The Volokh Conspiracy

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The Volokh Conspiracy

Law & Government

It's Not So Hard to Write an Opinion Following Bruen and Reversing in Rahimi

a contrary view to Josh's

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Below, Josh argues that "an opinion reversing Rahimi will be tougher to write than most critics will admit" and also claims that "Rahimi was a faithful application of Bruen. Efforts to "clarify" Bruen are really an attempt to rewrite the precedent. I don't think anyone seriously doubts this premise."

With respect, I think that both of these claims are wrong, for reasons that Professor Robert Leider and I gave in our essay, The General Law Right to Bear Arms. An opinion that faithfully applies Bruen and reverses the Fifth Circuit in Rahimi is not hard to write. It has two major steps.

First, the Court will point out that Bruen called for a particular kind of originalist approach, one where the Constitution's "meaning is fixed according to the understandings of those who ratified it," but it "can, and must, apply to circumstances beyond those the Founders specifically anticipated." In particular, this approach calls for the judges to enforce historically-recognized principles about when the right to keep and bear arms can be regulated. This is what Bruen is referring to when it talks about lawyerly "analogical reasoning" which focuses on "how and why" past regulations burdened the right—analogical reasoning that is "neither a regulatory straightjacket nor a regulatory blank check."

Second, the Court will likely conclude that one such historical principle—as then-Judge Barrett has already argued in detail—is that the government may forbid those who have been shown to be dangerous to keep and bear arms. What distinguishes this dangerousness principle from other examples of rights that might be thought dangerous or socially costly is the history of the right to bear arms itself, which is what Bruen says to look to.

Finally, such an opinion is especially easy to write because the Fifth Circuit sustained a facial challenge to Section 922(g)(8). Thus many harder questions—what if the state court proceeding violates due process or is otherwise shoddy? what if the deprivation is not based on a dangerousness finding? etc.—can all be responsibly postponed to future cases. I don't think this opinion will be hard to write, nor will it require rewriting any part of Bruen.

[To be sure, there are decent arguments that Rahimi's counsel could have made better, and there are likely to be much harder cases coming soon after Rahimi. For instance, Rahimi's counsel could have done more to try to prove that the dangerousness principle only applies to bearing arms, not keeping arms, or perhaps that it is only an incident to the war power and not the commerce power. But I don't think the way the case was argued will make it hard for the Court to conclude otherwise. And I agree with what Josh wrote earlier, that the application of the dangerousness principle to other federal statutes, such as the felon-in-possession ban, is likely to produce much more litigation and soon. Indeed, I would not be surprised if the Court's likely reversal in Rahimi is followed at the next conference by a cert grant in Range or a similar case.]

In general, I do think there is a campaign to get the Court to walk back from the test it set forth in Bruen, as the right to keep and bear arms is generally quite unpopular among lawyers and policymakers. But not every decision upholding a regulation against facial challenges in fact reflects such a retreat from Bruen. And the Court's decision in Rahimi need not be such a retreat, so it seems premature to conclude that it would be.

Free Speech

Challenge to NYU Law Review's Race and Sex Preferences May Proceed Pseudonymously, at Least for Now

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Doe v. NYU (S.D.N.Y.), filed Oct. 27, is a challenge to the NYU Law Review's alleged race- and sex-based preferences in selecting its editors; it alleges,

Even after Students for Fair Admission, the NYU Law Review continues to give unlawful and discriminatory preferences to women, non-Asian racial minorities, and homosexual and transgender individuals when selecting its members and editors. And it intends to continue these unlawful and discriminatory practices until it is enjoined from doing so.

The defendant is NYU, since the NYU Law Review apparently doesn't have a separate corporate identity (unlike many other law journals). The plaintiff is John Doe, "is a first-year law student at NYU [Law School]," who would be representing a class "of all present and future students at NYU Law School who: (a) intend to apply for membership on the NYU Law Review; and (b) are white, heterosexual men who identify as men, consistent with their biologically assigned sex." And today, Judge Victor Marrero allowed Doe to proceed pseudonymously, though "without prejudice to New York University's right to move the Court to direct Plaintiff to disclose his identity, or any other appropriate relief, once the Clerk of Court assigns this case to a District Judge."

