar outrage when their governments continue to support wars and colonialism in the “Middle East” and elsewhere. Governments and officials, like in Britain for example, are not shamed for their crimes, they continue to hold political powers despite deceptions, corruptions, and war crimes. While one admires those who demonstarte against their governments’ policies and wars, one does not see a sustained opposition and cries against criminal governments of Europe in their policies in Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, Pakistan, and elsewhere.

As one person told me, solidarity with people in need is good and honorable thing, but when it comes to areas like the Middle East with its past and present history, westerners should stay out of it.

While I do not think the any person should stand silent on injustice, I do believe that solidarity with resistance ought to be led by those who resist, and should also be done so carefully so that it is not hijacked by states and groups who care or less about justice and freedom.

Israeli Effort to Destabilize Iran Via Twitter

Magid Shihade June 18th, 2009

Post removed by administrators

Gilad Azmon–Jazz Jihad, Ethical Jihad

Magid Shihade June 18th, 2009

Gilad Azmon, an Israeli born, liberated from his Zion-centric, Jewish-centric, upbringing as he writes, has used his music talent to help those, who in his name, have been for decades under the onslaught of Zionist, Jewish, Israeli and American power hub of racism and supremacy (Gilad Azmon, Israel shahak, Uri davis, Ilan Pappe, Avi Shlaim, Nur Masalha, James Patreas, Norman Finkelstein, Ward Churchill, just to name few sources) .

He argues that he is not political, but ethical, and in his view to be ethical is not stay silent about crimes you are aware of.

More on his work can be read/watched at: www.gilad.co.uk

One approach he takes in his work is that of Jazz Jihad; that is an ethical struggle to use Jazz for justice and resistance.

I find the idea of the ethical versus the political is profound and powerful.  Ethical resistance is something one should think of when trying to engage in resisting hegemony and injustice.

It is just an idea, something to think about….

Resistance versus Hegemony–The “Middle East” and Western Intervention

Magid Shihade June 18th, 2009

My understanding of resistance is that it works to challenge hegemony. While it is true that hegemony can be locally practiced, but in the context of modern global system, events in the periphery withing the global power structure cannot be treated separately or in isolation.

So, politics within states-societies on the periphery of the global system can be better understood in their regional and global contexts.

Why is it for example that when elections are held in Palestine, the results are not respected by the Western global powers (mainly the U.S. and their regional proxy empire-Israel, who are followed by the many obedient European and western countries )?

Why to dictate to the Palestinians who is their leaders in the past as well as in the present? How do we call that “respect for democracy and the will of the people”?

When the PLO was leading the Palestinians, Israel and the U.S. refused for decades to accept the PLO as the leader of the Palestinian people, even though the majority of the global community did so?

When Hamas was elected in 2006, Israel and the U.S. (with the obedient western countries) refused to accept the results of the Palestinians elections. Ronald A Judy wrote then, it is ideology not democracy that counts for Israel, the U.S. and their western obedient followers.

The examples of the disrespect for democracy on the part of the U.S., and Israel are numerous from the region–Middle East–and elsewhere in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the U.S. and Israel themselves.

Now, with the elections in Iran, the same pattern is taking place. Not as a supporter of Nejad, but as critic of hegemony, hypocracy, and intervention, I find the calls for “helping and respecting the will of the Iranian people” to be quiet disturbing. The U.S. government even asked twitter and other internet websites/engines to postpone their maintenance scheduled for the day after the election, so that Iranian “opposition” can use it in their communications to coordinate during the elections and to “protest” against the election results afterwards.

Furthermore, why is that some people blindly believe that the elections in Iran as it is run, and in which Mousawi participated, and who was a long time insider of the Iranian political system,  is rigged elections? Is it because it is not an elections in the U.S, Israel, Germany, Italy, Britiain, France…?

Is there here a new form of Orientalism at work?

Why is it that we do not see a global cry against U.S. and Israeli policies? Why not for example to help promote the campaign for academic and cultural boycott of and economic divestment from Israel that started by the Palestinian civil society and then joined by few campaigns in Europe and now in the U.S.? Isn’t that resistance and solidarity?

How do we reconcile our position vis-a-vis hegemony and then participate in helping hegemony bring havoc to another country that is considered “hostile” to the U.S. and Israel?

Or, are we confusing resistance, democracy,  with ideology?

