ΜETA TIΣ ΣΥΓΚΡΟΥΣΕΙΣ; Aνοιχτή Συζήτηση με την συλλογικότητα CRIMETHINC (Η.Π.Α.) / θέατρο ΕΜΠΡΟΣ Δευτ. 22/9/2014 AFTER THE CREST Open Assembly with the collective CRIMETHINC in Athens Greece

Occupy Planet Earth 2011

ΜETA TIΣ ΣΥΓΚΡΟΥΣΕΙΣ;

Τι κάνουμε την περίοδο ανάμεσα στις Ταραχές;
Με ποιο τρόπο συνεχίζουμε 

και επεκτείνουμε την κοινωνική εξέγερση;

ΑΝΟΙΧΤΗ ΣΥΖΗΤΗΣΗ

ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΙΚΗ ΤΗΣ ΕΞΕΓΕΡΣΗΣ

ΔΕΥΤΕΡΑ 

22 ΣΕΠΤΕΜΒΡΙΟΥ 2014

ΩΡΑ: 20.30

ΚΑΤΕΙΛΗΜΜΕΝΟ 

ΘΕΑΤΡΟ

ΕΜΠΡΟΣ

Ρ.ΠΑΛΑΜΗΔΗ 2 ΨΥΡΡΗ

Τα τελευταία χρόνια, σε πολλές περιοχές του κόσμου ξέσπασαν εκρήξεις διαμαρτυρίας στις οποίες μεγάλα πλήθη ξεχύθηκαν οργισμένα στους δρόμους. 

 Οι ξεσηκωμοί πήραν διάφορες μορφές αλλά ακόμα και στις πλέον εξεγερτικές τους στιγμές δεν μπόρεσαν να οδηγήσουν σε κάποια ριζική αλλαγή ούτε να λύσουν τα προβλήματα που τις παράγουν.      Ποια είναι τα όρια που συνάντησαν, και τι θα μπορούσε να μας πάει πέρα από αυτά τα όρια; Εάν τώρα ξέρουμε πως μία εξέγερση δεν θα καταστρέψει τον καπιταλισμό, οφείλουμε να αναρωτηθούμε τι μπορούμε να κάνουμε για να προωθήσουμε ένα τέτοιο στόχο :       

τι ελπίζουμε να επιτύχουμε με αυτές τις εξεγέρσεις, ποιος είναι ο ρόλος τους στο μακροπρόθεσμο όραμά μας, και ποια είναι η στρατηγική μας για το χρονικό διάστημα που τις ακολουθεί;  Σε αυτή την παρουσίαση συμμετέχοντες σε κοινωνικούς αγώνες από την Ανατολική Ευρώπη ​​και τη Βόρεια Αμερική, θα μιλήσουν για τις εμπειρίες τους και θα θέσουν ερωτήσεις. Παρακαλούμε ελάτε έτοιμοι να συζητήσουμε! Αυτή η συζήτηση είναι μέρος περιοδείας αμερικανών συντρόφων & μιας εν εξελίξει έρευνας 

σχετικά με το θέμα :                                                                    

"Μετά το Αποκορύφωμα / Ο Κύκλος Ζωής των Κοινωνικών Κινημάτων" 
 

Οργανώνεται σε συνεργασία με το Κενό Δίκτυο από την αναρχική συλλογικότητα CrimethInc. που με την σκέψη και την δράση της  από τα μέσα της δεκαετίας του ’90 προσφέρει στρατηγικές  αναλύσεις από τις πρώτες γραμμές του μετώπου του κοινωνικού πολέμου σε όλο τον κόσμο.