This strikes me as unusual, though perhaps it's explicable by the desire to preserve the status quo until the case is taken over by the judge who will be permanently assigned to the case.

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Politics

Maryland Statute Banning Attempts to Influence Judges and Jurors Through "Corrupt Means" Upheld

The case arose following plaintiff's arrest, allegedly for telling Justice Kavanaugh's wife that "he might ruin [Justice] Kavanaugh's career and reputation"; but the charges against him were dropped, and he challenged the statute on its face, rather than as applied to his speech.

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From Schiff v. Brown, decided Monday by Magistrate Judge J. Mark Coulson (D. Md.):

Plaintiff was allegedly arrested unlawfully in October 2022 pursuant to Md. Code Ann., Crim. Law § 9-305 "due to a statement he made to the wife of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh." Specifically, Plaintiff avers that he was arrested for stating that "he might ruin J. Kavanaugh's 'career and reputation.'" The case was later dismissed, but Plaintiff asserts that he now has grounds to sue the Kavanaughs "for various torts related to abuse of court process and free speech retaliation." Plaintiff "would like to freely opine to the Kavanaughs, his opinions on how such a potential suit would further harm Kavanaugh's career and reputation," but is currently self-censoring himself out of fear of the Kavanaughs "using [the statute] to retaliate against him once again." Plaintiff submits that "This is also affecting his pro se effective counsel rights" because Plaintiff's effective representation of himself is hindered by his inability to contact the Kavanaughs….

Md. Code Ann., Crim. Law § 9-305 provides, in pertinent part:

(a) A person may not, by threat, force, or corrupt means, try to influence, intimidate, or impede a juror, a witness, or an officer of a court of the State or of the United States in the performance of the person's official duties.

(b) A person may not solicit another person to, by threat, force, or corrupt means, try to influence, intimidate, or impede a juror, a witness, or an officer of the court of the State or of the United States in the performance of the person's official duties….

The court rejected the claim that the statute was substantially overbroad, on its face, in violation of the First Amendment:

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Second Amendment Roundup: Judge Ho 2.0

If the government must “square corners” to protect illegal aliens and convicted criminals, Constitutional protections for Americans deserve consistent application.

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In his concurring opinion in the Fifth Circuit's decision in US v. Rahimi, Judge James Ho came out swinging.  As he explained, "Those who commit violence, including domestic violence, shouldn't just be disarmed—they should be detained, prosecuted, convicted, and incarcerated." But the federal gun ban against persons subject to a domestic violence protection order relies on lenient civil procedures, not strict criminal procedures, and thus facially violates the Second Amendment.

Ten days after the Supreme Court heard oral argument in Rahimi, Judge Ho concurred in a case on a different issue, but built on his Rahimi concurrence to show the inherent need to follow criminal procedures when a person's liberty is at stake.  In US v. Kersee, the Fifth Circuit ruled on November 17 that revocation of a probationer's supervised release entitles the person to a qualified right to confrontation of witnesses.  While the Confrontation Clause is inapplicable to a supervised release revocation hearing, due process entitles the subject to confront and cross-examine adverse witnesses.

Jeffrey Kersee's girlfriend accused him of breaking her window, leading to him being charged with criminal mischief, and later accused him of crimes that were charged as aggravated robbery and family assault.  After she recanted regarding the first charge and either asked for dismissal of or failed to show up for the latter two, all of the charges were dropped.  The probation officer then filed the written statements behind these charges; Kersee filed an affidavit denying them. At the revocation hearing, the prosecutor told the court that he did not bring in the girlfriend to testify because it was likely that she was "going to lie." The court revoked Kersee's probation without allowing live testimony.

The revocation of Kersee's probation was thus based on conflicting hearsay.  The girlfriend's recantation affidavit would have exonerated him in part.  The government offered no evidence that women "in abusive relationships will change their mind out of fear or economic reasons." The Fifth Circuit thus reversed the probation revocation and remanded the case to allow an adversary hearing.

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Guns

Half of Respondents in NBC Poll of Voters Say They Live in Household with a Gun

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That's higher than most recent polls, though not by much. From today's NBC News post by Alexandra Marquez:

More than half of American voters—52% [with a sampling error of +/-3% -EV]—say they or someone in their household owns a gun, per the latest NBC News national poll.

