JOAN PEIRÓ BELIS

JOAN PEIRÓ BELIS

     The following brief biography was originally published at the website of the CNT of Puerto Real in Spanish. The original Spanish version can be found there under their 'Biografias' section.

     Joan Peiró, glass worker, anarcho-syndicalist intellectual, and Minister of Industry during the second Spanish republic, was executed by firing squad on July 24, 1942 at Paterna (Huerta Oeste, Valencia). He was born on February 18 in the working class district of Sants in Barcelona. He began work in a Barcelona glass factory at the age of 8 an d didn't learn to read and write until he was 22. He continued to work in the glass sector and along with other compañeros founded the Glass Cooperative of Mataró, a thing he never abandoned.

     In 1907 he married Mercedes Olives, a textile worker, with whom he had three sons (Juan, José, Llibert) and four daughters (Aurora, Aurelia, Guillermina, Merced). As he explained his union militancy began in 1906, and he began to hold positions of responsibility from 1915 to 1920 as Secretary General of the Spanish Federation of Glaziers and Crystal Workers and director of La Colmena Obrero (organ of the unions of Badalona) and El Vidrio (publication of the federation of glassworkers).

     Because of his intellectual acuity he later became editor of the newspaper Solidaridad Obrero (1930) and the daily Catalonia (1937). Very influenced by French revolutionary unionism he began taking on positions of responsibility in the CNT after the Sants (1918) Catalan Regional Congress. Thanks to his capacity for work, organizing skills and prestige he held the highest offices in this organization.

     At the Congreso de La Comedia (1919) he defended industrial union federations which were rejected at the time (in favour of geographical federations...mm). During the 1920s he suffered the repression unleased by the state and the employers and was arrested and imprisoned inSoria and Vicoria. In 1922 he was elected General Secretary of the CNT. During his term the Conference of Zaragossa was held where the resignation of the CNT from the Red Internation Federation of Unions was approved and membership in the reconstituted AIT/IWA was accepted.

     At this same Congress, along with Salvador Segui, Angel Pestaña, and José Viadiu, Peiró defended the "political motion" which was widely criticized by the more orthodox sections of the organization. He settled in Mataró in in 1922, and in 1925 he guided the establishment of the glass workers' cooperative that he had previously intended to organize. Under the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera the CNT was outlawed, their offices closed and their press suspended. Many militants were arrested and Pieró was imprisoned in 1925, 1927 and 1928. In the last year he was again elected Secretary General of the CNT.

     He criticized the UGT for their advocacy of  "mixed commissions" during the dictatorship and also Pestaña with whom, however, he agreed on other matters. He also criticized the more anarchist union sector, and despite the fact that he joined the FAI he was never militant in it. On the contrary he defended a more syndicalist mass organization and opposed the action groups that a minority of militants controlled. In 1930 he signed the "Republican Intelligencia" manifesto and received much interal criticism which led him to withdraw his signature. He defended industrial federations up to the 1931 CNT Congress in Madrid where he won mass support against the FAI theses.

     At this Congress he supported the presentation of the "Position of the CNT Towards the Constituent Cortez" proposal which defended the idea that the proclamation of a republic could mean an advance for the working class. The proposal was adopted with some modifications despite the opposition of some FAI sectors who saw it as support for bourgeois political machinations. Also in 1931, along with 29 other prominant CNTistas among them Angel Pestaña, he signed the Treintista Manifesto which analyzed the social and economic situation of Spain and criticized both the republican government and the more radical sectors of the CNT.

     The reaction to this led to the expulsion of Pestaña from his position on the national committee of the norganization and the schism of the Sabadell unions. These later gathered others who formed a bloc called the "Opposition Unions". Although Peiró participated in this split he had no outstanding responsibility, and he tried to build bridges to avoid the final rupture.

     Reunification occured in 1936. After the fascist military rising Peiró served as vicepresident of the Antifascist Committee of Mataró, sending his sons to the front. He defended the entry of the CNT into the governments of Catalonia and Spain and proposed a state form of a federal social republic when the war ended. Along with Garcia Oliver, Federica Monteny and Juan Lopez he was one of the four "anarchist" (my emphasis-mm) ministers in the government of Largo Caballero where he was Minister of Industry.

     In this position he drafted the decree of expropriation and intervention in industry and designed an Industrial Credit Bank. Many of these projects were annuled or diluted by Negrin. With the fall of the Caballero government he returned to Mataró and the Glass Cooperative. He also dedicated himself to giving lectures on his steps in government and publishing hard articles against the PCE for its actions against the POUM.

     In 1938 he re-entered the government now headed by Negrin although not with the rank of Minister but rather as Comissioner of Electric Energy. He upheld an "anti-defeatist" attitude and proposed a certain revision of anarchosyndicalism in light of the development of the revolution and the war. He crossed the French border on February 5, 1939, and was briefly held in Perpignon from where he went to Narbonne to reunite withy his family. Later he moved to Paris to represent the CNT on the Coalition for Spanish Refugees with a mission to free Spanish CNTistas fromFrench concentration camps and facilitate their transfer to México.

     He tried to flee after the Nazi invasion but was arrested when he went to Narbonne. e was returned to Paris where the French authorities issued a deportation order so as to remove him from Gestapo action and thereby go to the unoccupied zone and from there to México. He was, however, arrested again by nazi troops and taken to Trier (Germany). In January of 1941 the Francoist Ministry of Foreign Affairs  requested his extradition. This happened on February 19 of the same year in Irún, violating French and international law. He was transfered to the custody of the Security General in Madrid where he was interrogated and suffered maltreatment (he lost some teeth).

     The start of the trial was exceptionally delayed, and he was transfered to Valencia in April 1941. In December of that year a summary trial opened at which Peiró had statements in his favour from institutions and people of the new regime (military, falangists, clergy, judges, prison officials, businesmen, rightists and even a future minister under Franco, Francisco Ruiz Jarabo).

     Even so his repeated refusal of the government proposal to be head of the Francoist unions determined his sentence. In May of 1942 the prosecuter presented his charges. A month later Peiró was assigned a defence lawyer by the military. On July 21 the death sentence was pronounced. On July 24, 1942 he was shot along with six other CNTistas at the firing range of Paterna. Some of his published works include The Path of the National Confederation of Labour (1925), Ideas About Syndicalism and Anarchism (1930), Danger in the Rearguard (1936) and From The Glass Factory of Mataró To The Minister Of Industry (1937) and Problemas y Cintarazos (1938).

    

    

    

Spanish Syndicalism (1) CGT Strike in Unipost

CGT DECLARES UNLIMITED STRIKE IN SPANISH 'UNIPOST' OVER HOLIDAYS


      The following is a translation from a Spanish language article at Rojo y Negro, the organ of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist union the CGT. I have had to rather "freely translate" as the particulars of Spanish labour practices are quite different from here in the Anglosphere. Any mistakes are my own responsibility.

CGT UNIPOST CALLS INDEFINITE STRIKE FROM 13-D

     The stoppages will be for 24 hours (from 00:00 to 24:00) and Saturdays, Sundays and holidays are not included. The schedule is as follows: December 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27 and 30 and the 2 and 3 of January 2014. If the dispute is not settled we reserve the right to call further stoppages which will be conducted according to applicable legal provisions.

