Showing posts with label communism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label communism. Show all posts

Friday, October 25, 2013

NORMAN BETHUNE AND BLOOD TRANSFUSION: A GREAT CANADIAN LIE

     If you visit pretty well any Canadian government site, or one receiving its funding from the government, you will come across the claim that the Canadian Communist surgeon Norman Bethune founded the first mobile blood transfusion unit in the world during his brief stay in Spain during the Spanish Civil War. This claim was set forth by Bethune himself, and it has been repeated by such institutions as Library and Archives Canada, Parks Canada, The Canadian Encyclopedia and the National Film Board. The reality is quite different, and to their credit both Wikipedia and the Centre for Blood Research briefly mention the actual facts. What were they ? In Catalonia the reality is well known.

     On July 17, 1936 the Spanish Civil War began with a military rising against the government of the Republic. The government dithered and procrastinated. The Spanish working class and peasantry, however, responded with vigor, and the rising was soon defeated in the major industrial areas in Spain, in Catalonia, Valencia, Madrid and the north of the country, excepting Galicia. This resistance was the signal for a far ranging social revolution that was the most profound of the 20th century. The centre of this revolution was perhaps Barcelona, the capital of Catalonia, where on July 19 the anarchosyndicalists of the CNT thoroughly defeated the uprising. Soldiers listened to the pleas of the people, and turned their guns on officers and recalcitrant units. Other desertions from the paramilitary forces followed, and the general in command of the rising, General Goded, flew from the island of Majorca to a speedy arrest.

     When the dust settled it was generally the workers of the socialist UGT and the anarchist CNT who held most of nonfascist Spain, excluding their allies amongst the nationalist Basques. Anarchist organized forces, with a minor contribution from the left communist POUM and an even more minor contribution from the communist controlled PSUC, set out for the Aragon front to attempt to recover the city of Saragossa, lost to the rising because of misplaced trust. Most of the advancing anarchist columns delayed by wasting time securing rural areas, and only the unsupported Durruti column ended up facing the fascists near to the city. The Aragon front was the most active in the early days, and fighting was chaotic and improvised on both sides. It is there that the story of front line blood transfusions began.

     In the rear of the anarchist front in Barcelona the Catalan doctor Frederic Duran i Jorda organized the first mobile refrigerated blood transfusion unit as an extension of a blood bank in Barcelona, the Barcelona Transfusion Unit. The first units of blood were carried to the Aragon Front in refrigerated trucks in September of 1936. All of this was organized under the dual influence of the CNT Syndicate for Sanitary Services, an outgrowth of the Syndicate of Liberal Professions, and the anarchofeminist Mujeres Libres who took a particular interest in health care. In Catalonia the anarchist doctor Felix Marti Ibanez became director of medical services and social assistance. Decisions about medical services were made by the plenary assembly of the Syndicate. Eventually the "informal leadership" of the CNT/FAI allowed Federica Montseny to become federal Minister of Health in the Madrid government.

     Despite the continued unwise compromises of the anarchists and efforts of sectarian control by the Communists that reduced efficiency and approached treachery the Catalan blood transfusion service remained operative and became, in essence, THE unit of Republican Spain. Communist attempts to control and actually subvert this system began early, even in Catalonia. Some hospitals ended up being controlled by the Communist front PSUC with help from their foreign network. In November of 1936 socialist members of the British Medical Unit resigned from their positions with the Communist controlled Spanish Medical Aid (British organization in supposed solidarity with Spain). They complained that the SMA was "entirely Communist in outlook", and cited the conspiratorial tactics of the Communists that poisoned the atmosphere of  the unit at the Aragon Front. Extreme coercion was applied to these non-communist socialists to join the PSUC Communist front. The resignees complained of several instances where this mania for control damaged the effectiveness of their unit. As if true-believer Communists could care.

     It was in this atmosphere that the late-comer Norman Bethune arrived in Spain in November of 1936. By this time the mobile blood transfusion units which he is credited with establishing were already a functional concern. Every innovation with which he has been credited by Canadian (and Stalinist) authorities was already in place. Mobile blood transfusion at the front - credit the Catalans. Refrigerated transport units - credit the Catalans. There is one thing where is was actually innovative, and I will deal with this soon. Aside from this his only idea was that the blood transfusion service should be "centralized". This is, of course, standard Stalinist procedure, but in Spain it came up against an improvised libertarian system that actually worked. It was also part and parcel of the favouritism that plagued the Spanish Republicans as Communist dominated units were allotted supplies that were denied to anarchist or independent socialist formations. This reached its apotheosis during the May events of 1937 and Lister's march through Aragon where anarchist units at the front saw their base destroyed by Communist controlled units that the Party thought could be better employed destroying its Republican opposition than in fighting fascists.

     The centralization option hardly lived up to its promise of efficiency. By the time he left Spain in July of 1937 Bethune had reduced the Spanish transfusion service to almost total chaos. This was not only because of his extremely unpleasant personality, attested to by pretty well all of his acquaintances before he left for China where he was hailed as a Saint by the Maoists. It was also because of his willing role as a Stalinist tool. His epigram to Spain was that "all those anarchist bastards should be shot". His party friends did their level best in the course of the civil war/revolution to carry this out, and they also added, or emphasized, dissident communists such as the POUM and "uncooperative socialists" who didn't see dictatorship as a sacred goal.

     Bethune had left the mess behind him, and despite the political reservations the central Spanish government had only one place to turn if they were to have a blood transfusion service that worked at all. Dr. Frederic Duran I Jorda of Barcelona, the originator of all that Bethune is credited for, became the director of blood services for the Spanish State. He continued in this function until the victory of Franco, and he later settled in Britain. His contributions were cited (with no mention of Bethune) by Dr. Janet M. Vaughan, the architect of blood services in Britain in WW2 in the British Medical Journal. Bethune got no mention because he deserved none. Stronger words such as saboteur might be appropriate.

     Where was Bethune's contribution unique, at least in the context of Spain ? It was the rather grim use of blood harvested from dead bodies for use in transfusions. Dr. Duran I Jorda was familiar with the technique which he dismissed as impractical and dangerous. His familiarity came from reading medical reports from the Soviet Union, and in 1937 he issued a pamphlet in which he stated that the reports from the USSR were heavily "political", and his objections to the real technical problems.

     The use of blood transfusion began in the Soviet Union in the early 1920s, and was pioneered by Lenin's friend Alexander Boganov. Bogdanov died in 1928 of a "transfusion accident". Maybe. By 1930 his organization had expanded from Moscow to Leningrad, and another Soviet, Sergei S. Yudin, began the use of cadaver blood in 1930. Yudin published his results in 1936, though, as with anything from Russia at the time, the encouragement for "good news" was a life or death matter for the person involved. Yudin's work had been widely trumpeted in the Communist press and when Bethune visited Moscow in 1935 he may or may not have had first hand knowledge with the process  during visits to various Soviet hospitals and clinics. In any case in February 1937 in Spain he stated that he would "use the latest Russian-American methods of blood transfusion".