That's the highest share of voters who say that they or someone in their household owns a gun in the history of the NBC News poll, on a question dating back to 1999.

In 2019, 46% of Americans said that they or someone in their household owned a gun, per an NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll. And in February 2013, that share was 42%….

In August 2019, 53% of white voters said that they or someone in their household owned a gun, and 24% of Black voters said the same.

This month, 56% of white voters report that they or someone in their household owns a gun and 41% of Black voters say the same ….

Almost half [of respondents]—48%—say they're more concerned that the government will not do enough to regulate access to firearms, versus 47% who believe the government will go too far in restricting gun rights.

Free Speech

Characterizing Professor's Tweets as Anti-Semitic Isn't Actionable Libel or Invasion of Privacy

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From Judge Gerald McHugh's decision yesterday in Tannous v. Cabrini Univ. (E.D. Pa.):

This is an action brought by Kareem Tannous, a former university professor, against StopAntisemitism.org, a non-profit watchdog organization that reshared Plaintiff's social media posts with additional commentary…. [B]ecause I agree that Defendant's online blog constituted protected opinion under the First Amendment, even if it "cherry-picked" Plaintiff's tweets as alleged, I will dismiss Plaintiff's false light claim….

In July 2022, Defendant StopAntisemitism.org published an article titled, "Kareem Tannous—Professor of Hate," labeling Plaintiff as "Antisemite of the Week." The article referenced or reposted five tweets from Tannous' personal Twitter account with interspersed commentary, such as: "Tannous spreads conspiracy theories of Jewish control, refers to the Jewish people and nation as Nazis, incites violence, and calls [for] the eradication of Israel." Additionally, the article (1) requested that readers submit an ethnic discrimination complaint against Tannous, (2) encouraged readers to email the President of Cabrini University to "express … concern about Professor Kareem Tannous' ongoing antisemitism," and (3) commented that "[s]omeone with such intrinsic hatred often manifests their racism into real world situations and neither Jewish students nor faculty should have to be subjected to Kareem Tannous' bias." …

Last month, Judge McHugh dismissed plaintiff's defamation and tortious interference with business relations claim, but allowed the false light claim to go forward; but yesterday, the judge reconsidered that decision:

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Probation Condition Banning "Hostile Contact" with Police Is Unconstitutionally Vague

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From today's decision in State v. Shreve, written by Judge Erik Price and joined by Chief Judge Rebecca Glasgow and Judge Bernard Veljacic:

In March 2022, Shreve attended a party at a hotel. Around 4:00 a.m., he got into a physical altercation with another individual at the hotel. A hotel security guard intervened. When approached by the security guard, Shreve drew a knife and lunged toward him. The security guard blocked the attack and disarmed Shreve. The security guard confiscated the knife and brought Shreve to the lobby.

Police were dispatched. Upon arrival, Officer Hannity saw Shreve seated in the lobby while the security guard stood nearby. Shreve appeared to be intoxicated and angry. Although Officer Hannity and the security guard initially decided to allow Shreve to leave the hotel without his knife, Shreve escalated the situation by suddenly and aggressively moving toward the security guard. As the security guard and the other police officers at the scene told Shreve to leave the hotel premises, Shreve attempted to elbow two nearby officers. The officers forced Shreve to the ground and attempted to handcuff him. Ultimately, Officer Hannity was forced to use his taser to subdue Shreve.

Shreve was initially charged with second degree assault with a deadly weapon enhancement and resisting arrest. But on June 30, 2022, Shreve pleaded guilty to a single count of second degree burglary as part of a Barr plea. {In re Pers. Restraint of Barr (Wash. 1984) (holding that a trial court may accept a guilty plea to an amended charge lacking factual support if the facts support the original charge).} … As a first-time offender, Shreve was sentenced to one day of confinement and twelve months of community custody. The sentencing court imposed several community custody conditions, including:

No hostile contact w[ith] law enforcement/first responders….

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A Reversal in Rahimi Will Be Tougher to Write Than Critics Admit

Courts are "not insensitive to domestic violence" but are "sensitive to the constitutional rights of the accused."

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The conventional wisdom is that the Supreme Court will certainly reverse the Fifth Circuit in Rahimi. Indeed I've voiced that position myself several times, especially in light of a potential grant in Range. (The New York Times picked up Justice Barrett's question). But let me challenge that conventional wisdom: an opinion reversing Rahimi will be tougher to write than most critics will admit.