While the question of the difference between Mousawi and Nejad is to be left to the Iranians, the external hypocritical intervention must be resisted on the part of those who are not in line with U.S. hegemony in the region.

Call for papers - Resistance Studies Magazine 2009#2

Christopher Kullenberg June 16th, 2009

[please re-publish this message widely]

The Resistance Studies Magazine is calling for papers to the next general issue, expected to be published in September 2009.

We will consider:

- Theoretical and empirical articles on power, resistance and social change.

- Reviews of scholarly articles and books.

The 2009#2 issue, we will be published as an open-access issue on rsmag.org. The Resistance Studies Magazine is a fully peer-reviewed journal, publishing scholarly articles in the spirit of openness and sharing.

Submission dead line: August 31, 2009.

Your article may at a later stage be re-published in a printed book, as the Resistance Studies Magazine aims at publishing a yearly collection of journal articles in a reader.

For further information, please see our Submission guidelines availible at rsmag.org

For questions concerning the issue please any of our editors. For submissions and drafts, please use all three e-mail addresses:

Christopher Kullenberg - editor (at) rsmag (dot) org

Jakob Lehne - jakob (dot) lehne (at) rsmag (dot) org

Patrick Hiller - patrick (dot) hiller (at) rsmag (dot) org

Cyber Protest

jj June 9th, 2009

I’m in Strasbourg teaching at a European branch of Syracuse University again this spring. An excellent student of mine, Soumi Chatterjee, (soumschatterjee(at)gmail.com) is writing on Cyper Protests and he would like to have some imput from those of you who have good cases of protests and resistance on the Web. Please send him ideas and suggestions with a copy to me: johansen.jorgen(at)gmail.com

This morning he sent me an article from Washington Post, on how the different parties in Iran mobilized for their demonstrations through text messages and the Web: “Thanks to Internet and text messages, we can rally big crowds in a very short time,” noted Ghadiri, who wore a green shirt emblazoned with Mousavi’s portrait.

See the full text here: In Iran Election, Tradition Competes With Web

jj

“OROMO ORALITY and RESISTANCE POETICS”