     Be that it may another Communist doctor from England, Reginald Saxton, was probably more of a driving force behind the use of post-mortem blood than Bethune was. It it hard to say because the records of the Madrid blood transfusion unit under the reign of Bethune are notable for their abscence. Saxton later in September 1937 published an article in The Lancet in whiuch he extolled the use of dead body blood "as described by S.S. Yudin". It never happened. By this time under the directorship of Duran I Jorda  the non-political, often fatal, problems of cadaver blood led to a recognition of reality despite the political sympathies of the Communists. In the meantime, however, under Bethune use of cadaver blood became routine via the practice of the American (Communist !) geneticist who joined Bethune's team in Madrid. This culprit left Spain in May 1937, but transfusion of blood harvested from corpses continued at least in the Madrid zone well into 1938. Its use elsewhere in Spain awaits further historical research given the opposition of Duran I Jorda and the routinely conspiratorial practices of the Communist Party.

     What can we glean from this ? First of all is that Bethune's "contribution" to the attempt of the Communists to centralize (and control !) the use of blood transfusion is rather a "contribution" that is entirely sectarian and not medical. Second the real technical "contribution" of imitating ghouls by draining dead bodies of blood would have been seen much earlier had it not been for sectarian politics. This practice continued despite the efforts of an opponent nominally in charge of the blood transfusion service. Credit conspiracy. Given the historical and present practice of harvesting organs for transplant from those whom the government in China executes one should wonder about the source of the cadaver blood used in both the Soviet Union and under Communist influence in the Spanish Civil War. Human life is, after all, cheap to those who wish to build the Marxist Utopia.

     Note in Proof: This will be followed by a longer (shudder) examination of Bethune in Spain with all the appropriate references. As I mentioned the true story is well known in Catalonia, but I only read Spanish, and I will have to ask for help in translation. I have no desire to comment much on Bethune's earlier career in Canada and the USA except as it relates to his Spanish myth. Nor do I wish to comment much on the later Maoist hagiography of him in China where he may or may not have achieved humanity. The purpose of this piece is to attack a pervasive state-sponsored myth in my own country, Canada, and to correct some widely held falsehoods about the status of Bethune. At this point I do not presume to know the political opinions of Duran I Jorge. All that is demonstrable is that he was not Communist. My own opinion is that he was a Catalan nationalist of liberal opinions. I stand to be corrected on this matter.
    

Tuesday, January 11, 2011



INTERNATIONAL LABOUR SPAIN:
SPANISH CCOO REWARDED FOR TREASON TO WORKERS:


This one came as something of a surprise. According to an article in the Spanish Meneame the Catalan Ministry of Labour has "awarded" the collaborationist CCOO with full possession of the trade union central building on Via Laietana in downtown Barcelona. This includes the 9th and 10th floors of the building which have been occupied by the anarchosyndicalist CGT for 21 years. When Molly and company visited Barcelona about 9 years ago the building was occupied by the CCOO, the UGT and the CGT, the CGT having the higher floors (appropriately) with one of the best views of downtown Barcelona from their cafeteria. The CCOO, of course, is the union federation created by the now almost defunct Spanish Communist Party. While the Party has almost become a thing of the past the hacks running "their" union haven't lost any of the old communist talent for conspiracy and betrayal. Doing their level best to sabotage any true radical opposition to austerity measures in Spain has earned them their reward from the newly elected right wing nationalist government of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia. Seems like the commies have never lost their old talents as evidenced by their repression of the Spanish Revolution and, of course, the Hitler-Stalin pact.



There is more on this situation here (in Catalan) at the website of the CGT Catalunya, as well as the original article from the CGT's Rojo Y Negro. What follows is a brief translation from the Spanish at the Meneame site. I hope to follow this story as it would be a sad loss if the bureaucrats of the CCOO gain control of the whole building. Apparently the UGT was evicted some years earlier. If the CGT didn't protest at that time ( I don't know ) they damn well should have and shame on them if they didn't. The basic bottom fact is that pretty well any "ally" is preferred to the communists as they will always stab you in the back when the time is convenient.
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The Ministry of Labour awards the CCOO all of trade union building in Barcelona, including the floors of the CGT
www.rojoynegro.info/2004/spip.php?article32868
by jozegarcia
The Ministry of Labour gave all the trade union building on Via Laietana in Barcelona to the CCOO, including floors 9 and 10 currently occupied by the CGT of Barcelona. From April to December 2010, eight months, the Ministry of Labour had given the CCOO floors 7, 8, 9 and 10 leaving the entire building in the hands of CCOO.

Monday, September 27, 2010



INTERNATIONAL POLITICS:
SWEDEN TURNS RIGHT:


Last week's national elections in Sweden returned the present right wing government to power and, most disturbingly, the extreme right made unprecedented gains. The following report from the Swedish anarchosyndicalist website Anarkisterna says it all, and it raises some important points.


Molly would add her two cents worth by noting the following. Despite the antique Marxist fantasy followed by all too many anarchists and non-Marxist socialists the advent of 'hard times' seems to have not led to any resurgence of left wing class based movements that fundamentally challenge the present social order anywhere in at least the developed world. If anything the right seems to be 'on the march' worldwide. Where left wing social movements opposed to further tightening of the screws have arisen the main thrust seems to have been an attempt to hold on to what little the lower classes already have, and a more or less implicit (sometimes quite explicit) endorsement of social democratic policies and parties. This despite the fact that in many countries, Spain and Greece come to mind, it is actually "socialist" parties that are doing the dirty work.


Meanwhile the general electorate remains quite cynical, perhaps rightfully so, and opts to vote in many cases for parties whose desire to shift wealth from the lower classes is explicit rather than implicit. This goes hand in hand with an increase in what may best described as the "political superstition" that somehow "immigrants" are responsible for the difficulties that ordinary people face in these hard times. How this can possibly be true is best left to the fevered imaginations of conspiracy theorists. Even if minorities are not "blamed" it may at least feel satisfying to work up a hate for something that can be so easily identified. The left, in general, offers no such easy fantasy. Its social democratic wing has long since abandoned any pretence to having so crude a thing as "enemies". Its orthodox communist wing has not only been disgraced by its history of being worse than the old order. Its idea of the enemy as the 'top-hatted capitalists' ( excluding government bureaucrats of course ) rings hollow in the modern world.


Too much of the rest of the left beyond the social democrats and commies spends its time tilting at the windmills of "isms" having abandoned all hope of a rational road to a better society. It takes a developed taste for either masochism or the 'one downmanship' of identity politics to find this sort of "politics" satisfying...especially as "the enemy" can easily be defined as something approaching 98% of the population. This is not politics. It is psychology gone cancerous.


The Swedish comrades end their article with some questions rather than with assertions. This is undoubtedly the best way to proceed. As an anarchist I am convinced that the anarchist tradition contains many of the ideas that are necessary to oppose the rightward drift of most of the developed world. I am not, however, so unrealistic as to suppose that either I or any wing of the anarchist movement today have a magic pocketful of 'solutions". What is sure is that the main opposition to the right has no practical plan. For anarchists the balancing act is an age old one, one of walking the fine line between collaboration (leftism under an anarchist name) and irrelevancy( either 'purism' or defining away the concerns of ordinary people to focus on 'psychoboo' ). Where the tightrope is depends upon both time and place. Let's hope there are enough political acrobats in our ranks.


Here's the article from Sweden.
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Where do we go from here?
On how to challenge rightwing racist class politics
Lördag 25 September

The elections of September 19th in many ways mark a sad turning point in Swedish history. Since of that date, Sweden joins the growing number of EU member states run by rightwing governments with the participation of the extreme right.

For the first time, a rightwing government was re-elected in Sweden. For the first time, a populist racist party, Sverigedemokraterna (Sweden Democrats) – with roots in the extreme right scene – entered the Parliament. And for the first time a Nazi party gained entrance into a municipality. The leader of Svenskarnas Parti (Party of the Swedes) – formerly Nationalsocialistisk Front – got a chair in the small town of Grästorp.