     There are two principle objectives of this strike. On the one hand the breaches of agreement on the part of management, salary cuts and non-payment of summer bonuses. (Such bonuses are a regular part of Spanish labour practice...mm) On the other hand an end to layoffs.

     Thus the CGT, having consulted both general assemblies and workshop assemblies, has decided to carry out the strike to show important solidarity with the workers to carry it out.

     We want to thank those who have expressed their support in favour of your decision and we want, secondarily, to encourage the rest because everyone together will have more force and power to achieve the objective marked out.

     We also inform you of the suspension of the December 2 hearing by the High Court about the pay cut that we applied for in August 2013. It was going to address three charges of non-compliance and misappliance, one of them not cited by the works council, on procedural grounds. To avoid a full trial it was decided to postpone the hearing until January 28, 2014. On that day the hearing will hear the complaint of unpaid summer bonuses. At the same time some unions have been in negotiations with the company and have reached a possible agreement to agree to the suspension (of the bonuses...mm). This is something the CGT does not agree with given the negotiating intransigence of the company.
AGAINST LAYOFFS AND INSECURITY IN UNIPOST !
FOR DIGNIFIED WORK IN UNIPOST...A SUFFICIENT CAUSE !
UNLIMITED STRIKE FROM 13D !

CHOOSE THE CGT, JOIN THE CGT - THE UNION THAT DARES !
FOLLOW US ON TWITTER @cgtunipost

TERESA MAÑE MIRAVENT

 

Teresa Mañe Miravent - Mother of Federica Montseny

     The following is a translation from Spanish. The Spanish original is available at the Biografias anarquistas section of the website of the CNT Puerto Real. Any errors of translation are entirely my responsibility.

     Born on November 29 1865 in Cubelles (Garraf, Catalonia) - until recently believed to be in Vilanova  i la Geltrú- the educator, activist and anarchist propagandist Teresa Mañe Miravent, better known under her pseudonym Soledad Gustavo. Her wealthy family ran the Garden Hotel in Vilanova i la Geltrú, known as the "Three Girls Hotel" as the three daughters of the family were busy attending to customers. Her father was a staunch supporter of federal republicanism and was proud of the relationship he maintained with Pi i Maragall. Teresa began studying teaching in 1883 in Barcelona and in 1886, with the help of the freethinker Bartomeu Gabarro of the Federalist Democratic Centre, opened the first secular school in Vilanova. She was a member of the Confederation of Lay Teachers of Catalonia. During this period she collaborated in El Vendaval with the federalist republican tendency. Through contacts with freethinkers she met José Pujals Lunas, Teresa Claramunt, Tarrida del Mármol, Pere Esteve and other leading anarchist militants. She participated in propaganda tours and public events and collaborated on the libertarian publications they edited (La Tramontana, El Productor, La Tormenta, etc.). In 1889 she won a prize at the Second Socialist Contest in Barcelona for her work 'Free Love' and became a spokeswoman for anarchist ideas along with Ricardo Mella, Anselmo Lorenzo and others. Through a poetry reading at a secular funeral she met Juan Montseny whom she later married in a civil ceremony on March 19, 1891, shortly after such marriages were legalized.

     The couple settled in Reus where Montseny came from, and they opened a coeducational secular school and both became teachers. Teresa's sister Carmen also lived with them in Reus, sharing all the difficulties of their anarchist activism until her death. Montseny wrote a pamphlet in defence of prisoner Paulino Pallas who had been arrested in connection with the September 24, 1893 bombing of the Cambios Nuevos in Barcelona. Montseny was arrested for this, and Mañe began a campaign for his release. Once released, however, he was rearrested in 1896 as part of the 'Trial of Montjuic'. From his cell in Montjuic Montseny wrote letters to the press, with various pseudonyms, proclaiming the innocence of the accused. Mañe was responsible for taking these letters from prison and mailing them to the press. She also made the necessary arrangements to achieve the release of all detainees. It was from one of his signatures to these letters that Juan Montseny became Federico Urales. Montseny was released but was exiled to London, along with Teresa Claramunt and Tarrida del Mármol. Mañe joined him in 1897 and found work as an embroiderer. In order to reopen their case they returned clandestinely on November 28, 1897. Montseny lived in Madrid and Mañe in Vilanova. In a short while she, along with her parents, Lorenzo and Antonia, and her sister Carmen they also moved to Madrid. While they lived there her parents died, and her daughter Federica Montseny was born in 1905.

     While in Madrid the couple edited La Revista Blanca (1898-1905) and later Tierra Y Libertad (1902-1905). Mañe performed the function of administrator even though this was not legally permitted to women at the time. In 1901 she spoke, along with Azorín and Urales in a series of conferences at the Madrid Ateneo on "The Future Society" in relation to anarchist ideas. In addition she actively participated in campaigns for the defendants in the Juarez Trials and the Mano Negro case. She participated in a tour of Andalucia in this defence camaign, staying at the home of Rosa Sanchez. The couple also actively assisted in the defence of Francisco Ferrer i Guardia wrongly accused of responsibility for the events of La Semana Trágica. When a legal conflict with Arturo Soria, the creator of the 'Ciudad Lineal of Madrid whom they accused of fraud and deception, broke out they left for Catalonia in 1912. Their intention was to found an academy in Barcelona's Horta district, but the boycott of local reactionaries led them to devote themselves to living on a farm in Cerdanyola. There Mañe did a lot of translations (Louise Michel, Cornelissen, Labriola, De la Hire, Mirabeau, Praycourt, Sorel, Marguey, Lichtenberg, Lavrov, Donnay, etc.) and copied texts for theatre companies.

     In Catalonia they once more edited La Revista Blanca and Tierra Y Libertad. They also set up various other publishing projects: 'La Novela Ideal'  which published two novels, eventually 600 in  total with a circulation of 50,000 copies; 'La Novela Libre' with more extensive stories and a circulation of 30,000 copies, the monthly 'El Munda al Dia' and a new journal 'El Luchador' which lasted until the civil war. Mañe was responsible for managing these journals while Montseny and her daughter wrote articles, novels, memoirs, etc.. Little by little the leadership of Federica became evident, and Mañe faded into the background. During the Civil War colon cancer began to undermine her life. In 1939 the family crossed the border into exile in France where they parted from each other. Mañe, ill, broke her leg and was taken by ambulance to the hospital of St. Louis of Perpiñán (northern Catalonia) where she died alone of cancer on February 5, 1939.

     Teresa Mañe published numerous articles in La Revista Blanca and in its supplements and extras. Her contributions may also be found in other anarchist periodicals of the late 19th and early 20th centuries: 'El Corsario', 'Los Dominical del Libre Pensamiento','El Obrero', 'Redención', 'El Cosmipolita', 'Justicia y Libertad', 'El Trabajo', 'La Tramontana', etc.. Of her works we can highlight 'The Future Society' (1889), 'Las Preocupaciones de los Despreocupados' (1891 with Urales), 'Dos Cartas' (1891), 'A Las Proletarias' (1896), 'El Amore Libre' (1904), 'Los Diosas de la Vida' (1904), and 'El Sindicalismo y la Anarquía: Politica y Sociologica' (1932) among others.