 

Περισσότερες πληροφορίες:

http://www.crimethinc.com

Ανάλυση / θεματικό κείμενο συζήτησης:
http://crimethinc.com/texts/recentfeatures/atc-dust.php

Τι είναι η αναρχική συλλογικότητα CrimethInc.;

Από τα μέσα της δεκαετίας του 1990, η συλλογικότητα CrimethInc. υπήρξε ένα από τα πιο παραγωγικά και εκτεταμένα σχέδια Αναρχικών στη Βόρεια Αμερική. Οι συμμετέχοντες έχουν διασχίσει πολλές φορές τον κόσμο για αμέτρητες περιοδείες και  δράσεις, παρήγαγαν μια σειρά από βιβλία (Days of Love/Nights of War, Recipes for Disaster, Expecting Resistance, Work: Capitalism.Economics.Resistance, Contradictionary), περιοδικά (Rolling Thunder), και άλλα έντυπα, συμπεριλαμβανομένων της πολυσέλιδης μπροσούρας «Fighting For Our Lives / Πολεμώντας για τις Ζωές μας» σε 650.000 αντίτυπα. Από τις μέρες των διαδηλώσεων του Σηάτλ ως σήμερα, τις συγκρούσεις ενάντια στις συνόδους κορυφής της διεθνούς οικονομικής και πολιτικής ελίτ και τις εξεγέρσεις σε πολλά σημεία του κόσμου, με τις εκστρατείες τους ενάντια στην κρατική καταστολή, την συμμετοχή τους στα σημεία ανάφλεξης του κοινωνικού αγώνα, τα εκδοτικά εγχειρήματα και τις αναλύσεις τους, προσέφεραν πάντα ένα ανοιχτό κάλεσμα εμπλουτισμού και εμβάθυνσης της σύγχρονης αναρχικής σκέψης και δράσης. Ανοίγοντας πάντα επίμαχες συζητήσεις,  η συλλογικότητα CrimethInc. μέσα στα χρόνια συνεχίζει να προκαλεί με ριζοσπαστικές θέσεις τις κυβερνήσεις, τους ρεφορμιστές αλλά και το ευρύ κοινό.

ΚΕΝΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ
[Θεωρία, Ουτοπία, Συναίσθηση, Εφήμερες Τέχνες]
http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com

After the Crest: What We Do between Upheavals

OPEN ASSEMBLY

MONDAY 22 SEPTEMBER 2014

STARTS 20.30

OCCUPIED THEATRE 

EMBROS

R.PALAMIDI 2 PSIRIS 

ATHENS GREECE

Over the past few years, many places have witnessed sudden eruptions of protest in which everyone pours into the streets. This has taken many forms: anti-austerity protests in Europe, Occupy in the US and elsewhere, transportation protests in Brazil, the Gezi resistance in Turkey, the uprising in Bosnia, and most recently—and problematically—the nationalist revolution in Ukraine.

But all of these have passed without solving the problems that gave rise to them. What limits have they reached, and what would it take to go beyond these limits? If a single upheaval won’t bring down capitalism, we have to ask what’s important about such high points of struggle: what we hope to get out of them, how they figure in our long-term vision, and how to make the most of the period that follows them.

In this presentation, participants in popular struggles in Slovenia and North America will speak about our experiences and pose questions. Please come ready to discuss!

This tour is part of an ongoing investigation on the theme “After the Crest,” organized through the anarchist collective CrimethInc.

more info about crimethinc: 
http://www.crimethinc.com

intoduction of the assembly:

http://www.crimethinc.com/blog/2013/09/09/after-the-crest-the-life-cycle-of-movements/ 

What is CrimethInc.?

Since the mid-1990s, CrimethInc. has been one of the most prolific and ambitious anarchist projects in North America. Participants have crisscrossed the world for countless tours and actions; produced books, magazines, and other literature, including 650,000 copies of the primer Fighting for Our Lives; and reported from the front lines of summit protests, riots, anti-repression campaigns, and other flashpoints of struggle. Always controversial, CrimethInc. has earned the ire of leftists and government agencies while challenging the general public.

VOID NETWORK

[Theory | Utopia | Empathy | Ephemeral Arts]