The reaction to the election was swift: demonstrations in Malmö, Gothenburg and Stockholm the following day gathered thousands of people, in Stockholm up to ten thousand. Numerous demonstrations have since taken place in different places and many more actions are planned for the coming weeks and especially for the grand opening of the Parliament.

Many people are appalled and outraged at the results of the elections. Bit by bit, the right wing government has been dismantling the welfare state, labour laws and social security systems, replacing them with the freedom of the individual consumer – thereby paving the way for the extreme right. But so have the Social Democrats, the Left and the Greens: By not challenging the politics of the government and putting forward a concrete red and green vision, the stage was set for the racists, posing as the sole alternative to the status quo.

The Sweden Democrats have rather successfully spread the myth of immigration as the one political issue none but them dares to address. This being far from true (quite the opposite, by being tough on immigration any politician comes across as determined and energetic), it nevertheless gained them a lot of attention. And even though being false, it still was a simple answer to a number of important questions: Why is society not as solidaristic as it used to be? Why are so many – especially young – people unemployed? Why is all this downsizing occurring?

Everything was played out to be the fault of “mass immigration”.

These questions are relevant to a lot of people in everyday life today, and so is addressing them. The anxiety is real, it is the result of precarious labour, money that is never enough, climate change that is being neglected, insecurity, frustration, violence and welfare cuts – in other words the results of political decisions. The question radical social movements have to ask themselves is how to address these issues and challenge these politics?

How do we turn protests against the Sweden Democrats into resistance against the racist class politics of the right wing government? And how do we transform our resistance into a constructive force – self organizing local communities and building strong popular movements?

Where do we go from here? Share your experiences with us!

Saturday, September 11, 2010


HUMOUR:
CARRYING ON:

Sunday, June 20, 2010


INTERNATIONAL LABOUR- CHINA:
A NEW WAY TO ORGANIZE:


The communist/capitalist rulers of the Peoples' Republic of China have recently been challenged by a grass roots movement of striking workers at Honda manufacturing plants. Fearful of the spread of this workers' rebellion, outside of the official Communist Party unions, the government has actually conceded to the workers' demands. the reason for this is detailed below. The workers have managed to go beyond the official trade unions and coordinate their actions via the internet. It's an interesting though. Personally I have always favoured established radical anarchosyndicalist unions whatever their disadvantages. In some situations, however, where it is impossible to maintain alternative unions it is still possible given modern technology for a mass movement to grow, as it has in China. Here's the story from the New York Times.

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In China, Labor Movement Enabled by Technology
By DAVID BARBOZA and KEITH BRADSHER

The 1,700 workers who went on strike at the Honda Lock auto parts factory here are mostly poor migrants with middle-school educations.

But they are surprisingly tech-savvy.

Hours into a strike that began last week, they started posting detailed accounts of the walkout online, spreading word not only among themselves but also to restive and striking workers elsewhere in China.

They fired off cellphone text messages urging colleagues to resist pressure from factory bosses. They logged onto a state-controlled Web site — workercn.cn — that is emerging as a digital hub of the Chinese labor movement. And armed with desktop computers, they uploaded video of Honda Lock’s security guards roughing up employees.

“We videotaped the strike with our cellphones and decided to post the video online to let other people know how unfairly we were treated,” said a 20-year-old Honda employee who asked not to be named because of the threat of retaliation.

The disgruntled workers in this southern Chinese city took their cues from earlier groups of Web-literate strikers at other Honda factories, who in mid-May set up Internet forums and made online bulletin board postings about their own battle with the Japanese automaker over wages and working conditions.

But they have also tapped into a broader communications web enabling the working class throughout China to share grievances and strategies. Some strike leaders now say they spend much of their time perusing the Web for material on China’s labor laws.

Wielding cellphones and keyboards, members of China’s emerging labor movement so far seem to be outwitting official censors in an effort to build broad support for what they say is a war against greedy corporations and their local government allies.

And it might not be possible if the Chinese government had not made a concerted effort in the last decade to shrink the country’s digital divide by lowering the cost of mobile phone and Internet service in this country — a modernization campaign that has given China the world’s biggest Internet population (400 million) and allowed even the poorest of the poor to log onto the Internet and air their labor grievances.

“This is something people haven’t paid attention to — migrant workers can organize using these technologies,” said Guobin Yang, a professor at Barnard College and author of “The Power of the Internet in China: Citizen Activism Online.”

“Usually we think of this kind of thing being used by middle-class youths and intellectuals,” Professor Yang said.

The Web and digital devices, analysts say, have become vehicles of social change in much the way the typewriter and mimeograph machine were the preferred media during the pro-democracy protests in Beijing in 1989 — before the government put down that movement in the June 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown that left hundreds dead.

A looming question now, in fact, is whether and when the government might seek to quash the current worker uprisings if they become too big a threat to the established social order. Already, the government has started cracking down on strike-related Web sites and deleted many of the blog posts about the strikes.

The instant messaging service QQ, which is accessible via the Web or mobile phone — and was perhaps the early favorite network of strike leaders because of its popularity among young people — was soon infiltrated by Honda Lock officials and government security agents, forcing some to move to alternative sites, strike leaders say.

“We’re not using QQ any more,” said one strike leader here. “There were company spies that got in. So now we’re using cellphones more.”

Analysts say they were smart to change.

QQ offers no protection from eavesdropping by the Chinese authorities, and it is just as well they stopped using it,” said Rebecca MacKinnon, a China specialist and fellow at the Center for Information Technology Policy at Princeton University. “QQ is not secure. You might as well be sharing your information with the Public Security Bureau.”

But the activists say they are getting around some of those restraints by shifting to different platforms (including a Skype-like network called YY Voice) and using code words to discuss protest gatherings.

For years, labor activists have been exposing the harsh working conditions in Chinese factories by smuggling cellphone images and video out of coastal factories and posting documents showing labor law violations on the Web. New and notable is that these formerly covert activities have become open and pervasive.

Last month, for example, when a string of puzzling suicides was reported at Foxconn Technology near here, one of the world’s largest electronics manufacturers, there were online video postings reportedly showing security guards manhandling workers.