Let's start with a premise: Rahimi was a faithful application of Bruen. Efforts to "clarify" Bruen are really an attempt to rewrite the precedent. I don't think anyone seriously doubts this premise. Now the reason why the Court may "clarify" Bruen is because certain members of the Court don't like the results that it yields: namely, that a dangerous person like Rahimi can possess a firearm. Again, the correctness of the Bruen precedent should be able to stand without regard to how it may be applied in future cases. But that's where we are. Some members of the Court who profess to be originalists are still motivated by consequentialism. And these concerns came out loud and clear during oral argument.

Still, there is a long time between November and June. A majority opinion has to be written. And that opinion will have to navigate an issue that didn't get much attention during oral argument: what other constitutional rights should dangerous people lose? Certainly this case can't just be about guns.

One of my first published articles, The Constitutionality of Social Cost, was published in the Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy in 2011. I had started thinking about the topic in 2009, before McDonald v. Chicago was decided. The basic premise of my article was that there are many dangerous rights, and the Second Amendment was not an outlier. Here is a snippet from the introduction:

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Defenestration at OpenAI

Episode 482 of the Cyberlaw Podcast

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In this episode, Paul Rosenzweig brings us up to date on the debate over renewing section 702, highlighting the introduction of the first credible "renew and reform" measure by the House Intelligence Committee. I'm hopeful that a similarly responsible bill will come soon from Senate Intelligence and that some version of the two will be adopted. Paul is less sanguine. And we all recognize that the wild card will be House Judiciary, which is drafting a bill that could change the renewal debate dramatically.

Jordan Schneider reviews the results of the XI-Biden meeting in San Francisco and speculates on China's diplomatic strategy in the global debate over AI regulation. No one disagrees that it makes sense for the U.S. and China to talk about the risks of letting AI run nuclear command and control; perhaps more interesting (and puzzling) is China's interest in talking about AI and military drones.

Speaking of AI, Paul reports on Sam Altman's defenestration from OpenAI and soft landing at Microsoft. Appropriately, Bing Image Creator provides the artwork for the latest Cybertoonz commentary.

Nick Weaver covers Meta's not-so-new policy on political ads claiming that past elections were rigged.

I cover the flap over TikTok videos promoting Osama Bin Laden's letter justifying the 9/11 attack.

Jordan and I discuss reports that Applied Materials is facing a criminal probe over shipments to China's SMIC.

Nick reports on the most creative ransomware tactic to date: compromising a corporate network and then filing an SEC complaint when the victim doesn't disclose it within four days. This particular gang may have jumped the gun, he reports, but we'll see more such reports in the future, and the SEC will have to decide whether it wants to foster this business model.

I cover the effort to disclose a bitcoin wallet security flaw without helping criminals exploit it.

And Paul recommends the week's long read: The Mirai Confession – a detailed and engaging story of the kids who invented Mirai, foisted it on the world, and then worked for the FBI for years, eventually avoiding jail, probably thanks to an FBI agent with a paternal streak.

Download 482nd Episode (mp3)

You can subscribe to The Cyberlaw Podcast using iTunes, Google Play, Spotify, Pocket Casts, or our RSS feed. As always, The Cyberlaw Podcast is open to feedback. Be sure to engage with @stewartbaker on Twitter. Send your questions, comments, and suggestions for topics or interviewees to CyberlawPodcast@gmail.com. Remember: If your suggested guest appears on the show, we will send you a highly coveted Cyberlaw Podcast mug! The views expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not reflect the opinions of their institutions, clients, friends, families, or pets.

Free Speech

Settlement and Apology as to Restriction on Holding "God Bless the Homeless Vets" Sign by City Hall

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From the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE):

A Georgia city apologized and paid up to settle a lawsuit about its officer's arrest of a veteran for holding a sign that said "God Bless the Homeless Vets" outside of its city hall.

Following a First Amendment lawsuit from the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression and the University of Georgia Law School's First Amendment Clinic, the City of Port Wentworth, Georgia, agreed to a settlement with Jeff Gray. As part of the settlement, the city agreed to donate a symbolic $1,791 to the National Coalition for Homeless Veterans — a nod to the First Amendment's ratification in 1791 — and will give $1,791 each to Gray and FIRE. Port Wentworth will also maintain the public space in front of city hall as an open public forum and train its officers on citizens' First Amendment rights….