NORMAN BETHUNE AND BLOOD TRANSFUSION: A GREAT CANADIAN LIE

     If you visit pretty well any Canadian government site, or one receiving its funding from the government, you will come across the claim that the Canadian Communist surgeon Norman Bethune founded the first mobile blood transfusion unit in the world during his brief stay in Spain during the Spanish Civil War. This claim was set forth by Bethune himself, and it has been repeated by such institutions as Library and Archives Canada, Parks Canada, The Canadian Encyclopedia and the National Film Board. The reality is quite different, and to their credit both Wikipedia and the Centre for Blood Research briefly mention the actual facts. What were they ? In Catalonia the reality is well known.

     On July 17, 1936 the Spanish Civil War began with a military rising against the government of the Republic. The government dithered and procrastinated. The Spanish working class and peasantry, however, responded with vigor, and the rising was soon defeated in the major industrial areas in Spain, in Catalonia, Valencia, Madrid and the north of the country, excepting Galicia. This resistance was the signal for a far ranging social revolution that was the most profound of the 20th century. The centre of this revolution was perhaps Barcelona, the capital of Catalonia, where on July 19 the anarchosyndicalists of the CNT thoroughly defeated the uprising. Soldiers listened to the pleas of the people, and turned their guns on officers and recalcitrant units. Other desertions from the paramilitary forces followed, and the general in command of the rising, General Goded, flew from the island of Majorca to a speedy arrest.

     When the dust settled it was generally the workers of the socialist UGT and the anarchist CNT who held most of nonfascist Spain, excluding their allies amongst the nationalist Basques. Anarchist organized forces, with a minor contribution from the left communist POUM and an even more minor contribution from the communist controlled PSUC, set out for the Aragon front to attempt to recover the city of Saragossa, lost to the rising because of misplaced trust. Most of the advancing anarchist columns delayed by wasting time securing rural areas, and only the unsupported Durruti column ended up facing the fascists near to the city. The Aragon front was the most active in the early days, and fighting was chaotic and improvised on both sides. It is there that the story of front line blood transfusions began.

     In the rear of the anarchist front in Barcelona the Catalan doctor Frederic Duran i Jorda organized the first mobile refrigerated blood transfusion unit as an extension of a blood bank in Barcelona, the Barcelona Transfusion Unit. The first units of blood were carried to the Aragon Front in refrigerated trucks in September of 1936. All of this was organized under the dual influence of the CNT Syndicate for Sanitary Services, an outgrowth of the Syndicate of Liberal Professions, and the anarchofeminist Mujeres Libres who took a particular interest in health care. In Catalonia the anarchist doctor Felix Marti Ibanez became director of medical services and social assistance. Decisions about medical services were made by the plenary assembly of the Syndicate. Eventually the "informal leadership" of the CNT/FAI allowed Federica Montseny to become federal Minister of Health in the Madrid government.

     Despite the continued unwise compromises of the anarchists and efforts of sectarian control by the Communists that reduced efficiency and approached treachery the Catalan blood transfusion service remained operative and became, in essence, THE unit of Republican Spain. Communist attempts to control and actually subvert this system began early, even in Catalonia. Some hospitals ended up being controlled by the Communist front PSUC with help from their foreign network. In November of 1936 socialist members of the British Medical Unit resigned from their positions with the Communist controlled Spanish Medical Aid (British organization in supposed solidarity with Spain). They complained that the SMA was "entirely Communist in outlook", and cited the conspiratorial tactics of the Communists that poisoned the atmosphere of  the unit at the Aragon Front. Extreme coercion was applied to these non-communist socialists to join the PSUC Communist front. The resignees complained of several instances where this mania for control damaged the effectiveness of their unit. As if true-believer Communists could care.

     It was in this atmosphere that the late-comer Norman Bethune arrived in Spain in November of 1936. By this time the mobile blood transfusion units which he is credited with establishing were already a functional concern. Every innovation with which he has been credited by Canadian (and Stalinist) authorities was already in place. Mobile blood transfusion at the front - credit the Catalans. Refrigerated transport units - credit the Catalans. There is one thing where is was actually innovative, and I will deal with this soon. Aside from this his only idea was that the blood transfusion service should be "centralized". This is, of course, standard Stalinist procedure, but in Spain it came up against an improvised libertarian system that actually worked. It was also part and parcel of the favouritism that plagued the Spanish Republicans as Communist dominated units were allotted supplies that were denied to anarchist or independent socialist formations. This reached its apotheosis during the May events of 1937 and Lister's march through Aragon where anarchist units at the front saw their base destroyed by Communist controlled units that the Party thought could be better employed destroying its Republican opposition than in fighting fascists.

     The centralization option hardly lived up to its promise of efficiency. By the time he left Spain in July of 1937 Bethune had reduced the Spanish transfusion service to almost total chaos. This was not only because of his extremely unpleasant personality, attested to by pretty well all of his acquaintances before he left for China where he was hailed as a Saint by the Maoists. It was also because of his willing role as a Stalinist tool. His epigram to Spain was that "all those anarchist bastards should be shot". His party friends did their level best in the course of the civil war/revolution to carry this out, and they also added, or emphasized, dissident communists such as the POUM and "uncooperative socialists" who didn't see dictatorship as a sacred goal.

     Bethune had left the mess behind him, and despite the political reservations the central Spanish government had only one place to turn if they were to have a blood transfusion service that worked at all. Dr. Frederic Duran I Jorda of Barcelona, the originator of all that Bethune is credited for, became the director of blood services for the Spanish State. He continued in this function until the victory of Franco, and he later settled in Britain. His contributions were cited (with no mention of Bethune) by Dr. Janet M. Vaughan, the architect of blood services in Britain in WW2 in the British Medical Journal. Bethune got no mention because he deserved none. Stronger words such as saboteur might be appropriate.

     Where was Bethune's contribution unique, at least in the context of Spain ? It was the rather grim use of blood harvested from dead bodies for use in transfusions. Dr. Duran I Jorda was familiar with the technique which he dismissed as impractical and dangerous. His familiarity came from reading medical reports from the Soviet Union, and in 1937 he issued a pamphlet in which he stated that the reports from the USSR were heavily "political", and his objections to the real technical problems.

     The use of blood transfusion began in the Soviet Union in the early 1920s, and was pioneered by Lenin's friend Alexander Boganov. Bogdanov died in 1928 of a "transfusion accident". Maybe. By 1930 his organization had expanded from Moscow to Leningrad, and another Soviet, Sergei S. Yudin, began the use of cadaver blood in 1930. Yudin published his results in 1936, though, as with anything from Russia at the time, the encouragement for "good news" was a life or death matter for the person involved. Yudin's work had been widely trumpeted in the Communist press and when Bethune visited Moscow in 1935 he may or may not have had first hand knowledge with the process  during visits to various Soviet hospitals and clinics. In any case in February 1937 in Spain he stated that he would "use the latest Russian-American methods of blood transfusion".