Monday, November 09, 2009


INTERNATIONAL POLITICS:
THE FALL OF THE WALL-20 YEARS ON:
Today marks the 20th anniversary of the end of the Berlin Wall as an effective barrier between East and West Germany. This sudden collapse of one of East Germany's main controls on its citizens was certainly not the first, the last or even the most important event in the relatively fast crumbling of the Soviet Empire and the Marxist Leninist system of rule that underpinned the Empire.
The end of the Empire wasn't necessarily an unalloyed good, and many elderly people in the successor states long for the stability and security that dictatorship provided. Many are also offended by the conspicuous nature of inequality that has grown up. Not that the old communist ruling class wasn't just that- a ruling class with all the perks of same. It's just that they tended to flaunt it far less than the nouveau riche in eastern Europe today. On balance the end of central planning probably has improved the economic situation of the average person, but it certainly hasn't improved it as much as some might have thought it would at the beginning of the transitions.
The end of the Soviet Empire was also either the beginning of the end or the hastening of disintegration for a vast sea of communist parties that existed in countries where they didn't have state control. Most of these are pale shadows of their former selves. Some are certifiably dead. Others have successfully jettisoned their Marxist Leninist ideology to become ordinary social democratic parties. This implosion wasn't confined to the 'Moscow Line' Leninists. While the Maoists were already in a state of decline before the late 80s the fall of their supposed enemy led to a much more rapid decline. People (rightfully) saw that there was little difference between these two forms of Stalinism, except that the Maoists had a far greater potential for brutality in power. Even the Trotskyists saw their decline accelerated. Even though they were not Stalinists their Leninism tarred them with the same brush.
Today Leninist parties are pretty much a dead issue except for some very isolated situations. None, outside of Nepal, have even the remotest chance of becoming the new ruling class. Even being junior partners in coalition with other parties is becoming less and less common. Only North Korea stands as an horrible example of what Stalinism was in its full "glory". Many states (China, Vietnam, Laos and, to a large extent Cuba) maintain a Leninist concept of dictatorship while abandoning more and more of the economic fantasies that underlaid Marxism in power. These states may still be Leninist, but they can hardly be called Marxist anymore.
Not that the corporate managerialism of 'the West' is without its own problems, as citizens of the ex-communist states soon found out. This type of society also generates its own opposition, but the end of the Marxist dreamworld has left others to take up the fight. There have been many different beneficiaries of the disillusionment with Marxism. Anarchism (which was already growing) became even more attractive to radicals and potential radicals as the anarchists definitely had the best "I told you so" record in regards to the communist states. Green/ecology parties also experienced a boost as, for at least awhile, it seemed that their main competitors on the left were totally discredited. After an initial period of confusion and a certain anxiety left social democracy has also made a comeback, especially in South America. It often does this by borrowing/stealing mightily from the rhetoric and rarely the actual programmatic content of the anarchists and the ecologists.
Of course there are illusions and then there are illusions. Right wing commentators who were breaking their arms patting themselves on their backs about their 'great triumph' or 'the end of history' were given only a few years grace before history came back to bite, both politically and economically.
The fall of the Soviet Empire, and all the changes it set in motion, was, on balance, beneficial. Nobody can tell what new forms of class rule and opposition to class rule the future will hold. What is certain is that no grand political theorist or movement even foggily predicted the timing and manner of the end of the Empire. This should give anyone pause when confronted with those who, like the commies of old, claim to have a hidden key to the course of history in some sacred text. Beware of too much certitude.

Friday, August 14, 2009


CANADIAN ANARCHIST MOVEMENT:
THE HISTORY OF NEFAC IN QUÉBEC CITY (PART 6):
The following is part six of Molly's translation of the article in the Québecois anarchist journal Ruptures on the history of NEFAC (now the UCL) in Québec City. As before you can read the full article in French at THIS LINK. The following section takes us into the spring of 2004 when tensions with other Québec libertarians were cooling and joint projects became possible.
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Joint mobilizations:
In the spring of 2004, La Nuit organized several actions with other Québec libertarian collectives . After two years during which tensions with other anarchists were sometimes been strong , our group made its "self criticism" and changed its attitude. We launched the idea of holding regular meetings bringing together members of different groups to develop common action. An internet list ("Intercollectif ") was set up for members of the "Assembly of Quebec Libertarians". On 14 April, on the first anniversary of the coming to power of Jean Charest, we broadcast a call to mobilization ( "generalize the resistance") along with La Rixe, Dada is hungryr and other "Québec libertarians". " We announced our participation in the "Block Charest " action organized by the REPAC at the corner of Charest(No, it's an old name; the bugger doesn't yet have streets named after him-Molly) and Langelier streets. The appeal was also signed by a half-dozen groups in Montreal.







The Assembly of Quebec Libertarians also mobilized for the mass demonstration on 1 May 2004 in Montreal, which brought tens of thousands of workers (close to 100,000) against the anti-social Charest governement . At the initiative of the CLAC (including the NEFAC-Montreal) and the Assembly of Quebec Libertarians, an anarchist contingent of several hundred people formed the tail of the event. Without waiting for the union march to begin (which was nearly four hours late!), we took to the streets, preceded by a PCR contingent, to assemble at Parc Jarry . On that site, the riot squad charged the anarchists and Maoists, but we had to retreat because of pressure from protesters .







In parallel, we continued to develop our contacts in the 'region' by participating in lectures on anarchism in Joliette and sending, on a regular basis, the journal Common Cause to a contact in the Bas-Saint-Laurent region, who distributed them in Rivière-du-Loup and Cabano. On the 28th of June 2004, the 4th issue of Ruptures (a special issue on nationalism and the extreme right) was launched at the Dorchester Tavern on the evening of the federal election. The article on the extreme right in Quebec aroused many reactions. The PCR reacted strongly to the fact that its members were associated ,in the article, with a National-Bolshevik group and with the MLNQ, which was nevertheless the case. A few months after the release of this issue of Ruptures, it was the turn of Pierre Falardeau to attack us in the pages of Quebecers and Du Couac. Falardeau claimed that NEFAC was being paid by the RCMP, especially because we were associated collectives in the United States and Ontario and that we were against nationalism. This charge is so outrageous that many people take upon themselves to shut him up without our being obliged to do it ourselves!
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Molly Notes:

The item above teems with local references that would be hard for an outsider to understand. I'll do my best to explain them here, but I hope that Québecois comrades will lend a hand where my ignorance is obvious.

First of all, the CLAC (Convergence des Luttes Anti-Capitalist) was a Montréal general assembly of various activist and other anarchist groups which attempted to coordinate actions in the Montréal area. To my knowledge it is defunct, but I have little idea of when it was formed and when it died.

"National-Bolsheviks" are a bizarre recruiting tool of fascists and Neo-Nazis desperate for recruits. They are most prominent in the USA (where pretty well every other weird thing is most prominent as well). Today they are minor compared to the oxymoron "national anarchism". There are, after all, more anarchists and therefore more weak minded anarchists today than there are Leninists(outside of Québec where the Leninist live off an historical inheritance). Molly's Blog was recently visited by one of these fascists crying the blues about how I didn't give his so-called "ideology" the dignity of a "critique". Quite frankly, aside from the cynical manipulations of the leaders I find little to "critique" in the political expression of personal inferiorities. One can hardly take this sort of thing seriously.

The Mouvement de Liberation Nationale du Québec (MLNQ) is an ultra-nationalist group founded by ex-FLQer and convicted murderer Raymond Villeneuve. One can easily imagine that the whole operation is a scam to enable Villeneuve to avoid actually having to take shit jobs-the only ones a convicted murderer could get- to survive. Whatever the above article may imply the MLNQ is a "left-wing"sect rather than a fascist group. In that it is similar to its occasional supporter Pierre Falardeau, also mentioned above. Falardeau is a Québecois film directer and general commentator. His "style" is such that he is best compared to someone like Rush Limbaugh with socialist pretentions. For long term anarchists another analogy would be "like a Bob Black with talent and ambition". To say the least such a personality who thrives on being outrageous for his income is hardly worried about being refuted. On to the next target in his schedule. It was actually a coup for NEFAC to be denounced by him, with his bizarre accusations. That's publicity you could never buy.