http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com

Crackdown in Spain (Wave of Arrests Sweeps Barcelona) by Peter Gelderloos

The message went out to a thousand phones on Monday morning, the 3^rd of October: the first of the arrests from the Parliament blockade had taken place. Four undercovers snatched him up as he left his house. A protest was called for the same day, at 7 o’clock in the evening, Plaça Catalunya. Two more arrests soon followed. The news quickly spread via telephone, internet, and word of mouth. Several meetings are called to share information and organize the response. By the time people started gathering in the hundreds for the protest, a fourth arrest had occurred.
Back in June, the popular rage that has been growing in Barcelona, in tandem with other parts of the world, coalesced once again as 200,000 people blockaded the Catalan Parliament in an attempt to prevent the passage of the latest austerity laws. These laws cannot accurately be called cutbacks, for in addition to slashing healthcare and education, they augment the ranks and arsenal of the police and continue the urbanization projects that tailor the city to the needs of tourism and social control.
This was not the first round of reforms to hit Catalunya, and in fact the Socialist Party was already voted out of power for inaugurating the crisis measures, so now it’s the conservatives’ turn to continue the same policies. Half of the people never voted for any of them, and an increasing number of these have been taking to the streets to win back control over their lives in an escalating series of strikes, protests, occupations, and popular assemblies that have spread across the Spanish state. The media and the academics have referred to this phenomenon as the movement of “indignados,” the “Real Democracy Now” movement, or the 15M movement, but in reality the feeling on the street is increasingly closer to rage than to simple indignation;  its politics are much more heterogeneous and in large part more anticapitalist than a narrow, naïve call for a “real” democracy, whatever that means; and the activity ascribed to it predates the 15M—or 15^th of May—plaza occupations. Threads of the ongoing defiance run continuously back through the joyful Mayday riots in the wealthy neighborhood of Sarrià, the January 27 general strike that was called only by anarcho-syndicalist and far-left minority unions, in an unprecedented move demonstrating a new boldness, the September 29 general strike that reached massive proportions on a countrywide level and in Barcelona erupted in a daylong insurrection, which itself evoked references to and drew on experiences from an entire history of struggle against dictatorship and against the democracy that replaced it, a struggle that not everyone has forgotten.
On June 15, for the first time in much too long, politicians remembered the taste of fear as people blocked their path and harangued them, assailed them with insults, spat on them, threw trash, and in at least one case, attacked them with spraypaint. Many lawmakers had to be flown in by helicopter, and only in the face of undeniable public opposition and with the help of an army of riot police were they able to pass the reforms. For at least one day, the lies of democracy were put in their place, and the curtain masking the reality of social war was parted.
People who participated in the blockade, who got to reap just a brief moment of revenge against the wealthy, hypocritical politicians who are intent on taking everything, went home that day with a general feeling of jubilation. All that changed as soon as they tuned back in to the official reality, and checked out the news the next day.
In the stateless, communal majority of human history, shame played an important function in upholding community norms, based generally on ideas of mutual aid. The person who did not share, the bully and would-be authoritarian were shamed and prevented from spreading social relations based in competition or domination. In a postmodern, media-driven world, shame is instrumentalized by the mass media and used to uphold the relations and values that benefit the owners of society.
Pacifism, as it has arisen in the Real Democracy Now movement, is little more than an uncritical reliance on the media of the ruling class and a reproduction of the shame and values they inculcate. People who had been participating in social struggles here for years were surprised, in May and June, to suddenly find that other protestors would throw themselves in front of banks to protect them from vandalism, or in front of riot cops to protect them from insults and the throwing of trash. Evidently, breaking the windows of a bank or fighting with the police is more shameful than the homelessness, the hunger, the debt slavery, the murders, and the torture the banks and police are responsible for.
By July, after newcomers had had to face off with police to defend occupations or block the eviction of neighbors who couldn’t pay their mortgages, more and more people were dismissing nonviolence as a hopelessly inept tool for accomplishing goals that were not compatible with those of the ruling class, and what’s more, they began to see it like the rest of us, as an indignity and an insult to the history of revolutionaries here who have fought bravely and on their feet against fascism, against capitalism, against power in all its forms.
But in June, many people were still hypersensitive to what the media were saying about us. The same people who went home with a smile on their faces awoke with a frown to encounter the media’s predictable hysterics. The forceful protest of the day before was presented as a travesty, a source of profound shame for some fictive national community that included, altogether in one happy, democratic family, those who consumed the news and were losing access to healthcare, and those who broadcast the news and had private healthcare. People began to backpedal, to deny what was being signalled as shameful, in a word, to betray themselves.
The police took advantage of the boom in video footage at protests and the dissolution of the line between journalists and protestors, with the proliferation of alternative media. They gathered and seized all the footage they needed, and began identifying suspects. The media cried out about impending arrests. But curiously, the arrests never came.
On inspection, the police strategy is tried and true: make the people police themselves. As long as the two primary ingredients—pacifism and sensitivity to the media—exist in abundance, the mobilization of shame and fear by the press will divide a movement and redirect it towards dialogue, leading it straight back into the hands of the politicians whom it rejected at the very moment of its birth. Where heavy-handed arrests might have strengthened the movement’s resolve and united them behind the bravest sector—those who had gone face to face with riot cops and politicians—the soft hand of the media sowed doubts and handed legitimacy to the most cowardly and opportunistic.