     Be that it may another Communist doctor from England, Reginald Saxton, was probably more of a driving force behind the use of post-mortem blood than Bethune was. It it hard to say because the records of the Madrid blood transfusion unit under the reign of Bethune are notable for their abscence. Saxton later in September 1937 published an article in The Lancet in whiuch he extolled the use of dead body blood "as described by S.S. Yudin". It never happened. By this time under the directorship of Duran I Jorda  the non-political, often fatal, problems of cadaver blood led to a recognition of reality despite the political sympathies of the Communists. In the meantime, however, under Bethune use of cadaver blood became routine via the practice of the American (Communist !) geneticist who joined Bethune's team in Madrid. This culprit left Spain in May 1937, but transfusion of blood harvested from corpses continued at least in the Madrid zone well into 1938. Its use elsewhere in Spain awaits further historical research given the opposition of Duran I Jorda and the routinely conspiratorial practices of the Communist Party.

     What can we glean from this ? First of all is that Bethune's "contribution" to the attempt of the Communists to centralize (and control !) the use of blood transfusion is rather a "contribution" that is entirely sectarian and not medical. Second the real technical "contribution" of imitating ghouls by draining dead bodies of blood would have been seen much earlier had it not been for sectarian politics. This practice continued despite the efforts of an opponent nominally in charge of the blood transfusion service. Credit conspiracy. Given the historical and present practice of harvesting organs for transplant from those whom the government in China executes one should wonder about the source of the cadaver blood used in both the Soviet Union and under Communist influence in the Spanish Civil War. Human life is, after all, cheap to those who wish to build the Marxist Utopia.

     Note in Proof: This will be followed by a longer (shudder) examination of Bethune in Spain with all the appropriate references. As I mentioned the true story is well known in Catalonia, but I only read Spanish, and I will have to ask for help in translation. I have no desire to comment much on Bethune's earlier career in Canada and the USA except as it relates to his Spanish myth. Nor do I wish to comment much on the later Maoist hagiography of him in China where he may or may not have achieved humanity. The purpose of this piece is to attack a pervasive state-sponsored myth in my own country, Canada, and to correct some widely held falsehoods about the status of Bethune. At this point I do not presume to know the political opinions of Duran I Jorge. All that is demonstrable is that he was not Communist. My own opinion is that he was a Catalan nationalist of liberal opinions. I stand to be corrected on this matter.
    

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR/ANARCHOSYNDICALISM:

LATEST SPANISH GENERAL STRIKE A HUGE SUCCESS:

March 29th saw a one day general strike in Spain that eclipsed previous general strikes in magnitude if one is to judge by the drop in energy consumption, often the best way of estimating the impact of general strikes on the economy as a whole. According to this measure this strike was much more popular than that of September 2010 being actually the largest in 30 years in Spain. There are actually quite important differences between this event and previous strike protests in Spain. Not only was this the largest demonstration of working class resistance to state plans in Spain. It was also set against a background of conservative governments in both Spain and the Catalan region.

Even more importantly this strike was not a project of the so-called "majority unions", the UGT and the CCOO. As far as I can determine the date of this strike was more or less set originally by the "nationalist" unions in Euskadi and Galicia. This timing was then agreed to by the CGT and then by the other libertarian unions (the CNT-FAI, CNT-Catalunya, Solidaridad Obrero). The UGT and CCOO were late comers to the endorsement. It happened only after they could gain nothing by their preferred method of bureaucratic negotiation.Then they "signed on" at the last moment. This had its effect. Not only were the so-called majority unions very much a minority vis-a-vis the local unions in Galicia and Euskadi. In several places in Catalonia the gatherings of the UGT/CCOO were less numerous than that of the libertarian unions (who allied themselves to a rainbow of community groups).

No doubt looking at the country overall the UGT/CCOO "mafia" are still the most popular unions in Spain, and their turnout was higher overall than that of their libertarian and nationalist competitors. Still, the very fact that they have lost the initiative and have to play catch-up is significant. In previous general strikes the libertarian unions tailed the UGT and CCOO.

What does this mean ? When I look at this from over here in Canada where anarchists in unions are a tiny minority it is easy to be sceptical. I think the fact that the socialist (UGT) and so-called "reformed" communist (CCOO) unions are still a majority amongst Spain's workers is still very significant. Yet....looking at the buildup to the general strike (in my case mostly info from the CGT and the CNT-AIT) I get the distinct impression of watching "people who know what they are doing and have a plan". The libertarian unions, especially the CGT, took the evidence of the past (previous general strikes) and distilled it into a plan for opening a new front against the conservative government. They have also understood very clearly that politics is a process rather than any sudden conversion. Hence the plans already mooted for a two day general strike in the future.

Personally I think is is an historic opportunity for the libertarian unions in general and the CGT in particular. Anarchosyndicalism has always contained an Utopian element with the advent of "libertarian communism" easily following the "general strike". This easy stepwise proposal has been repeatedly disproved in history. In order for the anarchosyndicalist unions to become even major competitors with other unions, let alone usher in a free society, they first have to prove that their tactics are more effective in the here and now in advancing the rights of workers. Spain today is a perfect example of where this is possible. The "program" of the libertarian unions is actually very circumcised- opposition to the austerity of the conservative government. Prove that more militant libertarian tactics are better than the treacherous negotiations of the UGT/CCOO, however, and all sorts of possibilities open up.

What will happen in the future ? Who knows. Yet I see the actions of the Spanish anarchists as great evidence that libertarians in at least one country understand their task as a process that requires planning and intelligence.

INTERNATIONAL ANARCHIST MOVEMENT:
A TALE OF THREE COUNTRIES:


The usual historiography of anarchism traces its beginnings to the international socialist movement and the First International. Like most things in the social sciences this is only approximately true. The pre-International workers' movement in France, the most advanced on the European continent, generally held to a variety of anarchism called Mutualism. Still it is true that anarchism, for better or for worse, acquired most of its modern characteristics in the struggle against Marxism within the First International. This development is often portrayed as a stuggle between the Latin sections that held, more or less, to the ideas of Bakunin with the Marxoid German movement. The English trade unionists generally kept aloof from both factions.


This is, once more, approximately true. It was in the Latin countries (with the addition of Belgium- half Latin, Switzerland and the Netherlands) that the anti-authoritarian strain of the workers' movement gained purchase and laid the foundation for modern anti-statist socialism. Yet there was and is a wide difference between these countries as to the degree that anarchism 'caught on'. Why ?


I've just finished reading 'Bakunin and the Italians' by T.R. Ravindranathan, and it tells basically the same story as another book 'Italian Anarchism: 1864-1892' by Nunzio Pernicone. The Introduction and first chaper of yet another book, 'The French Anarchist Movement' by David Berry twells the story of early anarchism in France. Herein lies the question. Both France and Italy were much more likely to become the 'motherland of anarchy' than Spain was. France had the existence of a large mutualist labour movement as well as its tradition of revolution. Italy was the 'centrepiece' of the antiauthoritarian sections of the First International, and its early history of anarchism would seem to say that it should have become the centre. What if fact occured was that Spain went on to become the classic land of anarchism, ending up exporting it to much of the Spanish speaking world. The Italian movement while 'large' in a comparative sense never grew to the extent that the Spanish one did, and offered far less resistance to fascism in Italy than the Spaniards did in Spain. The French movement managed to escape its ghetto for a brief period in the glory days of the CGT, but was later to become a rump of its original self. Once more why ?