Here is where I get a bit hazy. I presume that the "PCR" refers to the "Parti Communiste Révolutionaire". The group that bears this name, however, was only founded in January of 2007. I do seem to have a memory of a previous group bearing this moniker, but aside from the fact that it was Maoist, and annoying, I cannot remember any details. One thing I will say for sure, the world of the left wing sects is an ugly, ugly, ugly, ugly (did I mention it was ugly ?) miniscule world composed of tiny gangs of generals without an army who substitute for their actual lack of effect with grandiose pretentions to having some grand overarching theory of both how society is, how it should be and the way to get there. In the "anarchist world" the picture is even more stark as the ambitions of some who are detached from reality extend to such crackpot dreams as "abolishing civilization". But the commie world is ugly enough. One thing I can guarantee for certain. There is an infallible guideline to the success of any left-wing organization, anarchist or otherwise. The more effort is devoted to either attacking (or "cozying up to") real political actors (such as the Conservatives, Liberals, NDP and Bloc Québecois in a Canadian context)and the less to the nuts(anarchism) or the sectarians(Leninists) the more succesful such an anarchist organization is. The first requirement of any small aspiring political group is realism, and this means recognizing one's actual small size and not trying to pretend to have all the answers in one's pocket. Fail to do this and you will never progress beyond the level of a sect.
I hate to disagree with my Québecois comrades on this, but I suspect (never having read the original article) that they were rather wide-ranging in describing some commies as "right wing". I say this as someone who knows that communist tyrannies have a far worse historical record than fascist ones. In terms of mass murder Hitler was retail to Stalin's wholsesale, and Stalin in turn was a minor player compared to Mao. In sheer per capita murder the Kymer Rouge of Cambodia outperformed any example known in history. Québec had the unique historical chance of Maoism actually achieving significant numbers in a developed country. As such it is not surprising that one should meet the strange example of Maoists willing to associate with others (such as the MLNQ). Given enough penetration you can develop something as strange as a "friendly Maoist" (sorta like a polite wolverine to the rest of us). I don't think it is fair to describe the commies in the same way as nut-jobs such as the "National Bolsheviks" nor such outfits as the MLNQ who, only occasionally, let their racism slip by with off the cuff comments. If nothing else it is a sweeping generalization that obscures reality rather than illuminates it.
Be that as it may I stand ready to be corrected by others in Québec who have a better knowledge of its local politics than I do.

Sunday, February 22, 2009


INTERNATIONAL POLITICS-CUBA:
SELF MANAGEMENT IN CUBA ?????????????:
Over at the Porkupine Blog our good comrade Larry Gambone has brought forward a debate that is presently going on amongst the ruling class of Cuba. The present nominal dictator of that island seems to be following the course of death laid out by Generalissimo Franco, who he so much resembles. One piece at a time. Meanwhile the apparatchiks are jockeying for power and influence before the inevitable. What is not in doubt is that the economic, political and social system of Cuba will change with the death of the dictator. The question is "how will it change ?". Gambone argues that there is a faction of the ruling class that is willing to move towards a libertarian form of socialism, self management. Molly thinks that this portion of the Communist ruling class is inevitably small and doomed to lose. First of all it must only profit minimally from the present situation or it would advocate "no change". Second of all it has to see little opportunity to loot the public treasury after the end of Leninism, as was done in eastern Europe. This restricts and diminishes it even further.No doubt there are legitimate "idealists" in the apparat (despite the inevitable corrupting influence of power and privilege, especially communist power and privilege ), but they will be voices crying in the wilderness unless there is a mass base for their proposals. In any case, despite my expectations, see the Porkupine Blog for the details of the debate.

Sunday, October 12, 2008


ANARCHIST PUBLICATIONS:
TWO NEW ITEMS FROM THE KATE SHARPLEY LIBRARY:
The Kate Sharpley Library is a British publishing house . Their latest efforts, both a pamphlet and their Bulletin focus on Soviet repression of anarchists. Here's the description from the Anarkismo site.
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Bolshevik repression of Anarchists:
Two new publications from the Kate Sharpley Library
The Kate Sharpley Library are pleased to announce two new publications dealing with Bolshevik repression of Anarchists: An eyewitness account of the 1921 hunger strike in Moscow; and a special double issue of "KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library", dealing with Anarchists in the Gulag, prison and exile under the Bolsheviks.
Bolshevik repression of Anarchists: two new publications from the KSL ;
1. New pamphlet:
A Grand Cause: The Hunger Strike and the Deportation of Anarchists From Soviet Russia by Grigorii Petrovich Maksimov (G. P. Maximoff)with a biographical essay by Anatoly Dubovik, translated by Szarapow.
Grigorii Petrovich Maksimov (better known to western readers as G. P. Maximoff) was Secretary of Russia's Anarcho-Syndicalist Confederation and editor of Golos Truda (The Voice of Labour). He experienced at first hand the Bolshevik repression which crushed other revolutionaries and subordinated popular revolt to party dictatorship. This is his story of the 1921 hunger strike in which some of the leading lights of Russian anarchism staked their lives in a desperate gamble to expose Bolshevik repression – and win their freedom.This text comes from his indictment of the Bolshevik regime The Guillotine at Work: Twenty Years of Terror in Russia (1940). It has been footnoted by the Kate Sharpley Library to throw the light on the stories of other Russian anarchists as part of our Anarchists in the Gulag, Prison and Exile Project.
Contents:
*Introduction
*Gregory Petrovich Maximoff (1893-1950) by Anatoly Dubovik, translated by Szarapow
*The Hunger Strike and the Deportation of Anarchists From Soviet Russia
*I The sickness and death of P. A. Kropotkin
*II Kronstadt events, arrests
*III The Taganskaya Prison
*IV The confinement was to be long
*V All decide to declare a hunger strike
*VI Cell no. 4 on hunger strike
*VII We are released
*VIII We are deported
*IX We start out
*X Stettin Prison. We are no more Czechs
*Appendices
- Trotzky's reply
- An agreement between the committee of the foreign delegates and the Bolshevik government
- A ray of light from Moscow
- To the workers of the world
ISBN 9781873605745 Anarchist Library #20£3 (£2 to Kate Sharpley Library subscribers)Some review copies are available.
2. Special double issue of "KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library"
This issue of the KSL Bulletin includes a Latvian anarchist's view of Moscow in 1918, a tribute to Khodounov, one of the anarchist activists killed by the Cheka in the raids there in April 1918, texts on two Italian anarchist victims of the Bolshevik regime, a letter from Efim Yarchuk, (author of "Kronstadt in the Russian Revolution") and a new biographical essay on Alexei Borovoi, one of the most important anarchists who stayed, and died, in Russia. Leaving the Soviet Union, we finish off with a review of the memoirs of Polish anarchist and 1944 Warsaw Rising survivor, Pawel Lew Marek.
Contents:
*Trouble in Moscow: From the life of the "Liesma" ["Flame"] Group by "R", [Janis Birze (Remus)] (courtesy of Philip Ruff)
*Otello Gaggi: Victim of Fascism and Stalinism by Giorgio Sacchetti (translated by Paul Sharkey)*A Letter From Francesco Ghezzi (courtesy of Luc Nemeth from the Lazarevitch papers)Francesco Ghezzi: Italian Anarchist in Vorkuta, From "Bollettino Archivio G. Pinelli" (Milan) (translated and adapted by Paul Sharkey)
*Efim Yarchuk on the Anarchist Red Cross (1924) from "Behind the Bars", published by the Anarchist Red Cross
*New pamphlet : "A Grand Cause : The Hunger Strike and the Deportation of Anarchists From Soviet Russia"
*One of the Bandits (In Memory of Comrade Khodounov) from "Uralsky Nabat", reprinted from "The Guillotine at Work"
*Alexei Borovoi (from individualism to the Platform) by Anatoly Dubovik, translated by Szarapow.
*Letter from Memorial"
*On the edge of life: Memories of an anarchist 1943-44" by Pawel Lew Marek [Review] by Admiral, from "Inny Swiat", trans S.
Subscriptions to "KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library" for one year (4 issues) are UK:£3, Europe:10euro, USA: $5, Institutions: £20. Friend rate (bulletin and all other publications): £25/ $40 Back issues can be read at: www.katesharpleylibrary.net -Kate Sharpley Library, BM Hurricane, London, WC1N 3XX
Kate Sharpley Library, PMB 820, 2425 Channing Way, Berkeley CA 94704, USA

Monday, September 22, 2008


INTERNATIONAL ANARCHIST MOVEMENT-CUBA:
SOLIDARITY WITH CUBAN ANARCHIST MUSICIANS:


The following reprint is from the A-Infos website, put up there on September 20th. It was, in turn copies from an earlier item on the Class War website last August 29. While the matter discussed is now "dated" as Gorki Aguila has been released with a fine of 600 pesos, as people who can read Spanish can find out at his band's website, Molly finds this still worthy of mentioning for several reasons.