Needless to say, it came as a shock when the police began their wave of arrests in early October, nearly four months later. But the underlying motives soon came to light. The order to make the arrests did not come from the Catalan police, but from higher up—all the way from Madrid, in fact. In response to the supposed inaction of the Catalan authorities, Manos Limpias—a fascist organization—brought a suit to the Audiencia Nacional, a supreme court in Madrid that often metes out political repression. The Audiencia Nacional then ordered the Catalan police to arrest all twenty-two people they had identified in footage, charging them with various offenses under the statute covering “assaults on democracy.” Possible sentences range from six months to eight years in prison. Curiously, this seems to be the first use of the law protecting democracy, which was passed after an attempted military coup in 1981. Yet another example of progressive laws used for political repression, like hate crime laws used in the US against those protesting the police or homophobic churches.
By the second day, ten people had been arrested. In each case, they were taken to a facility on the outskirts of town, near the immigrant prison, booked, and given a citation to appear at court in Madrid. Lawyers in Madrid soon got the list of all twenty-two suspects, and those whom police had not yet been able to locate went to the Barcelona courts to see if they could get their citation without being arrested. They were stonewalled, and after hours of waiting, went downstairs to a café. Suddenly, riot police surrounded the café and arrested the other people on the list. Like all the others, they were subjected to biometric photos, to be added to police databases for automatic and remote facial recognition.
As the arrests became known, a pattern quickly emerged. Whereas the media had previously trumpeted the certainty that protest “leaders” and those involved in convening the Parliament blockade would be charged in addition to the worst of the troublemakers, all of those arrested were people from the grassroots, acting outside of any organizational framework, and nearly all of them were anarchists. But because the arrests had been imposed by higher authorities and had not been immediately accompanied by any PR action on the ground, the media did not have any strong directions from police regarding how to report on the occurrences, and they fumbled and did their best to explain the arrests, in their typically cloudy, sophomoric, and professional way. As such, the detainees were labelled as members of the movement of indignados, rather than being singled out as “bad protestors” and “antisistema.” (Given that anarchism has not been erased from Spanish history, the media cannot use “anarchist” as a depoliticized, pejorative, and scary term; thus they invented the label “antisistema” or “anti-system” to refer to people who reject dialogue with the political system, though the connotation is overwhelmingly one of rebels without a cause).
Not only were the police and media caught flat-footed in carrying out and justifying the arrests, what’s more, the situation was stacked against them. Radicals are harder to isolate in today’s political climate, at least in Barcelona. Within the neighborhood assemblies, workplace struggles, and occupations of the hospitals facing cutbacks or closure, the old political divisions have lost much of their meaning. Anarchists and other radicals who were once easy to isolate now form an integral part of new networks of neighbors and coworkers acting together in solidarity.
The October repression has deepened the practice of solidarity among a wider group of people. The thousands who have taken to the streets to protest austerity measures are returning to the streets out of a shared loyalty and a growing awareness of the mechanisms of social control. At Monday’s spontaneous protest, called the same day as the arrests began, nearly one thousand people gathered in Plaça Catalunya and then marched down Las Ramblas, Barcelona’s principal commercial street and tourist attraction. That night, the spectacle of consumption was interrupted by the forceful chants of the protestors, and every single bank and chain store along the route was decorated with graffiti against capitalism and against the police. Those who automatically whipped out their cameras to film the crowd, unwittingly drawing a line between participant and spectator, were yelled at: “haven’t you learned anything? Twenty-two people are facing prison because of your photographs!”
Three days later, another protest was held. This time, perhaps 3000 people showed up, some of them having marched all the way from their neighborhoods, blocking all the streets along the way. Again, energy was high, and the chants that rang through the air showed a greater political maturity than was common back in May. “It’s not a crisis, it’s capitalism!” “Slashing healthcare is murder!” “No one represents us!” “Politicians go to hell!” “Not one step back! Against repression, direct action!” “The cops kill and torture!” “The media aim, the police shoot!” “We were all at Parliament!” And my personal favorite, “Let’s burn down Parliament!” Mustapha, a Saharan immigrant who was killed by cops in a nearby town just a short time earlier, was also remembered in many of the chants. People were drawing connections between the political system, the economic system, and the repression, and calling for unmediated action.
Only twice did I hear someone sing out the old, leftist favorite that used to predominate at protests: “They call this democracy but it’s not,” but every time the radical refrain of “Yes it is!” arose in response, louder than the original chorus. Finally, the march arrived at the Interior Ministry, where cops were booed and insulted, and kept on their toes with a loud firecracker. At one point, an alternative journalist filming inside the crowd was physically ejected. He claimed that by filming what the police might do he was protecting us, but this old line fell on deaf ears. There’s already one person in Barcelona in prison for defending himself against a cop, arrested and convicted with the help of a journalist’s footage, and now there are twenty-two more people facing prison. Meanwhile, for all the busted heads, all the cases of torture, all the killings, and all the independent journalists on the scene with cameras rolling, there isn’t a single cop doing time.
People are starting to wake up. What has always been obvious is starting to become visible. Twenty-two people have to travel to Madrid to go to court this Tuesday for doing what most of us dream about. The politicians who got spit on, and the bankers standing behind them, are hoping to make an example out of those twenty-two. But for us, the assault on power they stand accused of is an example of bravery, an example of truth, an example of hope.
Those in power who want to lock them in a cage for years just for challenging their authority are losing their hold on us. Those who favor dialogue with the powerful have lost their credibility. Those who fear to attack them have lost their relevance.
When thousands of people here and in other cities around the world took up the call once more for “revolution” and for “freedom,” governments, spectators, and opportunists expected this would exhaust itself in the same old reforms. But there’s a growing number of us who mean what we say.
When all the old rules are rejected, everything becomes possible.