All three countries shared the same basic social structure ie a combative upper class, in the case of France and Italy one that rose to the top via previous revolutions or wars, and in the case of Spain an decaying aristocratic and clerical class. In terms of the difference between regions Italy was almost a carbon copy of Spain. The messogiorno was pretty well the same as southern Spain. Ther French situation was somewhat different insofar as most rural provinces were conservative after having their land hunger satisfied by the revolution of 1789.


So similar and yet so different. My own suggestion is that the difference came about via certain choices that the 'proto-anarchists' of that day made in different countries. In Italy as in France the choice of syndicalism was delayed by decades. The most prominant action of the early Italian anarchists were the comic-opera "insurrections" that they engaged in. To say thery were laughable understates the case. Meanwhile in Spain the anarchists were organizing strikes and actually "going to the people". Any premature insurrections in Spain in the late 1800s and the early 1900s were peasant rebellions that the leadership of the anarchists supported but not too much.


Let's put it another way. While the anarchist movement in France and Italy was mired ion tactics that were doomed to fail the Spanish anarchists did one salient thing. They organized the working class for bopth its immediate demands and for the eventual social evolution. This combination was something that eluded both the French and the Italians.

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR SPAIN:

THE GENERAL STRIKE IN THE BASQUE COUNTRIES:

Molly has given some prominence recently to the general strike in northern provinces of Spain, mostly because the driving force behind this strike was the anarchosyndicalist Spanish CGT. The CGT, however, alone in this effort, supported as it was by other libertarian and leftist unions especially in Catalonia, by various civil society groups and, most importantly, by a collection of Basque nationalist unions in the Basque countries. The latter was despite the neutral to hostile attitude of the major Basque nationalist party which is acting as a prop for the Zapatero government in Madrid, the very government whose policies the latest general strike opposed.

While I think the CGT can be credited with the initiation of the idea of a second general strike it was in the Basque countries where local unions predominate over the treacherous UGT and CCOO that the strike seemed to have received its greatest support. This is in contrast to Galicia and Catalonia where, insofar as I can determine, the results of the strike were quite mixed. I would be surprised if the CGT was under any illusions about exactly how much the strike could achieve. The CGT is a mass organization not a collection of vaguely "anarchistic" black blockers more interested in showing off and making "statements" about their purity than in results. I must admit, however, that I am unclear about exactly what the CGT hoped to achieve, but much more on that later. For now the simple achievement on the part of an anarchosyndicalist union of actually being able to call a general strike that drew large if not massive support is something that the libertarian left elsewhere in the world is far from being able to achieve.

To be honest the support in the Basque countries, non-anarchist as it as, was undoubtedly key to the CGT's plans. It leaves at least one area of Spain where the so-called "socialists" of the Zapatero government can't depend on bribing the bureaucrats of the UGT and CCOO in order to decrease opposition. What follows is mainly drawn from the extensive reports on the general strike published at the Spanish anarchist news service La Haine. I caution the reader that what follows is one sided as little about what happens in the Basque countries hits other media even in Spain, and I am unable to give the "other side" ( ie not the one I support ) like I am in the case of Catalonia. This can be important as estimates of support are obviously biased by one's likes and dislikes. I use La Haine mainly because it is a good site in Spanish as opposed to Catalan which I often miss even the general sense in.

Here are some salient points about the strike in the Basque countries:

# The leaders of the Basque unions, ELA, LAB, STEE-EILAS and HIRU EHNE have expressed their satisfaction with the "very broad support" shown for the strike, especially in the industrial sector.

#The unions involved actually claimed "majority" support.

#The unions claim a "practical shutdown" of the chemical and metal industries.

#The cooperative sector achieved a "high degree" of compliance with the strike.

#The situation in ports and airports is unknown, but the unions expect that the Port Authority will essentially have been shut down.

#In education the compliance with the strike ranged from 50% to up to 90% depending upon the area.

#10,000 people marched in Bilbao, the same number claimed by the unions in much larger Barcelona. Speakers denounced the role of the UGT and CCOO in supporting the government's pension plans.

#In Iruña people occupied a building to support the general strike. This occupation is similar to what has been occurring in Barcelona in the last few weeks with the dispute about CGT headquarters.

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR SPAIN:

ANOTHER GENERAL STRIKE IN SPAIN:

Four months have passed since the last general strike in Spain, called and supported by all the unions in that country. The strike was supposed to protest the various neo-liberal "reforms" proposed by the "socialist" Spanish government. Since then the legislation in question has begun to roll off the government assembly line, and the larger unions, the UGT and the CCOO, have done nothing further to block the attack on ordinary Spaniards (except collecting government stipends of course). In response the anarcho-syndicalist Spanish CGT, in collaboration with other libertarian and militant unions (such as those of the Basque countries) has decided to call another general strike for the 27th of this month.

This strike will take place basically across the north of the country (Galicia, the Basque country, Navarra and Catalonia) where the CGT and their allies have the greatest strength. In other parts of Spain there will be protests and informational meetings. Here is the call for the strike translated from an article at the CGT website. There is little doubt that the response to the strike call will be overwhelming in the Basque countries where the UGT and CCOO are actually quite marginal, even in relation to the CGT let alone the (majoritarian ?) local Basque unions . In Catalonia and to a lesser degree Galicia the CGT has the support of the other libertarian unions Solidaridad Obrera and the CNT Catalunya (a breakaway from the CNT-AIT) as well as the leftist and somewhat Catalan nationalist Coordinadora Obrera Sindical (COD). In Galicia there are also a number of other smaller unions that support the strike. Outside of Catalonia ( and away from the bad blood of the two CNTs in that province ) the CNT-AIT of the Basque countries and of Galicia has also decided to support the call.

Meanwhile in Barcelona the CGT and the Catalan police are continuing to play "musical buildings" along Via Laietana. Last Saturday in the follow up to a demonstration in support of the upcoming general strike people occupied yet another abandoned building along that street. This time it was an abandoned "cinema palace", renamed Casa Vaga ( Strike House in Catalan ). The police moved in to evict the occupiers, this time employing considerably more force than than they had done in evicting the CGT from their traditional offices and from the occupied (empty) courthouse on the same street. True to their treacherous nature the "ex" communists of the CCOO praised the "no tolerance" policy of the present conservative Catalan government and criticized the previous left wing coalition government. Now this is serious "bad blood". The CCOO isn't content with stealing the original building. They cheer on every attack that the state makes against the CGT. In a related development both the UGT and the CCOO have signed a notice of agreement to the pension reform due to be passed on the 28th, raising the basic pensionable age to 67 from 65.

CGTCGTCGTCGT
For Another General Strike !
CGT new campaign aimed at raising a general strike in the Spanish state against pension reform, labor reform and the social pact.