One is that she has discussed the band before on this blog, and feels that the fact of its existence merits repeating.

Another reason is once more remind libertarian socialists of the Movimiento Libertario Cubano (Cuban Libertarian Movement) and its existence.

Yet another reason is perhaps to give a big "tsk,tsk" to A-Infos for reprinting matter over 3 weeks old without checking for its current status. Not that Molly hasn't been guilty of this at times, but it is something that should be avoided. I think my worst sin in this regard is to reprint callouts where half the events are already over, but others are still to come. So, from one sinner to another,....check first.

The band's site is full of information on the case of this arrest and also many others, with reports of beatings by the Cuban security forces. But what really caught my eye was the following sentence describing the "reduction of charges" that got Aguila off the hook with only a fine:
"La acusatión cambió de "peligrosidad predelictiva" a desobediencia".
Now....stop and think, if you are anarchist who should theoretically value liberty, about the implications of any support to a regime where "disobedience" is considered a criminal offense. The Castro regime is actually the sort of paradise that the religious right would imagine. All that's fine and good, but I also had supreme difficulty in translating the first charges. "Peligrosidad" is easy..."dangerousness", but what on Earth is "predelictiva" ? It obviously bears some relationship to the English word "predilection", often misspelled as "predelection" and translated into the Spanish as "predilección" . I try my handy Spanish/English Larousse. No luck. I also try five online dictionaries. Still no luck. Was this just some sort of spelling mistake on the part of the band's website ?
But then I check a little further into how the phrase "peligrosidad predelictiva" has actually been used. Yes, it is indeed defined in Cuban law, as the following:
"a person's special proclivity to commit offenses as demonstrated by conduct that is manifestly contrary to the norm of socialist morality".
In others words this bears a superficial resemblance to the term "habitual criminal", but the resemblance is indeed only superficial. First of all the "crimes" that are "contrary to socialist morality" include a wide range of simple political offenses (such as "disobedience"). Second, and perhaps most importantly, filing for a designation as an "habitual criminal" in regular law only happens subsequent to conviction for any number of actual offenses. In the law of a communist dictatorship this is what is known to fans of Orwell as a "thought crime". It can be brought as a charge totally separate from any recent offense. It's as if simply "having a bad attitude" were a crime in itself. Not that some other countries haven't tried to create such an offense, but under communism it has been both created and repeatedly used.
Finally, it is indeed possible that the word "predelictiva" actually does not exist in Spanish outside of the legal system of Cuba. It is entirely possible that this law is based on a definition of a misspelled word. This shows the uniqueness of communist tyranny. After all, who would dare to point out this fact.
And people wonder why I am anti-communist. But enough of my rants. Here's the article.
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Cuba, FREE GORKI AGUILA IMMEDIATELY!:
Date Sat, 20 Sep 2008 14:24:55 +0300
At his home on Monday morning 25 August 2008. Gorki Aguila, founder member and vocalist with the Cuban punk band Porno Para Ricardo was arrested(yet again) at his home.
---- The Cuban state’s harassment of Gorki Aguila and other Porno Para Ricardo members has been relentless ever since the group first emerged. Back in April this year we issued an appeal for “Urgent solidarity with young alternatives and the anarcho-punk movement in Cuba”, concentrating our attention on the Castroist authorities’ relentless harassment of the Porno Para Ricardo band and of Gorki Aguila in particular. And asking freedom lovers around the world to show active solidarity with the alternative and counter-cultural scene within Cuba and adding our voice to the campaign by the promoters of the Cuba Underground project in defending the physical well-being of the members of Porno Para Ricardo, as well as their relatives, friends and colleagues.
Today we reaffirm our unconditional support for all young anti-authoritarians who face in their daily lives oppression and exploitation at the hands of the bourgeois nationalist dictatorship which has been governing Cuba along absolutist lines for the past half century and we are launching the International Campaign for the Immediate Release of Gorki Aguila, calling for demonstrations outside Cuban embassies and consulates around the world and demanding his release and an end to the current witch-hunt against young alternatives and the anarcho-punk and anti-authoritarian movement on the island of Cuba.
We hope that this call will be taken up as it deserves to be by the international punk and anarchist movements.
For a free libertarian Cuba!
For Anarchy!
The Cuban Libertarian Movement. (MLC)
26 August 2008-08-27
Contact:
movimientolibertariocubano[at]gmail[dot]com
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Copied from Class War (Britain):http://www.londonclasswar.org/newswire/
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See Also:
(en) Cuba, Movimiento Libertario Cubano Interview Porno Para Ricardo
(en) ALB interviews the Cuban Libertarian Movement

Sunday, June 22, 2008


VIETNAM:
ILLEGAL STRIKES IN VIETNAM:
The following item is from the LibCom website, a British anarchocommunist site. Over in Vietnam there has been a wave of illegal strikes, carried out unofficially by the workers themselves. Vietnam, like China, is a managerial society where the ruling class- the managers- are attempting to correct some of the irrationalities of their class rule by opening up parts of their economy to investment by other managerial corporations, in the vain hope that this will bring about the corrections of a "free market" to their country and lead to prosperity. A "free market", of course, has its own irrationalities, but the way that this pseudo-transition has been managed in countries such as Vietnam and China leads to some very unique tensions. One is that the loosening of the economy inevitably leads to organization on the part of the working class, the very class that the ruling managers mendaciously claim to represent. The managers are stuck between a desire to maximize their own well-being by "liberalization" and the need to keep a repressive hold on the consequences of such liberalization. Class struggle is often at its most brutal in such transition periods. The official bodies that the ruling class set up prove totally ineffective to protect workers' interests or to mollify rising working class demands.
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Vietnam: 330 illegal strikes in six months:

A total of 330 strikes have been recorded so far this year and all of them were illegal because they were not led by the trade unions and didn’t follow the law, reported the Vietnam National Confederation of Labour at a conference in Hanoi on June 16-17.

The confederation’s Vice Chairman, Mai Duc Chinh, said that under the current regulations, only grassroots trade unions have the right to organise strikes, but this regulation is unrealistic because there is no mechanism to protect trade union leaders and most employers don’t positively cooperate with trade unions.

Most leaders of grassroots trade unions assume many jobs so they don’t have much time for this job. Their skills as trade union leaders are also very poor, Chinh said.

He also said that the rules on compensating companies for losses caused by illegal strikes are unfeasible. For example, a company in HCM City lodged a case with the court but its petition was rejected because it was unable to define the major subject of the lawsuit among 10,000 workers participating in the strike.