Peter Gelderloos is a very good friend of Void Network and the author of How Nonviolence Protects the State (South End Press) and Anarchy Works (Ardent press). He currently resides in Barcelona.

The article appeared at CounterPunch in October 10 2011

http://www.counterpunch.org/2011/10/10/crackdown-in-spain/

INDIGNADOS! ΤΑ ΠΡΩΤΑ ΒΗΜΑΤΑ ΜΙΑΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗΣ ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΗΣ the first steps of a social revolution // Nosotros Social Center : Friday 16/09/011 Exarchia Athens Greece

INDIGNADOS!

ΤΑ ΠΡΩΤΑ ΒΗΜΑΤΑ

ΜΙΑΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗΣ ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΗΣ

the first steps

of a social revolution

ΑΝΑΛΥΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΟΠΤΙΚΕΣ

ΤΟΥ ΚΙΝΗΜΑΤΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΣΠΑΝΩΝ «ΑΓΑΝΑΚΤΙΣΜΕΝΩΝ»

Political Event : Analysis and perspectives of the Spanish Movement of

Indignados

ΚΑΤΙ ΑΛΛΑΖΕΙ ΣΤΗΝ ΙΣΠΑΝΙΑ. ΟΙ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΙ ΣΥΓΚΕΝΤΡΩΘΗΚΑΝ ΣΤΙΣ ΠΛΑΤΕΙΕΣ. ΑΠΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΩΣΑΝ ΤΟΝ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟ ΧΩΡΟ ΓΙΑ ΝΑ ΜΙΛΗΣΟΥΝ, ΝΑ ΜΟΙΡΑΣΤΟΥΝ ΤΙΣ ΙΔΕΕΣ ΤΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΝΑ ΧΤΙΣΟΥΝ ΤΟΝ ΔΡΟΜΟ ΠΡΟΣ ΜΙΑ ΑΛΛΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ, 
ΤΗΝ ΔΙΚH ΜΑΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ!