Mercredi 19 Janvier 2011

Leaflet text :

GROUNDS FOR A NEW GENERAL STRIKE

On September 29, 2010, the General Labour Confederation (CGT) called a general strike in order to repeal labor reform, to change the anti-social economic policy and to propose a new model of social and environmentally sustainable production.

These objectives are still valid, since the government is legislating against the majority of the population, with new cuts, THE REFORM OF THE PUBLIC PENSION SYSTEM and THE REFORM OF COLLECTIVE BARGAINING. And it wants to achieve a great social pact with employers, political parties and the UGT-CCOO.

Since the crisis began, the economic and social decisions of government have served to:

# Give billions of euros to private banks, lenders, speculators and profiteers

# Ensure maximum benefit to large companies in the stock exchange

# Approve cheap and easy layoffs to reach 5 million people unemployed

# Allow the spread of temporary contracts

* Reduce the salaries of public employees

# Increase evictions

# Freeze wages and pensions

# Remove the help of child benefit

# Reduce spending in health and benefits for dependents

# Cut public investment

# Minimize the public jobs

# Increase taxes on workers and reduce those on the rich

# Keep the tax havens of the SICAV

# Avoid persueing the black economy and tax evasion

#Not hold accountable those responsible for the crisis

# Privatize public enterprises and services

# ELIMINATE # 426 euros support for the unemployed

# Reduce employers' contributions to social security

# Increase the retirement age and years of contributions to build pension entitlement

# Trim the right to collective bargaining almost eliminating it

PROPOSALS AND ALTERNATIVES OF THE CGT

1. DISTRIBUTE THE WORK , reduce the workweek to 35 hours of work each and everyone and regain a stable and quality employment for the 5 million unemployed

2. Demand the return of public money given to banks

3. Reduce the retirement age to 60 years to create jobs

4. Ensure the right to a decent pension

5. Spread the wealth , maintaining universal and free public services

6. Use social housing for the thousands of evictions caused by the banks

7. Ensure living wages, salaries and social benefits to the unemployed

8. Repeal the labor reform and prevent the free and open firing, overtime, and subcontracting of the ETTs

9. Ensure the right to collective bargaining

10. BUILD A NEW SOCIAL AND PRODUCTIVE MODEL based on social justice, freedom and respect for nature. For the right to a public pension, sufficient and dignified enough

For labor and social rights

Against the bosses, stockholders, and cutters

For Another General Strike !

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR SPAIN:

MEANWHILE IN BARCELONA:

As a follow up to the information posted here on the eviction of the Catalan CGT from their offices at 16-18 Via Laietana in Barcelona....

Well, the eviction was successful, but on Monday, January 17, according to an article in the CGT's newspaper Rojo Y Negro, 200 members of the CGT occupied a disused courthouse a few doors away at 8-10 Via Laietana. The irony and indeed the humour wasn't lost on me. If memory serves me well (which it doesn't always) the area of Via Laientana was once a rather important thoroughfare, but it has fallen on increasingly hard times, and I suspect there is a surfeit of abandoned buildings in the area. I like the courthouse idea, and it's even more amusing that the CGT militants didn't have to travel very far to set up new digs. I viewed a video of the occupation from the CGT Catalunya, and I must say it is heartening to see a broad mixture of people of all age groups participating and not a single weird looking bugger amongst them. The photo above shows the occupiers posing at the doorway and on the balcony. In the video the people are singing a rousing chorus of 'A Las Barricadas', the semi-official Spanish anarchist "anthem".

The Catalan authorities, however, failed to share Molly's fine sense of humour and irony. Neither were they appreciative of the musical talent on display. After some argument the police entered the building to evict the occupiers. According to report cited above about a hundred people were charged with "usurpación y desobediencia". Not being familiar with Catalan law I am inclined to translate this as "trespassing and obstructing (the police)". The latter charge is unclear as I suspect just how much you have to obey a police order is as vague in Catalonia as it is in Canada. It might be more or less serious.

According to the report above and another report at the main website of the CGT there will be a meeting in Madrid tomorrow, January 20, where the Spanish Labour Ministry will once more be pressed to provide a definitive solution to the demands of the CGT for union premises. These are demands that have the historical right behind them of a return of union assets that were seized under the fascist Franco regime. Furthermore the Ministry promised as far back as November 30, 2007 (same article) that the demands of the CGT in Barcelona would be accommodated. It should be noted that the CGT had been in residence at 16-18 Via Laietana for 21 years at the time they were evicted.

Tomorrow's meeting will coincide with a number of demonstrations being held across Spain in a run up to the planned General Strike on January 27 in Catalonia, Navarra, Galicia and the Basque country. These are the areas of Spain where the CGT and other unions to the left of the socialist UGT and the communist CCOO feel they have enough support to make a decent showing. Demonstrations and meetings will be held in other parts of the country. A number of workers' assemblies such as that for Barcelona transit have already voiced their support for this new general strike. A cynic might suspect that the urgency in evicting the CGT from its premises in Barcelona at this time just might be a tiny bit connected to a certain nervousness on the part of both the government and the larger bureaucratic unions (UGT and CCOO). But of course one could never suspect the angels of the state and the "official leftists" of the unions of anything so underhanded. Could we ?????

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR SPAIN:

POLICE ENTER THE BUILDING OF THE CGT CATALUNYA:

As Molly reported previously on this blog the Catalan government has "awarded" complete possession of the central union building in Barcelona to the (more or less) "ex"-communist CCOO. Today police entered the building to enforce this order. Here is a report from the Spanish anarchist news service Kaos En la Red. Translation my own.

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Barcelona: The police enter the building of the CGT Catalunya
Ten agents of the mobile unit of the Catalan police after an afternoon of resistance by the Local Federation of Barcelona, have entered the confederal building (Via Laietana 18) for the cleaning company that the CCOO has hired to clear the hall, according to ministerial orders. The totally surreal situation was forced by the yellow union with the intention to remove the signs that the anarcho-syndicalist union had put up to protest the ministry's decision.

The agents, at the request of CCOO, have occupied the confederal building . Throughout the day there was surveillance by the Catalan police ; finally the peaceful refusal of the Barcelona Local Federation to let students into a course on first aid encouraging them to enter the door of CCOO number 16 to occupy the building's lobby, helmets and batons ready. Stronger police action took place around 7 pm.

This new attack on the anarcho-syndicalist union, which absolutely refuses to be evicted from their local buildings after the assignment by the Ministry of the building of Via Laietana (as in the times of vertical unions) ( ie under the Franco dictatorship - Molly )to the CCOO, is part of a wider conflict about providing space for carrying out trade union activity. The CGT on its part believes that the confederal building owned by the Ministry of Labour, should be distributed in a more fair and asked for floor 8.

With the conflict deliberately fanned by the Ministry of Labour designed to undermine the local CGT , expelled from the confederal without any compensation, the CGT has undertaken a non-violent resistance that has been retaliated to by the CCOO.

The conflict is expected to escalate as the Ministry of Labour with the help of the CCOO will tighten the rope to forcibly expel the CGT, after the denunciations of a few days earlier.