Asafa June 8th, 2009

-II-

Resistance Research: Ontological and Epistemological Claims

In my last entry I tried to emphasize on the reasons for an Activist Research or why Resistance Research is needed while drawing on Leslie Brown and Susan Strega’ (2005)Research as Resistance and Richard Hale’s (2008) Engaging Contradictions. I said the need to investigate inequitable social relations calls for such a critical approach what social theorists call ‘Research as praxis,’ in which case, an Activist Research is an Emancipatory Social science. No Bloggers responded to my view, but Dr Eric Selbin who kindly suggested me the works of the folks at the Texas Activist Anthropology. Still the problem of the activist researcher’s epistemic prestige, i.e., her knowledge and the lived experience she always shared with the researched get in her way and barring against ‘OBJECTIVITY’ is persistent in Resistance Research. Comment!     Now to my second entry next.    Resistance Research: Ontological and Epistemological ClaimsThe view that “The master’s house will only be dismantled by the master’s tools,” (by Henry Louis Gates, Jr.) is also defied by “The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house,” (by Audre Lorde, both cited in Brown and Strega, ibid. p199). The goal of destroying the ‘master’s house,’ e.g.  a dominant ideology, colonialism, globalism, federalism, as  Susan Strega points out, necessarily leads the researcher to question into how best to go about doing so (ibid.). The research “tools” are not just particular methods of data collection and analysis, but methodologies, i.e. the theoretical and conceptual frameworks within which research as a practice is located.  Methodologies offer a theory and analysis of how research could and should proceed.  Thus, to ask oneself such questions at the inception of the project is to question into one’s ontological and epistemological foundations: how can I best capture the complexities and contradictions of the worlds, experiences, or texts I am studying? Whose voice will/does my research represent? Whose interest will it serve? And, how can I tell if my research is good research? etc. Susan is right in saying that the answers for a researcher concerned with social justice are not just one of methodological choices. Rather they are choices about “resistance and allegiance to the hegemony of Eurocentric thought and research traditions, —the master’s tools” (ibid.), or about demolishing or guarding the Imperial Domination, [Neo-] Colonialism, Globalism or any dominant Ideology of the kind in the name of Democracy, Development–the Master’s House  while a numerous citizen suffer severe hardships for resisting.    Research is, to Tahiwai Smith (2001:8) one of the ways in which the underlying code of imperialism and colonialism (master’s house) is both regulated and realized (cited in Brown, ibid. p204). Smith underscores that it is regulated through the formal rules of individual scholarly disciplines and scientific paradigms, and the institutions that support them—including the state.    The ontologies and epistemologies of different research traditions are the foundations of how knowledge about “social phenomena” can and should be acquired. That is, each tradition has different ideas about what should be studied, why and how it should be studied, how it should be analyzed, how it should be assessed, and what ought to be done with research results. Those different ideas have some pragmatic and ethical relevance in every research feat and lead us onto the questions logically to follow: what is ontology and epistemology in research?     Ontology, in this sense, is a theory about what the world is like, that is, what the world, i.e. the research site, consists of and why. Ontology is also a world view. Thus, the world view of the researcher shapes, influences in some way possible, the research project at every level. This is because, the researcher’s world view also shapes the researcher’s epistemological foundation (Brown and Strega, ibid., p201). This overlap between knowledge and world view, and hence, the epistemological and ontological interface is clearly put by a critical scholar Ladson-Billings (2000) as saying, how one views the world is influenced by what knowledge one possesses, and what knowledge one is capable of possessing is influenced deeply by one’s world view. This fact is further confirmed by another third and more influential element added to knowledge and world view of the individual, namely, the social setting: the conditions under which people live and learn shape both their knowledge and their world views (ibid, p201).     Epistemology is a philosophy of what counts as knowledge and “truth.” It is a strategy by which beliefs are justified. Epistemological claims are theories of knowledge about what tests beliefs and information must pass to qualify as “knowledge,” and about who can be a “knower,” and what kinds of things can be known. In sum, all research methodologies e.g., positivism, interpretivism (qualitative/qualitative methods), and critical methodologies are believed to rest on some ontological and epistemological foundation. Researchers committed to social justice and concerned about the failure of traditional research methodologies to bring about social change challenge both the research methods employed in such research exploits and their ontological and epistemological foundations. The hegemony of the dominant world view is successfully positioned as the most legitimate way to view the world against the existence of non-Western, non-Eurocentric world views that are not founded on hierarchical dualism (see in Asmarom Legesse’s Gada, “Protest Anthropology,” 1973:272-291; 2000).

The Armed Basque Resistance (ETA) (On next Gothenburg Resistance Studies Seminar)

Stellan Vinthagen May 31st, 2009

On the 4 June Vera Häggblom, former student at School of Global Studies is presenting her study on ETA and the armed Basque Resistance. (Annedalsseminariet, at 15:15-17, Room 403). Her study looks at the historical development of ETA and its changing tactics, trying to see the dynamic between state repression, negotiation attempts, and ETA activity.

Please read the short introductory text before the seminar (you find the  seminar text here). The full text exists only in Swedish, and is accessible here.

In the first paragraph of the seminar text Häggblom writes: “The aim of this seminar is to shed light upon the dynamic interaction going on between the Basque resistance movement ETA, the Spanish government and the Basque public. My main questions are to find out why the violence performed by the Basque separatist movement has prevailed until our days and what could eventually make it come to an end.”

All very much welcome to this seminar, , the last of the season. We hope many people want to join us at the post-seminar at 17:15 at restaurant Gyllene Prag, where we will celebrate the successfull completion of the fourth season of our Gothenburg Resistance Studies Seminar.

We will be back with much more next seminar, beginning in September (until December), when we also will have a book-launch of our two recently published books, one in Swedish (”Motstånd” at the publishing house Liber, edited by Mona Lilja and Stellan Vinthagen, order here), and one in English, which is a printed version of our online refereed journal Resistance Studies Magazine, edited by Christopher Kullenberg. Dates and invitations will be announced here later on. Stay tuned!

See you,

Stellan

Economy and Resistance (Gothenburg Resistance Studies Seminar)

Stellan Vinthagen May 26th, 2009

On this Thursday, 28 May, at 15:15-17.00, Erik Andersson, Senior Lecturer in Peace and Development research, School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg will present at the Gothenburg Resistance Studies Seminar On Economy and resistance (discoursive strategies against neoliberal hegemony). (In English) Room 403, Annedalsseminariet. You will find more practical information about the place above at the link “Seminars”.