ΚΑΘΩΣ ΑΓΩΝΙΖΟΜΑΣΤΕ ΕΝΑΝΤΙΑ ΣΤΟΥΣ ΙΔΙΟΥΣ ΕΧΘΡΟΥΣ ΔΙΝΟΥΜΕ ΜΑΖΙ ΤΟΥΣ ΤΟΝ ΙΔΙΟ ΑΓΩΝΑ!

Something Changes in Spain. The people gathered at the squares,...they liberated the public space to meet, talk, share ideas and build the way for an other Society,...OUR OWN SOCIETY!

As we struggle against common enemies OUR STRUGGLES ARE COMMON!

ΠΑΡΑΣΚΕΥΗ 16 ΣΕΠΤΕΜΒΡΙΟΥ 2011  

FRIDAY 16/09/011

ΩΡΑ 20.30

ΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΑΝΑΡΧΙΚΟ ΣΥΝΤΡΟΦΟ «VICTOR» ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΠΑΝΙΑ

ΘΑ ΣΥΖΗΤΗΣΟΥΜΕ ΓΙΑ ΤΟ ΙΣΠΑΝΙΚΟ ΚΙΝΗΜΑ, 
ΤΑ ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΟΥ ΑΝΤΙΜΕΤΩΠΙΖΕΙ,

ΤΙΣ ΑΠΑΝΤΗΣΕΙΣ ΠΟΥ ΑΝΑΖΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΙΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΒΟΥΛΙΕΣ
ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΟΠΤΙΚΕΣ ΠΟΥ ΕΝΕΡΓΟΠΟΙΕΙ

With the Anarchist comrade "Victor" from Spain we will talk about the Spanish movement, the problems they are struggling with, how they try to solve them and wich initiatives they are putting in practice   

+ ΠΡΟΒΟΛΕΣ ΦΩΤΟΓΡΑΦΙΚΟΥ ΥΛΙΚΟΥ ΑΠΟ ΤΙΣ ΠΛΑΤΕΙΕΣ 
ΤΗΣ ΙΣΠΑΝΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΤΙΚΕΣ  ΜΟΥΣΙΚΕΣ 
ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΠΑΝΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΜΕΞΙΚΟ

+visual show from spanish movement of the squares and revolutionary music from Spain & mexico

ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΟΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΟΣ ΧΩΡΟΣ «NOSOTROS»

ΤΑΡΑΤΣΑ // ΘΕΜΙΣΤΟΚΛΕΟΥΣ 66 ΕΞΑΡΧΕΙΑ  

free social space NOSOTROS

at the terrace / themistokleous 66 Exarchia Athens Greece

New York Open General Assembly : The New American Revolution is Coming!

WE INVITE YOU TO PARTICIPATE AT THE OPEN GENERAL ASSEMBLY FOR THE CREATION OF NEW YORK SOCIAL MOVEMENT

The next general assembly is this Saturday Aug 13th, Tompkins Square Park 5pm 

for more info about American Revolution  and New York Social Movement

keep in contact!

Indignados of The World Unite!

http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com

Void Network invites all friends and activists around the world to express their Global Solidarity and organize the Global Movement of Direct Democracy.

We invite all people to organize Direct Democracy Public Camps and People's Assemblies all around the world, to all cities, neighborhoods and villages of this planet.

We invite all people to take back the power on their hands, to prepare for long and hard Global Struggle Against Totalitarianism, Exploitation, Alienation and Stupidity

We invite all people to express their Rage and Creativity in horizontal, non hierarchical, open, all inclusive, antiauthoritarian, direct and emancipatory Public Assemblies, creative groups, working groups, thematic groups and initiatives that WILL CHANGE THE WAY WE FIGHT, WILL CHANGE THE WAY WE THINK, WILL CHANGE THE WAY WE ORGANIZE OUR STRUGGLES, OUR DREAMS, OUR PLANS FOR THE FUTURE!

WE ARE AN IMAGE FROM THE FUTURE!