On Jan. 31, FIRE filed two lawsuits on Gray's behalf to protect Americans' right to speak outside government buildings: the first, against Alpharetta, Georgia, and two of its police officers; and the second, against the police chief of Blackshear, Georgia. On July 17, FIRE filed a third lawsuit against Port Wentworth.

On July 19, 2021, Gray was arrested in Port Wentworth by then-Sergeant Robert Hemminger. In conversations caught on the officer's body camera, Hemminger acknowledged to city employees — and Gray, repeatedly — that Gray wasn't doing anything unlawful. But the employees adamantly insisted they didn't want Gray there, saying, "He can't stand in front of our city hall talking about 'support the homeless vets.' We can't have that."

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Free Speech

Limits on Sealing in Trade Secret Cases

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From Judge Beth Phillips' opinion in Kyndryl, Inc. v. Cannady (W.D. Mo.):

In this suit, Plaintiff asserts Defendant misappropriated trade secrets, breached a contract, and converted Plaintiff's property.  The Court granted Plaintiff's Motion for a Temporary Restraining Order, ("TRO"), which bars Defendant from disclosing certain information he obtained from Plaintiff, and the TRO remains in effect.

When it filed the suit, Plaintiff also filed a Motion to Seal Documents…. [While the motion has been pending,] Plaintiff had begun unilaterally filing [all] documents under seal….

Material filed with the Court is presumptively public, although that presumption can be overcome based on a specific need to protect specific information…. The Court agrees that any actual trade secrets should be kept from public view—but this is not what Plaintiff requests. Indeed, it does not contend any trade secrets have been filed. Instead, Plaintiff argues practically all documents in this case should be sealed because (1) they describe the nature of the trade secrets at issue, (2) they discuss (as required to establish the basis for Plaintiff's lawsuit) that Defendant misappropriated the trade secrets and has threatened to disclose them, and (3) Plaintiff will suffer reputational harm if it is revealed that its trade secrets were misappropriated.

The Court does not agree that Plaintiff's interests overcome the common law right to access. Descriptions of trade secrets are not themselves trade secrets; the fact that trade secrets exist also are not trade secrets. To hold otherwise, or to permit sealing of these facts, would justify sealing practically everything in any case where misappropriation of trade secrets is alleged. Moreover, the nature of the trade secrets at issue here is such that it will be no surprise to anyone that they exist. But to reiterate—while the Court would approve the sealing or redaction of trade secrets, that is not what Plaintiff requests.

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Law & Government

Arthur D. Hellman on The Supreme Court's Shrunken "Discuss List"

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Professor Arthur Hellman of the University of Pittsburgh is one of the great academic experts on the Supreme Court's case selection process. He recently wrote to me with a very interesting insight about the Supreme Court's "discuss list," which I asked him to elaborate on for readers of the blog.

His thoughts are below:

The Supreme Court's Shrunken "Discuss List"

Arthur D. Hellman

Buried in the commentary to the Supreme Court's new Code of Conduct is some never-before-disclosed information about how the Court selects its cases for plenary consideration. It's only two sentences, but there's a lot to be mined from it. Here is the passage (on p. 11):

The Court receives approximately 5,000 to 6,000 petitions for writs of certiorari each year. Roughly 97 percent of this number may be and are denied at a preliminary stage, without joint discussion among the Justices, as lacking any reasonable prospect of certiorari review.

Preliminarily, the Court's reference to "approximately 5,000 to 6,000 petitions for writs of certiorari [received] each year" does not tell the whole story. A decade ago, according to the Court's official statistics sheets, the number was above 7,000 (7,509 in the 2012 Term). But the number has trended downward since then, and in the most recent term (2022) the total number of new filings was under 4,200 – about 1,250 paid cases and about 2,900 in forma pauperis (IFP). (The statistics sheet is page 2 of each PDF.)