PhD Erik Andersson did his disseration in Peace and Development Research with a focus on economy and globalization. He has written a short introduction text to the seminar in which his discussion is outlined. Our plan is to give him good comments and critical reflections so he will be able to develop the seminar text into an article later.

Please read the short seminar text before the seminar!

In the seminar text Erik writes: “Over the last decades, economic globalizaton has made the institutional order of the liberal world economy a bit obsolete. The role and nature of IMF, the world bank and the WTO has been scrutinized, questioned and developed. In this process, two different critical positions has developed regarding what would be the proper goal for resistance against a the neoliberal world economy of globalization. The first position argues that these IFIs needs to be closed down, in order for a different world economy to develop. The second position argues that the closing down of the IFIs is meaningless without a change of the discourse ingrained in their mandate and practices; i.e. if we close down the IMF but world monetary policy continues to be formulated and run according to the same discourse, nothing will really change. In this text I will argue for a take on this issue which tries to reconcile the difference between these two positions by help of Mouffe’s theory about anti-hegemonic interventions.”

Welcome to the seminar and welcome to our post-seminar (from 17:00 and late, at the restaurant Gyllene Prag) where the discussion continues in more informal style!

Your humble seminar organizer,

Stellan Vinthagen

Subversive Art Fair in Linz, Austria

Stellan Vinthagen May 23rd, 2009

As the first trade fair for counter culture and resistance technology the “Subversive Fair” (www.subversivmesse.at – page available in German and partly in English) presents recent projects/actions/works and poses questions: Which inventions make resistance easier? Which ideas undermine the system? Where are revolutionary forces lurking? What can we do to successfully dissolve hegemonies?

The fair program includes workshops (e.g. on guerrilla gardening, rebel clown training etc.), performances and a day-long symposium on art, normality and practices of resistance and subversion.

Posted by:
Lena Freimueller

Call for Papers to the Internatonal Studies Association (ISA) Conference 2010

Stellan Vinthagen May 18th, 2009

Dear Resistance Researchers,

We are planning to organise a resistance studies panel at the International Studies Assocation (ISA) in New Orleans 2010 (see http://www.isanet.org)  Organisers of the panel are Mona Lilja and Stellan Vinthagen. The plan is the same as last year: (1) to discuss resistance studies (2) to meet each other live! (3) to make our work know for others who might be interested. So, if you think this is interesting, join us! Send your abstracts (with title) to Mona Lilja (write “mona.lilja” and then add “@globalstudies.gu.se” to a complete email address) at the LATEST the 22 May, and then she will put up the panel and connect your paper to the panel. If many people will submit papers we register the ones we get first.

See you all in New Orleans!

Madagascar: Radio station accused of “inciting civil disobedience and undermining public confidence in institutions.”

jj May 10th, 2009

Since the War Tribunal on Rwanda accused radio stations for war crimes the role of media in conflicts are discussed more than ever. States are using the opportunities to block oppositional voices all over the world. Here is a recent case from Madagascar:

Detained Radio Mada Reporter is Charged And Transferred to Prison

7 May 2009

press release from Reporters Without Borders:

Reporters Without Borders is alarmed by today’s decision to keep Radio Mada sports reporter Evariste Ramanantsoavina in detention and charge him with “inciting revolt against the republic’s institutions,” defamation and disseminating false information. He was arrested on 5 May and forced to reveal the location from which the radio was broadcasting in defiance of a closure order.

“Even if one could understand why the authorities wanted to prevent a radio station from continuing to broadcast clandestinely in violation of an official ban, the way they singled out one of its journalists and the manner of his arrest are shocking and incomprehensible,” Reporters Without Borders said, calling for Ramanantsoavina’s immediate release.

Ramanantsoavina was taken this evening to the prosecutor’s office in Antananarivo, where he was formally charged and an order was issued transferring him to prison. He will now have to spend the weekend in prison pending a trial hearing on 11 May.

He was arrested at his home at 5 a.m. on 5 May by masked soldiers as his daughters looked on, and was taken to the National Mixed Committee for Investigations (CNME), which is located in the suburb of Ambohibao, in premises that used to be the headquarters of the former domestic intelligence service, the DGID.

