“O
frabjous day! Callooh! Callay!”
The
Guardian reports
that the ‘National Living Wage’ will increase by a pound an hour:
‘Nearly
3 million low-paid workers will receive a pay increase of almost 10%
next spring after the chancellor announced an increase in the
national living wage to £11.44 an hour. Jeremy Hunt said the
earnings of full-time workers would rise by £1,800 a year as a
result of a move that the Low Pay Commission (LPC) said met the 2019
Conservative pledge to end poverty pay in the UK. The increase from
£10.42 to £11.44 comes against a backdrop of a cost of living
crisis in which inflation peaked at 11.1% – the highest in 40
years. Eligibility for the national living wage (NLW) will also be
extended by reducing the age threshold from 23 to 21.’
https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/nov/21/uks-national-living-wage-to-rise-by-nearly-10-to-1144-an-hour
From
the October 1995 issue of the Socialist Standard
The
Labour Party's support for the concept of a minimum
wage is not
based on its concern for low-paid workers, in fact, Labour's real aim
is to cut the expenditure, in the form of
benefits, of the
capitalist state it hopes to inherit.
The
Labour Party went into the 1992 general election committed to
introducing a legally enforced national minimum wage which, they
said, would eventually amount to two-thirds of the level below which
half all wage and salary earners fall (or the “median wage”, as
the statisticians call it):
“Labour
will introduce a national legal minimum hourly wage, starting at a
level of 50 per cent of the mid-point of men's earnings (the median)
. . . Four million people will benefit form this minimum wage. Over
time, Labour will increase the minimum wage as a proportion of
earnings to a point where no-one is paid less than two-thirds of the
median male hourly rate ” (Looking
to the Future,
1990, p. 37).
In
today’s money this would give an hourly rate of about £5.50, or a
minimum wage for a 39-hour week of £214.50, or over £ 11,000 a
year. Of course there was never any chance that this was going to
happen. You can’t legislate into being wage increases of this
order, amounting in some cases to over 50 percent. Capitalism just
does not work that way. Its economic mechanism responds not to
government decrees but the realities of profit-making in competitive
markets. The government could indeed pass a law aimed at ordering
employers to pay a minimum wage at this level but, as this would cut
into profits, the result in an economy based on the economic law of
“no profit, no production” would be an economic downturn and a
growth in unemployment.
Shrinking
figures
The
Labour leaders—who are nothing these days if not economic
“realists”— were well aware of this. Which was why they
proposed to reach the goal of two-thirds of the median only
gradually, starting by introducing a law to fix the minimum wage at
half it. This is the £4.15 or so to which Bill Morris and the T &
G and other unions are still committed. But even this is
pie-in-the-sky which will never come about, and wouldn’t have come
about even if Neil Kinnock had entered Number Ten in May 1992. The
economic mechanism of capitalism just won't wear it.
Since
Kinnock went, Labour, first under Smith and then under Blair, has
backtracked even further. It is still committed to the concept of a
national minimum wage but not to any specific amount. This, they now
say, is to be fixed by a commission made up of employers, unions and
others and, we predict, would amount to about the same as the old
Wages Councils, abolished by the Tories in 1993, used to come up
with: about £3 or so an hour (in today’s money).
In
other words, the most Labour would do would be to restore the
pre-1993 situation, extending it to all industries and services so as
to be able to call it a “national” minimum. This latter will only
be window-dressing since most industries pay their workers above this
hourly rate, otherwise they would have been covered by a Wages
Council.
But
why does Labour—now under arch-realist Blair—want to keep to the
idea of a minimum wage, especially as it is going to earn them a lot
of stick from the Tories? Since they now take the support of active
trade unionists for granted, it can’t be a sop for their benefit.
The reason lies elsewhere: it is part of their plan to reduce
spending on welfare benefits as their contribution to trying to solve
the fiscal crisis of the capitalist state.
A
bit of theory
The
basis of capitalism is the wages system, under which the work of
production is done by people selling their particular ability to work
to an employer in return for a wage or salary. Wages for particular
types of skill are fixed by market forces at the amount of money
workers require to buy the things needed to maintain their particular
skill, plus an element to cover the cost of raising a family to
replenish the labour force when they retire.
In
the long run workers must get paid this amount, otherwise they won’t
be able to maintain their skill, and their employer will begin to
suffer in terms of absenteeism, increasing labour turnover, shoddy
work and lower productivity.
So,
in a sense, market forces—aided by pressure from unions—already
tend to ensure that wages don’t fall below a minimum level: that
below which the workers wouldn’t have enough money to maintain
their skill adequately. However, there have always been some kinds of
work—those requiring little training or experience and performed
for a mass of small employers—where, because supply permanently
exceeds demand, and because trade union organisation is difficult,
market forces bring about a wage that is below this level.