Since the amended Labour Code took effect on July 1, 2007, illegal strikes have continued to increase in number.

Under the current law, labourers are not allowed to go on strike in conflicts of rights but must bring the conflict to court. They can go on strike if conflicts of interest are not solved by negotiations. Labourers must compensate their employers if the court finds that their strikes were illegal.

Wednesday, May 21, 2008



ARGENTINA:

A DIFFERENT KIND OF LAND OCCUPATION:

The following article was recently posted on the A-Infos board, from which it was taken. As far as I can tell it was previously published at the Community Action for Justice in the Americas site, as well as elsewhere. As to its ultimate origin I am uncertain.



The article deals with a recent land occupation on the outskirts of Buenos Aires, the capital of Argentina, the whys and wherefores of the occupation and how the occupiers are organizing themselves. All told an inspiring story of direction action. This action stands in contrast to the situation in Brazil where land occupations organized by the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (see the official English language mirror site HERE)have grown since their inception in 1980 to a movement comprising 1.5 million people, democratically organized. Despite numerous factory occupations in Argentina since the late economic crisis land occupations have been a rarity in that country. This is the opposite of Brazil where a very few factory occupations, usually unfortunately controlled by Marxist organizations who press for the self-contradictory goal of "nationalization under workers' control",(1) have been rare. In Brazil the MST has quite often come into conflict with the governing social democratic regime, and the movement maintains a healthy distance from the governing parties. For an overview of the MST in Brazil see the Wikipedia article HERE.



In Argentina numerous political parasites have attempted to gain control over the factory occupation movement. The present state of that movement is such that it has two national federations covering about 200 occupied workplaces, some of them moderately large. For an overview of this movement see another Wikipedia article HERE. Anarchists have been prominent actors in the occupation movement in Argentina. There are a number of sources documenting their efforts, amongst them 'Anarchism in South America', 'Some Notes on the Argentine Anarchist Movement in the Emergency', and 'Especifismo'. There has been extensive writing on individual factory occupations such as that at Zanon and the Hotel Bauen, and there has even been cinematic documentaries made about the movement(see 'The Take' - available in a purchasable DVD). At the end of the following article Molly provides a short list of Argentine anarchist sites and sources(2) if you want to explore more. All are in Spanish.

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Argentina, Buenos Aires, A Different Kind of Land Occupation

"This is going to be a different type of occupation," say the people of Tierra y Libertad (Land and Freedom), a land occupation on the outskirts of Buenos Aires, Argentina. The name of their group gives an idea of what they intend. The occupation began on March 29th this year when 40 families entered a small parcel of land in La Matanza and began setting up a community. Since then the occupation has grown to over 135 families and has continued to organize and resist eviction in the face of intimidation and violence.




--- Land occupations are not unusual in the poorest suburbs surrounding Buenos Aires (the neighbouring land was occupied 3 years ago), but what sets this apart is the vision for another kind of community.



All decisions are taken by popular assembly and political parties and the associated mechanisms of party politics have been consciously excluded.



In place of this is a plan that includes two community centres, one for meetings and activities and another one for two common brick and bread ovens.



The history of the land itself gives an idea of the extent of corruption at the local level that exists in this suburb. While the land officially belongs to the Insituto de la Vivienda de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (Department of Housing for the Province of Buenos Aires) it has already been occupied by a local business figure who has also occupied a number of similar parcels of land and used them for his own business interests or has sold some of them off for his own profit. Locals describe a system of intimidation and violence linked to the protection of these interests and the people at Tierra y Libertad have had to endure nights of gunfire, the wounding in the shoulder of one of the community and death threats to maintain their current occupation.



Solidarity has arrived from a wide variety of groups and social movements. While people in surrounding suburbs have had mixed views about the occupation many have arrived to lend resources and support. Alongside them are people and groups from other grassroots organisations including Madres Plaza Mayo, and an anarcho-feminist collective that is donating clothes for fund raising and is going to provide education on violence and unwanted pregnancy prevention. Sunday has been designated as an open day where many arrive to spend the day and has included a clothes fair, barbecues, videos and community volleyball.



After surviving its first difficult month, Tierra y Libertad is attempting to reinforce its presence and organise to resist attempts at eviction. Homes are being built, electricity is being extended to all and land that has been being cleared. Support for the community will be crucial over the coming months to resist eviction and reinforce the community.
Molly Notes:
1) The whole idea of "nationalization" is incompatible with "workers' control". If a workplace is democratically run by the workers in it it is not "nationalized" in any meaningful sense of the term. One could posit a "legal fiction", saying that said workplace is the "property" of some fictitious entity such as "The Crown" in places like Canada or Britain. "The Crown", ie the ruling monarch, quite obviously has NO control over such property. The idea of "Crown property" is a legal fiction. True control is true ownership. Crown properties are the property of that part of the ruling class ensconced in various governments.
It is entirely conceivable that such a legal fiction of "nationalized property" could take hold in various countries where "the nation" (more importantly the government in power and the state bureaucracy under it) had no real control ie ownership of the enterprises under workers' control, aside from a legal prohibition on alienating collective property ie selling it to private owners. The reality, however, is that various leftist groups, from Trotskyists to populists such as Chavez in Venezuela, to numerous left wing social democrats have no such idea in mind. Their idea is that the most important aspects of control, financial and otherwise, will remain in the hands of the state bureaucracy. This may be good, bad or indifferent from the point of view of the workers in such an enterprise- or the population in general. What it is not ,however, is "workers' control" where all the decisions regarding the enterprise are taken by the workers themselves. Dig deep enough into the platforms, and especially the financial and power interests of the cadre, of such leftist organizations and you will find that their idea of "workers' control" is very much the distorted idea propagated by the Bolsheviks in their early days of power where this "control" was reduced to an accounting and checking function and eventually (very rapidly) eliminated entirely. This idea of "workers' control", ie participation of selected representatives in exploiting the workers for the benefit of the communist bosses, was opposed by the idea of "workers' self-management" put forward by people to the left of the Bolsheviks.
Our good comrade Larry Gambone has recently published a link to a history of the factory occupations in Brazil on his Porkupine Blog. The link traces to an article by a Brazilian Trotskyist group. Despite its limitations the article is actually quite informative, but these "limitations" are glaringly obvious. The article in question makes it abundantly clear that the program of this group is to reduce such organs of self-management to the famed "transmission belts" for orders issued by a "socialist state" (another contradiction in terms-it actually means a bureaucratic ruling/owning class) so much favoured by Leninists across history. Still, the article is well worth looking at for the facts,aside from the ideology, that it contains. The ideas behind factory and land occupations are spreading across the world. They are laudable ideas, and one only hopes that people have learned enough of the lessons of history to resist the diversion of their efforts into the projects of a would-be new ruling class.
2)ARGENTINE ANARCHIST SITES:
The following is an abbreviated selection of interesting anarchist sites in Argentina. It makes no pretense of being a complete list, but it is hopefully enough to give the reader a sense of the movement there. A more complete listing will be available when Molly finally gets around to setting up her 'Enlaces en Espanol' section. A couple of the links given below are presently inactive, but they were included to give "the flavour" of the movement in that country.