There he was made to reveal the secret location from which Radio Mada, which supports the exiled former president, Marc Ravalomanana, has been broadcasting since the change of government. Soldiers then went to the location, dismantled its transmitter and seized equipment under communication ministry closure order 01/096mcc of 27 April accusing the station of “inciting civil disobedience and undermining public confidence in institutions.”

The decision to bring charges against Ramanantsoavina contradicted an initial statement by communication ministry secretary-general Charles-Aimé Randriamorasata that the authorities had arrested him simply to find out where Radio Mada was broadcasting from.

His arrest just 48 hours after World Press Freedom Day stunned journalists in Madagascar and was immediately condemned by the Order of Madagascan Journalists, which called for his unconditional release.

Aware that Madagascar is currently in a difficult period that has given rise to cases of unprofessional behaviour by some news media, Reporters Without Borders reiterates its call to all the country’s journalists to provide responsible, objective news coverage and not take sides in the ongoing political power struggle.

Reporters Without Borders defends imprisoned journalists and press freedom throughout the world. It has nine national sections (Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland). It has representatives in Bangkok, London, New York, Tokyo and Washington. And it has more than 120 correspondents worldwide.

OROMO ORALITY and RESISTANCE POETICS

Asafa May 8th, 2009

Why ‘Activist / Resistance Research?’ -I-

Resistance research is anti-oppressive/activist research. As a critical tenet, resistance research is about social activism and its agency, i.e. means, activity/action, institution, and it can be political in intention and in process. The critical research that accepts knowledge is power also critiques inequitable social relations in order to transform them, and challenges the researcher to think about whether s/he wants to support or challenge existing power structures. Whose voice(s) the research represents is also the question about the relationship between the researcher and the researched. Leslie Brown and Susan Strega in their Research as Resistance (2005) contend that in a society where there are observable social injustices, it is imperative for the researcher to accurately describe the social relation, i.e., the reality (by bracketing personal assumptions), and then apply that accurate description/critique to suggest or undertake action (pp207- 208), and that is ‘praxis.’ 

 

Such a critical approach to investigating inequitable social relations is what critical social theorists call ‘Research as praxis’ (Lather 1986). ‘Research as praxis’ is an emancipatory social science. It is concerned with empowerment and emancipation of those marginalized by class, gender, or race where relevant. It works to redress structural inequalities. This theory of research recognizes the historically, socially and culturally constituted nature of knowledge. That is ‘research as praxis’ is about empowering the marginalized and promoting action against inequalities. The meaning that people make of situations is important. The purpose of such an emancipatory social science research is primarily to investigate social conditions, expose hypocrisy, seek to discover observable structures or ‘unseen forces,’ ask questions, and encourage social transformations at grassroots level.  In so doing, it challenges the claim that research can and should be value neutral. Such is a problem one encounters in conducting an ‘activist scholarship.’

 

Richard Hale, in his Engaging Contradictions (2008), discusses three reasons why ‘activist scholarship’ has been an unusual commitment to date: the first is an idea of modern science/epistemology that knowledge is one based on detached objective observation; second, the wider range of scholarship more contained with ‘academic’ agendas and career structures; and third, activism usually understood to be of expressive of subjective individual interests, emotions, or ethical commitments rather than of broader, reflective and more intellectually informed perspective on social issues (p xiii). Consequently, several research projects have had little to do with broader social activism and to seek to solve practical social problems.  

Slide-show of Resistance at the West-Bank

Stellan Vinthagen April 29th, 2009

At the next Resistance Studies Seminar at Gothenburg University on the 7th May we will have the opportunity to learn first hand of the resistance done in the everyday and in actions by Palestinians.

Jonathan Pye shares his experiences from the West Bank as an activist with the International Solidarity Movement. Beginning with last years olive harvest via the struggle against settler theft of property and against the wall, to the solidarity demonstrations with the people in Gaza during the massacre. A slide-show from the activities is presented in order to give a personal view rather than a macro-political analysis. An example of what activism in Palestine can be like for the curious about the current situation and those who themselves consider going there.

The seminar happens in Room 403.  Seminars happen as usual every second Thursday at 15:15-17:00, Annedalsseminariet, School of Global Studies. Post-seminar at 17-, Restaurant Gyllene Prag. (RSN Work Group Meetings at same place at 14) (You find the seminar text one week before and more information above on “Seminars”). Are you interested to present at a seminar or have ideas? Email Stellan Vinthagen (write “stellan.vinthagen” and then add “@resistancestudies.org”)

Resistance Matters!