This situation is very serious especially with the attitude of the police than with the bravado that characterizes them, they think they can do what they please bypassing the current law, on police entry to public buildings.

No Pasaran.

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR SPAIN:
SPANISH CCOO REWARDED FOR TREASON TO WORKERS:


This one came as something of a surprise. According to an article in the Spanish Meneame the Catalan Ministry of Labour has "awarded" the collaborationist CCOO with full possession of the trade union central building on Via Laietana in downtown Barcelona. This includes the 9th and 10th floors of the building which have been occupied by the anarchosyndicalist CGT for 21 years. When Molly and company visited Barcelona about 9 years ago the building was occupied by the CCOO, the UGT and the CGT, the CGT having the higher floors (appropriately) with one of the best views of downtown Barcelona from their cafeteria. The CCOO, of course, is the union federation created by the now almost defunct Spanish Communist Party. While the Party has almost become a thing of the past the hacks running "their" union haven't lost any of the old communist talent for conspiracy and betrayal. Doing their level best to sabotage any true radical opposition to austerity measures in Spain has earned them their reward from the newly elected right wing nationalist government of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia. Seems like the commies have never lost their old talents as evidenced by their repression of the Spanish Revolution and, of course, the Hitler-Stalin pact.



There is more on this situation here (in Catalan) at the website of the CGT Catalunya, as well as the original article from the CGT's Rojo Y Negro. What follows is a brief translation from the Spanish at the Meneame site. I hope to follow this story as it would be a sad loss if the bureaucrats of the CCOO gain control of the whole building. Apparently the UGT was evicted some years earlier. If the CGT didn't protest at that time ( I don't know ) they damn well should have and shame on them if they didn't. The basic bottom fact is that pretty well any "ally" is preferred to the communists as they will always stab you in the back when the time is convenient.
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The Ministry of Labour awards the CCOO all of trade union building in Barcelona, including the floors of the CGT
www.rojoynegro.info/2004/spip.php?article32868
by jozegarcia
The Ministry of Labour gave all the trade union building on Via Laietana in Barcelona to the CCOO, including floors 9 and 10 currently occupied by the CGT of Barcelona. From April to December 2010, eight months, the Ministry of Labour had given the CCOO floors 7, 8, 9 and 10 leaving the entire building in the hands of CCOO.

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR SPAIN:

THE CGT SUMS UP THE GENERAL STRIKE:

The pieces are falling down from the sky, and both sides in the dispute about government austerity (the government and the popular organizations) are taking stock of what happened two days ago. Much ink is being spilled about how "neither side won". The claims of the larger union federations (the CCOO and the UGT) about either 70% adherence or 10 million strikers are unrealistic in addition to being contradictory to each other (10 million strikers would equal about 42% of Spain's workforce). The government, on the other hand, has been so humbled by the actually large and unexpected turnout that they haven't even been willing to counter such exaggerations with their own lies as most governments in such situations do. they mumble about "minimal disruption", obviously shell shocked by what actually happened.

Whatever the actual figures, something that will probably never be properly estimated, there is little doubt that the numbers participating were large, much larger than the government had been prepared to see and much larger than similar strikes in France. The UGT and CCOO are no doubt pleased as in gives them 'bargaining power' in trying to extract minimal concessions from the ruling Socialist Party and thereby giving them the appearance of "usefulness".

Unlike in most countries, however, we anarchists and anarchosyndicalists actually have "a dog in the fight" in Spain in the form of the various anarchosyndicalist unions (CGT, Solidaridad Obrera, CNT-AIT, CNT-JC) who have a no means tiny following. Here is the statement of the Spanish CGT summing up the strike. To my deep pleasure my own comrades don't engage in the triumphalist making up of statistics that the UGT and CCOO do. This is despite the fact that places where anarchosyndicalism is well represented in Spain had some of the best turnouts, just as was true in the public sector general strike earlier this summer. This may be very much a chicken and egg puzzle. Are the anarchosyndicalist unions 'responsible' for the greater militancy in such places or do the more militant workers naturally gravitate to anarchosyndicalism ? Your guess is as good as mine. The English translation of this was done by the Italian FdCA and posted recently on the Anarkismo site.

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CGT statement on the General Strike of 29 September
The outcome of the strike

These are our initial impressions of the outcome of today's General Strike. In certain key sectors, there was mass participation in the strike in almost the entire country. By way of example: food markets in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Valladolid, Seville and Zaragoza; the (Seat) Ford, Renault, Opel and Volkswagen car factories; petro-chemical and steel factories and plants, minerals sector, gas distribution, public services such as waste disposal and post offices, large-scale construction, port workers in Barcelona, Valencia, Algeciras and so on.

It is important to note that the demand for electricity dropped by over 20% compared to normal days.

Another sector with a very high percentage of participation was that of audio-visual communications, with the complete closure of Canale Sur and Telemadrid, and remaining public media running with minimum levels of service.

Public transport is running with the standard 25% of minimum services, while large areas of the private transport sector (airlines, road transport and marine transport of both cargo and passengers) are participating in the strike.

The CGT wishes to underline that this success has been achieved in spite of the long media campaign by authorities and industrialists against the trade union organizations and the criminalization of labour and social activities.

Similarly, the CGT wishes to express its gratitude to over one hundred labour and social organizations from all over the world who supported the General Strike.

We should also mention the numerous information pickets that were set up at the principal labour centres, something that demonstrates the enormous sense of resentment felt by the workers as a result of the unbearable situation we are being to live through because of the attack under way by politicians and industrialists.

The CGT also wishes to denounce in the strongest possible terms the brutality of the police attacks against workers who were simply exercising their freely-held right to strike and the right to provide information at factory gates.

As a consequence of the indiscriminate police charges, there have been several arrests and dozens of injured workers, some of whom (CGT members) are currently being held without charge.

The CGT also denounces the harassing and arrest of a group of cyclists in the Atoch zone of Madrid, which is a grave offence to their rights and freedom.

Finally, the CGT condemns the injury of a union comrade who was struck by a van belonging to the Boyaca company at the gates of the Bermont factory in Coslada (Madrid). Her injuries, though not severe, required hospital treatment.

Permanent Secretary of the CGT Confederal Committee
Wednesday, 29 September 2010
Translation by FdCA - International Relations Office



Related Link: http://www.cgt.es

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR SPAIN:

SPANISH GENERAL STRIKE LARGER THAN EXPECTED:

The first general strike in Spain since 2002 was much larger than previously expected. Union sources claimed up to 10 million strikers or over 70% of the workforce, making this strike far more 'general' than previous ones held in France. While such estimates have to be taken with a grain of salt, particularly as one of the claimants is the CCOO led by "ex" communists with a very touchy relation with such a thing as truth, there is little doubt that Spanish workers turned out in numbers far exceeding anything that anyone expected. The government was reduced to mumbling about "partial and minimal disruption" instead of doing the usual thing and offering its own (far lower) numbers. This turnout occurred despite persistent scepticism about the efficacy of the strike in forcing the government to retreat and also widespread cynicism about the connections of the two larger union federations, the UGT and the CCOO, with the politicians who have concocted the austerity measures.