Saturday, May 17, 2008


NEPAL:
THE MAOISTS CASH IN:
It seems that a career as great and glorious leader of the struggling people can pay off quite handsomely. Here's a recent article from the LibCom board about the perks of government that the Maoists of Nepal expect to share in very shortly, after winning up to 1/3rd of the seats in recent elections to the Constituent Assembly. Nothing like rolling in the people's dough. Not that this is all bad-really ! Corruption is actually the only barrier to murderous tyranny once a Leninist party gains power-short of an external threat. The more corrupt the new ruling class is the less likely it is to engage in fantastical acts of murder and tyranny to bring its ideological dream to fruition. Every dollar/rupee spent on the creature comforts of the Maoist leadership may save dozens of innocent lives. One of the quite amusing facts quoted in the following article is the actions of the Bolsheviks in 1919, during a time of famine in Russia, in ordering 70 more Rolls Royces in order that the "leaders of the proletariat" could be chauffeured around in style. Love it !
As an aside some may wonder why Molly bothers to berate the increasingly rare Maoists, long after their implosion in popularity and long after they have ceased to be any sort of contender for power in any country in the world outside of Nepal. Why bother ? All that I can say in apology is that I am merely following the dictates of many millions of years of evolution here. Way back when, long before our ancestors and those of the chimpanzees diverged, there was an action that conferred great fitness on its actors and one whose tendency we have therefore inherited. If you see a sick vicious poisonous snake, or you manage to beat it down, don't stop there. Keep on beating it until it is dead 8 times over. Don't let it live to bite again. Poisonous vipers, smallpox viruses, plague germs, Maoists...all are things the world can very well do without. Make sure they don't rise to bite again.
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Nepal; a nice little earner for the Maoist ruling class - in Lenin's footsteps
Nepal's Maoist Party has won around 220 seats in the recent Constituent Assembly (CA) election, about one-third of the total. Though the largest party, they don't have an overall majority; they have stated their wish to lead a coalition government.

But as the result became clear Maoist leader Prachanda told journalists “I will be declared the acting President of this country very soon…which will be followed by occupying the post of the all powerful President of New Nepal…this is the peoples’ mandate…no force on earth can disobey this mandate”. (Telegraphnepal.com 26/4/2008); the man who has long talked of his wish to 'abolish royal autocracy' now speaks of his "all powerful" role.

Recent news reports reveal the wages and expenses of the newly elected members of the Assembly. While they spend an indefinite period drawing up a new national Constitution they will be paid - by Nepali standards - enormous wages;each CA member will receive net salaries of 23 thousand one hundred rupees per month [£176/$345/Eur224]. On top of this they'll get expenses for drinking water, electricity, telephone, rent, newspapers & "miscellaneous". These expense allowances bring the total income of a CA member to 45 thousand 98 rupees [£345/$674/Eur437] each per month.

The CA President (probably Maoist Party boss Prachanda) will have a monthly salary/expenses income of 60,600 rupees [£463/$905/Eur588] - plus a petrol allowance of 24,500 rupees [£187/$366/Eur237]. The vice president will scrape by on a few thousand less.

So the ruling class, led by the Maoist 'proletarian vanguard', feather their nest. These salaries must be compared with the Nepali average wage of just $200 a year [£102/Eur129]; Nepal is the poorest country in Asia. Around 10% of the population takes 50% of the wealth, the bottom 40% takes 10%. 85% of Nepalese people don’t have access to health care. So the monthly income of a CA politician is well over three times the annual national average wage! Jobs within the CA are already being allocated by all the various member parties to their friends and family.

In a public appearance last week Maoist leader Prachanda said, “I had the opportunity to play the role of Lenin itself in Nepal”. With his fat salary and perks he is certainly following in Bolshevik footsteps; Lenin travelled in a chauffeur-driven Rolls-Royce, as did other government officials. "Autocracy’s main enemy, Vladimir Lenin, had no reservations about inheriting the hated old regime’s automobile collection. Lenin used the Tsar’s Rolls-Royce Silver Ghost to drive around town while his colleagues divided up the rest of the collection among them. But two revolutions and a civil war had taken their toll on the cars, and in 1919 [during a time of famine and extreme hardships for the poor] the Council of People’s Commissars had to order 70 more from London." (Aeroflot site). Lenin moved into a dacha (country house) previously owned by a millionaire, while much of the other Bolshevik leadership took occupation of the luxurious Lux hotel in Petrograd,dining on preferential food rations.[1] Then and now, for those who inherit the State, its perks and luxuries are clearly irresistible and seen as just reward for their conquest and devotion to power. And so the new Nepalese republic is born - the furniture and faces at the top have been shifted around a little, and that is all.

There's another interpretation (though less likely) of the reference to Lenin - as a coded pointer towards a historical precedent; that Prachanda's long-term plan is for the Constituent Assembly in Nepal to share the same fate as it did in Russia. When the Bolsheviks were ready to seize sole power for themselves, a revolutionary guard (led by Anatoli Zhelezniakov[2], an anarchist sailor[3]) dismissed the CA, dominated as it was by indecisive bourgeois moderate politicians. The Bolsheviks saw its dissolution as a decisive step in the progress from a bourgeois to a proletarian revolution (though the fact that, unlike Nepal's Maoists, the Bolsheviks did not emerge victorious from the CA elections may have influenced their choices too). The Maoists might, ideally, like to achieve a neat Leninist orthodoxy by replicating this state of affairs, but they know the necessities of 'realpolitik'. External geo-political pressures and economic realities mean that - for the moment, at least - they need to play the democratic game in order to attract foreign investment, so as to try and build up a sound politico-economic base. A strong and stable State power is always a class relation based on efficient exploitation and its rewards.
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NOTES
[1] "Ante Ciliga described what he called the state capitalists' 'morals on the morrow of the October revolution' as follows:
From the first days of the October revolution, the Communist [sic] leaders had shown a great lack of shame in these matters. Having occupied the building, they furnished it with the best furniture from shops that had been nationalized. From the same source their wives had procured themselves fur coats, each taking two or three at a time. All the rest was in keeping. (Ciliga, 1979, p. 121)
Far from the emergence of the privileged consumption enjoyed by the state capitalist class coinciding with Stalin's rise to power, some of the state capitalists of Stalin's day looked back with nostalgia to the comfortable life they had experienced during the early years of Bolshevik rule:
During the winter of 1930 fuel ran short and we had to do without hot water for a few days. The wife of a high official who lived at the Party House was full of indignation. `What a disaster to have this man Kirov! True, Zinoviev is guilty of 'fractionism' but in his day central heating always functioned properly and we were never short of hot water. Even in 1920, when they had to stop the factories in Leningrad for lack of coal, we could always have our hot baths with the greatest comfort.' (Ibid., pp. 121-2)
Another illustration that Stalin was not personally responsible for establishing state capitalist privilege in Russia is that during the period 1923-5, when Stalin had only an old car at his disposal 'Kamenev had already appropriated a magnificent Rolls' (Medvedev - 1979, p. 33)."
( State Capitalism - the wages system under new management, Buick & Crump.)
[2] On Zhelezniakov, see; http://libcom.org/library/zhelezniakov-biography-avrich-1917
[3] The Ukrainian anarchist "Makhno defended that action and explained that Zhelezniakov, a Black Sea sailor and delegate to Kronstadt, had played one of the most active roles in 1917. Makhno merely expressed regret that the fiery sailor, who enjoyed great prestige among his colleagues, had not simultaneously seen fit to dismiss Lenin and his "Soviet of People's Commissars" which "would have been historically vital and would have helped unmask the stranglers of the revolution in good time." "http://libcom.org/library/makhno-bibliographical-afterword-skirda