Stellan Vinthagen April 25th, 2009

During our last seminar PhD Katrin Uba presented her dissertation (see also earlier blog entry) on anti-privatisation struggles in India (and Peru). She did a four year study mainly through news database collection producing impressive statistics on an area which is under-researched: impact of protest by social movements. But she also did field studies during several months in both India and Peru. The statistical result was produced through “event history analysis”, a promising method for others to follow. To read more on her study see her thesis.

I have tried to summarize the results of her research.

Direct effect of social movement protests: Large or disruptive protests led to longer privatization process, eventually no sell-out (i.e. “success”)

Indirect effects: Protests in a democracy are more successful, than in a non-democracy (protests that are large and disruptive do indeed have effect also in dictatorships, although a smaller effect than in a democracy). Public opposition to privatization helps protesters only slightly, as regime effects are stronger (i.e. democracy which facilitate effects). Movements’ political allies have a mixed role (i.e. sometimes enforcing effect, sometimes diminishing, since allies might as well sometimes stop protest through politicians’ betrayal of earlier support of the protests after being elected or parties’ that enforce trade union loyalty to the parties’ support of privatization)

Thus, her results means that;

1: Social movements can play an independent role for policy change (does not have to be through social structure, context, allies, opinion, etc. but by it self)

2: The impact of (anti-privatization) protest is related to its characteristics and political context

3: Future research needs to focus on the role of (other) allies; study other policy-issues and countries in order to make the impact of social movements protest/resistance clearer.

Her results are important for us who are interested in resistance and the impact on power relations. She told us during her lecture before the seminar that it is common in India with anti-privatization protests with 10 million participants (!). And her research shows that the size of protest events increase the impact, and, which is vital for understanding the role of resistance, that the more the protests did disturb social life and had economic damage effects, the more it did have impact on policy change. That means protests in the form of resistance can have a “threatening” effect on politicians, making them fear even greater protests and even more economic consequences, thus leading to an impact or “success” in terms of achieving the goals of the movement.

Her research is also, as far as I understand it, a serious blow to those liberal ideas of a diffuse “public opinion” that is suppose to have political effect. Instead what seems to matter is not opinion but a real undermining of power relations (disturbance of ordinary social life, numbers of protesters and real effects on the economy).

Hopefully her study can inspire more research on the impact of resistance to power relations, helping us and activists to find out how to undermine oppression.

Resistance studies seminar on Anti-privatisation struggles in India

Stellan Vinthagen April 19th, 2009

On Thursday we have the next resistance studies seminar in Gothenburg. We are honoured to have PhD Katrin Uba from Department of Government, Uppsala University who will present her research on resistance against privatisation in India. Her PhD; “Do Protests Make a Difference?: The impact of anti-privatisation mobilisation in India and Peru”, was presented 2007.

In order to get a good discussion at the seminar we urge all participants to read parts of her thesis beforehand. Of course it is not necessary to read it all, but some of it, in order to get the critical discussion going forward.

Katrin Uba suggest that participants of the seminar read the thesis in one of the two ways - depending on the main interests of the reader: (1)    In case of the interest in labour movement India – read introduction and the 1st essay (2)    In case of the interest in outcomes of social movement mobilisation – read introduction and 3rd essay. 

This time we also get an introductory lecture between 13-15 from Katrin, before the seminar (room 403). And as always, we gather for the seminar between 15 and 17, and then for the post-seminar session at restaurant Gyllene Prag from 17 and onwards. (More practical information you will find at the link “Seminars” above).

All welcome!

First Swedish book on Resistance Studies out now!

Stellan Vinthagen April 17th, 2009

Finally the first book on resistance studies is out and can be bought! It is called “Motstånd” and costs 318 SEK. You can order it from the publisher Liber here.

The book is edited by Mona Lilja and me together and consists of two introductory chapters dealing with power theories and resistance theories. After that 10 authors deal with various aspects of resistance from the perspective of their own research fields/projects; armed guerillas in Latin America, suicide-bombings/martyr-operations in the Middle-East and among the US armed forces, carneval resistance and humour against patriarchy in Nicaragua, imitation (or “mimesis”) as resistance among the colonialized “Others”, pink-dressing among Queer-activists in Sweden, nonviolent revolutions in Benin, Africa and elsewhere, hacking in the fashion industry, economic resistance (as alternative to bank-robbery…), the law as resistance tool (and power tool) or ICT-based resistance against surveillance through Internet in Burma.