It is possible that a large number of Spaniards went out on strike despite rather than because of the call of the UGT and CCOO. There were clashes with the police in both Barcelona and Madrid. 38 people were arrested in Madrid and 43 in Barcelona. 58 people were injured in clashes in Barcelona, and by some miracle of balance 30 of those were police officers. One thing that struck me in viewing television coverage of the events in Madrid was that those who clashed with the police and tried to 'enforce' the strike on non-strikers seemed to be all CCOO members. NO CCOO bureaucrat were ever endorse such a thing in public, and it is highly doubtful they would even encourage such a thing in private, even by the old "wink, wink, nudge, nudge". It is entirely possible that the membership of the CCOO has at least partially escaped the control of the union bureaucrats.

Here is an article from the Irish Times that gives a fair assessment of the strike.

SGSSGSSGSSGS
Spain's unions claim 70% support for strike
JANE WALKER in Madrid

SPANISH TRADE unions claimed 70 per cent of workers had supported the general strike yesterday and while the action had some impact, it failed to bring the country to a total standstill.

With a 20 per cent unemployment rate, many of those who had jobs were reluctant to jeopardise them by supporting the strike. Others had been warned they would have their pay docked if they failed to report for work.

One of the worst affected sectors with cancellations and delays was transport. Minimum services, previously agreed with the unions, kept major cities moving. Half of Madrid’s metro and local commuter trains ran during peak hours, but violent picketing forced many buses off the roads and long-distance train services were severely restricted.

Airlines cancelled many flights to and from Spain, although fewer than had been feared. But dozens of disappointed Manchester United fans were unable to travel to see their team face Valencia in the Champions League match on last night.

Madrileños were left in no doubt about the strike when they left home in the morning and were greeted by piles garbage and overflowing rubbish bins on the streets. The Spanish capital is fortunate in that it enjoys rubbish collection seven nights a week. But on the stroke of midnight the garbage collectors downed brooms and left their trucks in their depots to join the protesters.

Wholesale food markets around the country were closed, leaving many local shops without fresh supplies. Moreover, much of the country’s industrial sector, including motor manufacturing, shipbuilding and factories were at a standstill.

The day passed peacefully although there were clashes with police in some parts of the country. Red-shirted and flagwaving pickets persuaded many smaller shops, bars and restaurants around the country to remain closed but a heavy police presence enabled department stores and other shops to open their doors. “We voted for a left-wing government, but we are facing a government of the right,” said one angry protester.

Most hospitals and medical centres worked as normal although staff said they said patient numbers were down. The majority of schools opened although in some there were more teachers than pupils because school bus services had been cancelled.

The strike was called to protest against the government’s austerity measures, approved by the parliament, which cut the wages of public sector workers by 5 per cent, froze state pensions and introduced new labour laws which will make it easier and cheaper to fire workers and raise retirement age from 65 to 67.

On Friday prime minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero will present his budget to the parliament when he is expected to announce even more draconian cuts and tax increases. But Spain’s economic crisis is so grave that he has little room for manoeuvre. He is trying to reduce the 11 per cent budget deficit to 6 per cent in 2011.

“It is well known that I didn’t want this strike, but I respect the right to strike and also the right to work,” he said yesterday, adding that he was ready to meet the unions whenever they wanted but could not go back on the austerity measures.

SGSSGSSGSSGS

There were, of course, demonstrations across Europe on September 29, the most notable being that held in Brussels and supported by the mainstream European unions. Estimates for the crowd there range at about 100,000. There were also clashes with the police who attacked demonstrators in Brussels, but these were minor.

The Spanish CGT considers the general strike very successful, and I hope to present their assessment tomorrow. The difference between what is happening in Spain and elsewhere is that only in Spain does the libertarian left "have a serious dog in the fight". The libertarian cohort in Barcelona numbered about 10,000 people. Even in Vallodolid it was 5,000. In Madrid Solidaridad Obrera, the CGT and various libertarian social organizations brought out about 15,000 people. In the Basque countries even the isolationist CNT-AIT joined the CGT and the local Basque union the ESK in marches separate from those of the UGT and CCOO. The number at demonstrations actually underestimates the CGT's effect as many of their members were involved in dispersed picket duties. Whether the Spanish libertarians can translate the militancy of the Spanish workers and their distrust of the major union federations into something still bigger and more sustained is still an open question, but the beginning looks good.

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR SPAIN:

STRONG BEGINNING FOR SPANISH GENERAL STRIKE IN BARCELONA:

The general strike in Spain began with the stroke of midnight in that part of the world, and preliminary reports from the anarchosyndicalist CGT seem to indicate a high turnout in those sectors where they have influence. The CGT strike info source site that Molly spoke about earlier has unfortunately crashed due to too high a volume of traffic. Updated information is, however, available from the CGT website and from that of their paper Rojo Y Negro from which the following report is taken.

Preliminary public opinion polls indicated a high degree of support for the goals of the strike but a generally dismal number of people who said they would take part in it ( anywhere from 9% to 20% ). This was coupled with a disbelief that the strike would change the government's plans and a high degree of dissatisfaction with the larger CCOO and UGT union federations who were seen as being half hearted in their efforts and under political (government) influence. Should the present strike repeat the pattern of that in early summer one can once more expect a large turnout amongst sectors influenced by the anarchosyndicalism of the CGT and Solidaridad Obrera and a poor turnout in most other places. The CGT has already begun the criticism of the majority unions, but whether this will result in a generalized radicalization of Spain's workers has yet to be seen.

Here's the story from the night shift in Barcelona. The Spanish original (and much more reportage) can be found at Roja Y Negro. The original article has numerous photos of the CGT pickets of the bus service on the night shift. The photo above is from this collection.

GSGSGSGSGS
Barcelona: successful general strike on the night shifts
CGT Barcelona 09/29/2010 00:28:11

Today at 22 hours the strike began on the night shift in companies with a strong presence CGT in Barcelona: Post Office , Renfe (Train ), Metro, etc., have largely supported the strike .

The following percentages were:
Post CTA : 100 %
Renfe : 100 % of the trains had to leave after 00 hours .
Metro Maintenance : 85 %


The CGT highly values this monitoring and as well as the support we have transmitted to the workers by our call to the general strike and the criticism of the CCOO and UGT for waiting so long to call the General Strike.

The CGT criticizes the minimum services enacted in several companies such as Natural Gas , Atento ( directory services ) ,and in the subway in Barcelona where two or three workers were forced to work where there should only be one worker and in this way a long list where the CGT believes that this infringes the right to strike and we have reported so many to the Labour Inspectorate , the Government and the court .

CALLS FROM THE CGT IN BARCELONA FOR THE GENERAL STRIKE WEDNESDAY 29- S

CONCENTRATION AT 12 HOURS IN SQUARE CATALUNYA / PORTAL DE L' ANGEL

RALLY TO 17 HOURS IN Jardinets with Diagonal ( route: Jardinets de Gracia / Diagonal / Via Laietana / Avda . Catedral)

CGT Barcelona