We can assume that the commentary to the Court's new code was written with some care. What do the Justices mean when they say that about 97 percent of the petitions "are denied at a preliminary stage, without joint discussion among the Justices?" In all likelihood, this is a reference to the "discuss list." (If someone has another idea, I'd like to hear about it.) Chief Justice Rehnquist explained the process in his book The Supreme Court, published in 2001 (pp. 234-35):

Shortly before each [conference of the Justices], the Chief Justice sends out a list of the petitions he wishes to have discussed. After the Chief's "discuss list" has come around, each of the Associate Justices may ask to have additional cases put on this list. … The petitions … that are not discussed at conference are denied without any recorded vote. … [The] great majority of petitions … are never even discussed at conference and are simply denied without being taken up by the justices as a group.

So when the Court says that 97 percent of the petitions "are denied … without joint discussion," it is probably telling us that 97 percent of the cases do not make it to the discuss list – and that only 3 percent do.

Four points about the discuss list deserve attention. First, the discuss list today represents a considerable dropoff from two or three decades ago. In his 2001 book (and in the first edition published in 1987), Chief Justice Rehnquist said that "[i]f at a particular conference there are one hundred petitions for certiorari on the conference list, the number discussed at conference will range from fifteen to thirty." Even the lower number is five times the percentage given (implicitly) in the Court's commentary on the code.

Second, we need to translate the current percentage to numbers. For the 2022 Term, that would be about 125 cases. To put that number in perspective, the number of cases granted in the 2022 Term was 60. Thus, the Court could have granted cert in every case on the discuss list, and the plenary docket would still be smaller than it was during most of the Burger Court years (about 150 cases).

Third, the percentage of cases on the discuss list that are granted is higher today (perhaps much higher) than it was under Chief Justice Rehnquist. This could be because the individual Justices have all internalized pretty much the same criteria for grants. Or perhaps there are fewer idiosyncratic requests from a single Justice to add cases to the list that will never get the four votes required for a grant.

Finally, we would like to know what the cases are that make it to the discuss list but not to the plenary docket. (We know some of these – the cases in which one or more Justices issue a statement or publish a notation about the denial of certiorari. But in the 2022 Term, those accounted for only about half the number suggested by the Court's statement.) The discuss list is not made public, but a close approximation may be available – the relists, which are tracked by veteran Supreme Court advocate John Elwood at Scotusblog.

As Elwood explains, "[w]hen a case is relisted, the justices do not grant or deny review, but instead will reconsider the case at their next conference." So the relists must be a subset of the discuss list. No case would be relisted if it had not been first placed on the discuss list, but some of the discuss list cases may be denied at the first conference for which they are listed. We just don't know how frequently that happens. Still, the relists would give us as good a picture as we can get of the cases that make it to the discuss list but not to the plenary docket.

It would be a useful project to analyze the relisted-but-denied cases from the last few terms and see what patterns emerge. For example, to what extent do the cases have ideological valence? How often do the respondents point to apparently serious "vehicle" problems?

A larger project would also ask about cases with amicus briefs at the certiorari stage that were denied without relisting.

A quarter of a century ago, I published an article seeking to explain "the shrunken docket of the Rehnquist Court." The time is ripe for someone to explore the shrunken discuss list of the Roberts Court.

(Thanks to John Elwood and Matt Hellman for comments on an earlier draft of this post.)

Politics

Moving The Section 3 Officer Argument From "Off The Wall" to "On The Wall"

Debates about Section 3 remind me of debates over the Affordable Care Act’s individual mandate

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Think back to 2010. The Affordable Care Act was signed into law. Challenges were filed across the country. Each case presented a central question: could Congress mandate that people purchase health insurance? A vigorous debate formed. Some legal scholars, including my colleague Randy Barnett, argued that the federal mandate was beyond Congress's powers. It was unprecedented, they said. Other scholars argued that the mandate was squarely in Congress's powers, or alternatively, there was no mandate at all. Needless to say, the position that Barnett and others advanced was ridiculed at every step. His position was called crazy, stupid, frivolous, and worse. 

But then something changed. A federal district court judge in Florida agreed with Barnett's argument. He wrote a careful decision laying out both sides, and ultimately concluding that the mandate was beyond Congress's powers. Around the same time, prominent conservatives adopted the rallying cry that the federal government can't make you buy health insurance, or for that matter, broccoli. To use Jack Balkin's framing, an argument that was "off the wall" became "on the wall." How it happened is complex. I discuss the history at length in my 2012 book, fittingly titled Unprecedented. I won't rehash all of the developments here.