In all the chapters these authors discuss how resistance take on various expressions and recreate power relations, sometimes creating new problematic power, sometimes facilitate human liberation.

In a concluding chapter Mona and I try to draw some conclusions about “resistance” and the need for research into this very interesting social phenonomon.

Learn Swedish and buy the book!

Best,

Stellan

Rsmag 2009#1 out now!

Christopher Kullenberg March 27th, 2009

Dear members,

The first issue of 2009 is now availible for download at rsmag.org. You may also comment the individual articles by Mona Lilja and Patrick Williams.

Enjoy reading! And please spread the word!

Art and Resistance?!

Stellan Vinthagen March 20th, 2009

This Wednesday I did a talk on Resistance Studies at the art exhibition hall Magasin 3 in Stockholm, Sweden. The talk was in connection to an ongoing exhibition by the artist Santiago Sierra (info in Swedish about this exhibition or the official site of Santiago Sierra in English). I outlined what “resistance studies” is and talked especially on everyday resistance and constructive resistance, and towards the end I did show loads of photos of examples of strong symbolic expressions of constructive resistance.

In the discussion afterwards several people asked me what I tink of the art of Sierra and if art can be part of resistance. I am convinced that art is possible as resistance but I am not convinced about Sierra I must admit. Some of the things he does seems more like an act of repeating the repression than the resistance to the repression…

I am more impressed by our old hero Banksy who does (at least) two things different to Sierra; he acts in the public space, and he display hopefull/humouristic resistance to power.

Of course, I am able to see that Sierra is upset and against repression, I like that. But is that enough? Does not the artist also have a responsibility to do more than show how ugly the world is? What happens when you show the oppression of the “castless”/untouchables (Dalits) in India by, like Sierra, letting them for free make art of their work with human shit, and then that art is sold by Sierra for a lot of money to art-collectors? No money goes to the Dalits…Of course it shows how twisted the world is, how sick the art industry is, and I am convinced Sierra want to show that problem, and expose the art industry, but, still, what about the Dalits? What about Sierra’s role in repeating the repression?

I would love to get to know what more people think about the art of Sierra. Feel welcome to contribute your thoughts.

Massive protest against China’s censorship

Stellan Vinthagen March 13th, 2009

From the BBC:

“BEIJING — Since its first unheralded appearance in January on a Chinese Web page, the grass-mud horse has become nothing less than a phenomenon.

A YouTube children’s song about the beast has drawn nearly 1.4 million viewers. A grass-mud horse cartoon has logged a quarter million more views. A nature documentary on its habits attracted 180,000 more. Stores are selling grass-mud horse dolls. Chinese intellectuals are writing treatises on the grass-mud horse’s social importance. The story of the grass-mud horse’s struggle against the evil river crab has spread far and wide across the Chinese online community.

Not bad for a mythical creature whose name, in Chinese, sounds very much like an especially vile obscenity. Which is precisely the point.

The grass-mud horse is an example of something that, in China’s authoritarian system, passes as subversive behavior. Conceived as an impish protest against censorship, the foul-named little horse has not merely made government censors look ridiculous, although it has surely done that.

It has also raised real questions about China’s ability to stanch the flow of information over the Internet — a project on which the Chinese government already has expended untold riches, and written countless software algorithms to weed deviant thought from the world’s largest cyber-community.

Government computers scan Chinese cyberspace constantly, hunting for words and phrases that censors have dubbed inflammatory or seditious. When they find one, the offending blog or chat can be blocked within minutes.

Xiao Qiang, an adjunct professor of journalism at the University of California, Berkeley, who oversees a project that monitors Chinese Web sites, said in an e-mail message that the grass-mud horse “has become an icon of resistance to censorship.”

“The expression and cartoon videos may seem like a juvenile response to an unreasonable rule,” he wrote. “But the fact that the vast online population has joined the chorus, from serious scholars to usually politically apathetic urban white-collar workers, shows how strongly this expression resonates.”

Wang Xiaofeng, a journalist and blogger based in Beijing, said in an interview that the little animal neatly illustrates the futility of censorship. “When people have emotions or feelings they want to express, they need a space or channel,” he said. “It is like a water flow — if you block one direction, it flows to other directions, or overflows. There’s got to be an outlet.”