 We invite especialy all our friends and commrades in New York to participate in the Occupation of Wall Street in 17 September 2011 [ http://www.adbusters.org/blogs/adbusters-blog/occupywallstreet.html ] and we spread our invitation for the creation of Direct Democracy Camps and Public Assemblies all over United States of America the same date. 
The open, public invitation to people from all kinds of economic and cultural backgrounds, people from all nations, all colours, all genders to participate in Assemblies all over U.S.A. will offer a great empowerment for all people to express themselves in public, to demonstrate their fears, their dissapointments, their needs, their dreams and organize their resistance against the destruction of our lives, against the destruction of the Nature, against the destruction of our communities, against the destruction of our FUTURE  

You can hear also a 2 hours interview of participators of  the Direct Democracy Camp and Public Assembly of Syntagma sq. / Athens Greece taken by the cultural activists from 16 Beaver Group New York about HOW TO ORGANIZE AN OPEN PUBLIC CAMP AND PEOPLE'S ASSEMBLY
People that participate in different open groups (like the Group of fascilitators and secrateries of the Assembly, Technical Support Group, Art Group, Internet Group e.t.c.) speaking about practical ways and methods offering ideas, sharing experiences, problematics and dangers to avoid for organizing Direct Democracy Public  Camps and Assemblies all around the world.
This conversation is an attempt to open up the process of the General Assemblies taking place in Athens on Syntagma Square, like an engine, in order to understand how it developed, and how it works. It touches on the problems they have faced, the barriers of having fixed ideological agendas, the question of restricting media access, of formulating respect, creating the form for a new political speech, drawing lots, voting, making resolutions, taking collective actions, establishing different thematic groups, working groups, allowing conflict and arguments, constructing a non-representative political agency, avoiding demands, ….

please listen / share / republish / distribute this interview:
http://sduk.us/conversations/072511_greece_assembly.mp3

 

more info about the interview here:
http://www.16beavergroup.org/07.31.11.htm

VOID NETWORK
[Theory, Utopia, Empathy, Ephemeral Arts]
http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com

HOW TO ORGANIZE AN OPEN PUBLIC CAMP AND PEOPLE'S ASSEMBLY : Announcement from Greece after the attack of Police Against Greek "Indignados". Global Invitation for Rage, Creativity and Organizing of Global Direct Democracy Public Camps and Assemblies

videos from the attack of Greek Police to the Greek "Indignados" and
the Direct Democracy Public Assembly

Demonstration infront of Athens Municipality against Athens Mayor 

The same night of the attack of Police the Direct Democracy Public Assembly
took place in 21.00 o clock as every night and decided demontration against the mayor of Athens mr. Kaminis that invited the Police to destroy the camp of the people infront of the Greek parliament

Without Us They Are Nothing / Without Them We Are Everything!

At approximately 4.15 a.m. on Saturday, 30.7, heavy riot police forces entered Syntagma square (Parliament sq. / Athens Greece that had been occupied from 23 May, destroying and removing the tents that where set up there. At least eight people were arrested. This follows the order by attorney general Eleni Raikou for the tents at Syntagma and the “promise” of mayor Kaminis that the tents at Syntagma would be removed within days, as they tarnish Athens’ image during the tourist period.

The people re-occupied the Square and the Square replied immidiately:

They Came, Like Thieves in the Night

 - Gathering at Syntagma square at 6pm

The Square is Us and We Are Everywhere
General assembly at Syntagma Square 6:00 o'clock.
Like thieves, who fear the people's outcry and public shame, The police forces entered the square at 4 am.
The district attorney and work crews of the Municipality of Athens invaded the square, and began a wholesale destruction and removal of tents and the infrastructure of the various work groups of the square. They then took 13 people into custody from which 8 are now considered arrests.
We condemn the ban on communication of lawyers with those held at the police station in Omonoia. (For this reason, there is no clear picture of the number of arrestees or who they are).
Activists who were present, in resistance to the annihilation of the square, saved what material they could and took videos of what was happening, scenes which make plain that we are living under a cowardly democracy and a justice system that functions on the basis of the law of the jungle.
Let them realise the obvious truth;
The square is all of us, thousands of ordinary people who stand up to a cynical, antipopular, antidemocratic, corrupt economic and political status quo. A status quo, that in desperation, facing its own failure, is trying to save itself in any way possible.
We will not become its victims.
We do not fear, we do not submit.
We inform them that they are fooling themselves if they think that "cleaning" and making a fortress of Syntagma square, they will protect themselves. There are tens of squares now all over Athens, with their own general assemblies, hundreds of squares all over Greece. We are in every neighborhood, along with every citizen of this country.
We are the millions of society set against a handful of corrupt and subservient minority who try to pretend they have strength by using the police, mercenaries of the power elite.
We are everywhere.
Whatever they do they cannot makes us leave. The streets and the squares, like jobs, productive structures, the wealth of this country and our rights belong to us. They are not for sale. We will continue to demand their return to the people.
we have said it before and we say it again:
we will not leave until they do.
Everyone at Syntagma Square today Saturday 30th of July at 6 p.m.
The terrorism of this dictatorial goverment, the imf and memorandum, shall not pass.
You do not scare us. You infuriate us.
We continue the fight peacefully, with determination and creativity.

more info about Direct Democracy movement in Greece here

Void Network invites all friends and activists around the world to express their Global Solidarity and organize the Global Movement of Direct Democracy.

We invite all people to organize Direct Democracy Public Camps and People's Assemblies all around the world, to all cities, neighborhoods and villages of this planet.

We invite all people to take back the power on their hands, to prepare for long and hard Global Struggle Against Totalitarianism, Exploitation, Alienation and Stupidity

We invite all people to express their Rage and Creativity in horizontal, non hierarchical, open, all inclusive, antiauthoritarian, direct and emancipatory Public Assemblies, creative groups, working groups, thematic groups and initiatives that WILL CHANGE THE WAY WE FIGHT, WILL CHANGE THE WAY WE THINK, WILL CHANGE THE WAY WE ORGANIZE OUR STRUGGLES, OUR DREAMS, OUR PLANS FOR THE FUTURE!

WE ARE AN IMAGE FROM THE FUTURE!

 We invite especialy all our friends and commrades in New York to participate in the Occupation of Wall Street in 17 September 2011 [ http://www.adbusters.org/blogs/adbusters-blog/occupywallstreet.html ] and we spread our invitation for the creation of Direct Democracy Camps and Public Assemblies all over United States of America the same date. 
The open, public invitation to people from all kinds of economic and cultural backgrounds, people from all nations, all colours, all genders to participate in Assemblies all over U.S.A. will offer a great empowerment for all people to express themselves in public, to demonstrate their fears, their dissapointments, their needs, their dreams and organize their resistance against the destruction of our lives, against the destruction of the Nature, against the destruction of our communities, against the destruction of our FUTURE  

You can hear also a 2 hours interview of participators of  the Direct Democracy Camp and Public Assembly of Syntagma sq. / Athens Greece taken by the cultural activists from 16 Beaver Group New York about HOW TO ORGANIZE AN OPEN PUBLIC CAMP AND PEOPLE'S ASSEMBLY
People that participate in different open groups (like the Group of fascilitators and secrateries of the Assembly, Technical Support Group, Art Group, Internet Group e.t.c.) speaking about practical ways and methods offering ideas, sharing experiences, problematics and dangers to avoid for organizing Direct Democracy Public  Camps and Assemblies all around the world.
This conversation is an attempt to open up the process of the General Assemblies taking place in Athens on Syntagma Square, like an engine, in order to understand how it developed, and how it works. It touches on the problems they have faced, the barriers of having fixed ideological agendas, the question of restricting media access, of formulating respect, creating the form for a new political speech, drawing lots, voting, making resolutions, taking collective actions, establishing different thematic groups, working groups, allowing conflict and arguments, constructing a non-representative political agency, avoiding demands, ….

please listen / share / republish / distribute this interview:
http://sduk.us/conversations/072511_greece_assembly.mp3


more info about the interview here:
http://www.16beavergroup.org/07.31.11.htm

VOID NETWORK
[Theory, Utopia, Empathy, Ephemeral Arts]
http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com