Today, I feel a sense of deja vu. Or maybe it's nostalgia. Debates over Section 3 bring me back to the heady days of 2010. I, along with my colleague Seth Barrett Tillman, contend that the President is not an "Officer of the United States" for purposes of Section 3. And, as could be expected, critics call our position crazy, stupid, frivolous, and worse. President Trump's counsel adopted our position. And wouldn't you know it, a trial judge in Denver accepted our position! Her opinion closely tracked how we've presented our argument for years. The judge wrote a careful decision laying out both sides, and she ultimately concluded that the better argument is that Trump is not covered by Section 3's "Officer of the United States"-language. Unsurprisingly, critics still call our position crazy, stupid, frivolous, or worse. Well, they don't mention us by name. Like with the Foreign Emoluments Clause cases, Seth and I get the Voldemort treatment—we shall not be named, unless our position is rejected.

There is, of course, a big difference between the arguments in the ACA litigation and the arguments in the Section 3 cases. The challenge to Obamacare was premised on a line-drawing exercise: the ACA went further than any statute went before. In many regards, the argument in that case was limited to the facts of that case. Before 2009, very few scholars even considered whether Congress could regulate inactivity. But here, the officer-issue predates January 6. It predates Trump. Tillman has been repeatedly writing on these issues since 2008. He persuaded me circa 2012. And collectively, we have written hundreds of pages in articles, briefs, and blog posts on the scope of the Constitution's "office"- and "officer"-language. (More than a few of our most extreme critics have written zero pages on this issue before January 6, and some have yet to publish anything on this issue.) Indeed, if we want to go back further, debates over the scope of the Constitution's "office"- and "officer"-language were first raised during the ratification of the Constitution. (If you don't get the reference, check out our writings on this topic.) Unlike the ACA issue, the office issue is no way tethered to Trump, January 6, and insurrection. The question is a purely legal one. Hence, either the President is an "officer of the United States" or he is not. 

Is the Blackman/Tillman "office" position still "off the wall" or is it "on the wall"? Is that position part of the mainstream, even if a minority position? Has the conservative legal movement found merit in this position? Will these forces once again align? I'll let others decide. What I would say is that efforts to ridicule our argument as "stupid" or "frivolous" won't work. There are valid arguments on both sides of the issue, and hyperbole is frequently a mask for weakness. The Colorado court's ruling establishes at least that much. And past predictions that no court, including the Supreme Court, would or will ever adopt our position, have not aged well.

Politics

The Pleasantly Shaded Docket

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From Daniel M. Gonen, Judging in Chambers: The Powers of a Single Justice of the Supreme Court, 76 U. Cin. L. Rev. 1159 (2008):

On a late-summer day in 1970, three men wearing business suits and carrying briefcases hiked six miles into the wilderness of central Washington State. As their appearance might have suggested, these were not ordinary hikers. The trio consisted of two civil-rights lawyers from Portland, Oregon, and their law clerk. They had set out into the woods that day to find Justice William O. Douglas and to apply to him for a temporary restraining order on behalf of their clients.

The Supreme Court had ended its term months earlier, and Justice Douglas was in Washington on a ten-day camping trip near his summer home in Goose Prairie, more than ten miles from the nearest telephone. With assistance from U.S. Forest Rangers, who had spotted Justice Douglas's campsite by plane, the lawyers were able to track down Justice Douglas and his party. They presented their case to the Justice in a fifteen-minute oral argument, and left a 1.5-inch [thick] petition for him to review.

Justice Douglas indicated a particular tree stump and told the lawyers that they would find his decision there the next day. Only one of the original three was physically able to make the hike back the next day, but sure enough, a single sheet of paper was waiting for him on the designated stump. In a one-paragraph opinion, Justice Douglas denied the application.

{This story is drawn from Phil Cogswell, Lawyers Hike 6 Miles in Woods to Find Justice Douglas, Oregonian, Sept. 1, 1970, at 6. Cynthia Rapp, one of the foremost experts on the in-chambers opinions of Supreme Court Justices, deserves credit for rescuing this story from historical obscurity. See Cynthia Rapp, Introduction to 1 A Collection of In Chambers Opinions by the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, at vii (Cynthia Rapp ed., 2004).}

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