See the whole article at BBC.

Network Politics, Social Forums and Resistance Studies

Stellan Vinthagen March 10th, 2009

CANCELED DUE TO SICKNESS! (we will be back with news later when the new seminar will happen!)

On the 12 March Niklas Hansson, PhD, presents at the University of Gothenburg Resistance Studies Seminar on “Network Politics and the Gothenburg Social Forum-process“. A seminar about local social forum-organization within the World Social Forum-process. The session will take as its starting point an ethnological study [Ph.D dissertation] based on fieldwork in Gothenburg, Sweden, between 2003 and 2005. The study’s main theoretical influence is Manuel DeLanda’s neo-materialist Assemblage Theory, but draws from a range of theoretical sources (social movement theory, actor network theory, information theory, systems theory, globalization theory). (In English) Note: Room 303. There are two texts which will be discussed during the seminar (Hansson’s PhD summary, and, a text on Network Politics).

All welcome!

Unique Interview with Prof Gene Sharp

Stellan Vinthagen March 4th, 2009

In Boston, just about a week ago, two members of the Resistance Studies Network, Jörgen Johansen and I, did an interview with the classic researcher on nonviolent resistance: Gene Sharp, in Boston, USA. The interview is taped by the film-maker Ninja Thyberg and will be made into a tutoring video later on.

Gene Sharp wrote the ground breaking book: The Politics of Nonviolent Action in 1973. It was the first real research in which the thinking and practice of Mohandas K. Gandhi became part of the political theory.

Sharp developed in his PhD a power theory of consent, claiming that the power of rulers depend on the consent of those ruled. If their consent was withdrawn - through strikes, non-cooperation, civil disobedience, etc. - then the rulers would not be able to rule anymore. From this basic point Sharp developed his detailed theory of nonviolent strategies and methodologies, documenting more than 198 methods already being used in the history in various contexts and in different periods of history.

Today, after numerous books and articles, Gene Sharp is the giant of nonviolent resistance research. His work has inspired several resistance movements in the world. For the most comprehensive collection of his work, see the Albert Einstein Institution.

The unique interview is important since it is done by two researchers on nonviolent resistance, and focus on the problems and criticism of that exists. Thus, it is a video that will display a critical discussion on the potential of nonviolent resistance.

On clustered organization and resistance

Christopher Kullenberg February 26th, 2009

[this post is written in English, but mostly links to Swedish pages. Republish freely anywhere]

Marcin de Kaminski coins a very useful concept in the Trial against the Pirate Bay; clustered organizational dynamics. Also Oscar Swartz elaborates on this theme in Wired, where Fredrik Neij is quoted in relation to the Pirate Bay:

“No,” Neij answered. “Why? If someone believes a new text is needed, he just inputs it. Or if a graphic is ugly, someone makes a better one. The one who wants to do something just does it.”

From a sociological point of view this is of course very interesting, not only from a theoretical point of view, but also because of the opportunity of relating theory to practice, as the blogosphere seems to discuss it widely at the moment. Also, it stands in opposition to formal models of social organization, and is harshly incompatible with any legal procedure.

The sticking point becomes; Are bazaar-like modes of organizing the world a form of realized anarchism, or simply the best way to make massive innovations, such as the Pirate Bay, work?

Rick Falkvinge relates this to the work of the Swedish Pirate Party (Piratpartiet). A party necessarily needs some formalized way of dividing roles (leaders, members, candidates, etc.). However, in order to actually get things done, meetings and procedures of authorization seem to be too slow to make politics work.

Pyramidal organization needs to waste a lot of energy in order to simply preserve the roles and identities of the organization itself, hence making the structure autopoetic. The result is very factual; record companies such as EMI are deterritorialized by way of speed (they still make money though), and the spectrial clearly displays that the nation-state based court has to be educated about this thing called the internets (even in terminology).

Clearly the prosecutors are desperately looking for an “ideological” motivation, as they are politicising the trial. This, however, pales in comparison to the ontopolitics of making things work.

Pirate politics are currently proceeding with rapid speeds in Sweden, and is highly relevant for understanding resistance in relation to new technologies, and the power structures shaped inside them.

Some related Swedish media: Aftonbladet ,DN.

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