What
this means is that, in the terminology of Marxian economics, these
workers get paid less than the value of their labour-power. They
don’t get paid a “fair” wage even by capitalism’s standard of
fairness, i.e. the full value of what they are selling.
This
creates problems both for their immediate employers and for the
employing class as a whole which has to foot the bill for the
increasing ill-health and destitution that result from paying workers
over a long period less than the value of their labour-power.
The
problem for their immediate employers is that, even if they wanted to
be a “good” employer and pay their workers the value of their
labour-power as a means of getting their money’s worth in terms of
work done and profits made, they can’t because of competition from
other employers. None of them dares make the first move for fear of
losing business, indeed of going out of business.
The
solution that has been adopted in Britain has been two-fold. First,
to introduce minimum wages in the trades concerned and, second, to
introduce Family Allowances.
It
was the Liberal government in 1909 that took the initiative and set
up trade boards, later called Wages Councils, in the “sweated
trades”, such as the retail trade, hotels and catering, and the rag
trade, where workers tended to be persistently paid a wage below
subsistence level. Under this system the employers, the unions and
government officials met to fix a minimum hourly rate for the
particular trade. It was an offence for an employer to pay below this
rate. There was no national minimum wage, only different minimum
wages for the different trades.
Subsidising
employers
Family
Allowances (now called Child Benefit) were introduced by the wartime
coalition government in 1945. But, as the pamphlets Beveridge
Reorganises Poverty and
Family
Allowances: A Socialist Analysis which
we in the Socialist Party brought out at the time explained, this was
not at all what it appeared to be: a money payment by the capitalist
state which would leave all those with two or more dependent children
better off by that amount.
Under
capitalism and its wages system any regular payment received by
workers in employment is going to have an effect on wage levels. This
is because, as explained, wages tend to be fixed at a level which
provides workers with enough money to buy what they need to maintain
their particular skill in working order and also to bring up a family
to take their place in the labour force when they are too old to
work. If the state makes a contribution towards these costs, this
means the workers’ immediate employer doesn’t have to.
The
effect of any generalised state payment to workers in employment will
be to depress, not necessarily the standard of living, but the wages
paid by employers. This was why, in fact, Family Allowances were for
a long time opposed by the trade unions. As we pointed out at the
time:
"The
real issue is not that certain unscrupulous employers may seek to
save out of wages amounts paid in Family Allowances, but that once it
is established that the children (or some of the children) of the
workers have been ‘provided for' by other means, the tendency will
be for wage levels to sink to new standards which will not include
the cost of maintaining such children ” (Family Allowances,
pp. 11-12).
In
1971 the then Tory government of Edward Heath breached a hitherto
sacrosanct principle of the welfare state that no means-tested
benefits should be paid to any worker in employment. They introduced
a new benefit called Family Income Supplement (now called Family
Credit), in effect a means-tested Family Allowance, payable to
workers in employment whose income was below the poverty line, i.e.
more or less what they would have got had they been on what is now
called Income Support.
The
logic behind this was to provide an incentive for people to take a
job, however miserably paid. The result has been unsatisfactory from
the point-of-view of the capitalist class as a whole. The cost of all
state benefits payable to workers in employment (housing benefit,
council tax benefit as well as Family Credit) has spiralled to over
£2 billion a year.
Some
employers—those in the modern sweated trades—have benefited.
Knowing that the state will bring workers with children up to the
poverty line they have been enabled to pay these workers
below-the-poverty-lines wages. As Labour's deputy leader John
Prescott has put it:
“Family
Credit is now part of wage negotiations, with employers offering £1
an hour and saying: ‘I know you can‘t live on that, but if you
nip down to Social Security, they’ll make up the difference
(Observer,
28 August 1994).
Family
Credit and other in-work benefits have, in other words, acted as a
subsidy to these employers. This has caused resentment amongst other
sections of the employing class who have to pay this subsidy out of
taxes that, in the end, fall on their profits. This is where the
Labour Party has come in with a proposal to help.
Labour
to the Rescue
In
their July 1995 campaign pack Low Pay. A Tory Failure, the
Labour Party repeats again and again that their minimum wage is
designed to reduce state benefits paid to workers in employment:
“A
minimum wage will not only act as a floor for pay. It will also
ensure that in-work benefits do not act as a subsidy for low-paying
and poor employers. ”
"Taxpayers
would benefit because a floor under wages would reduce the need for
tax handouts to low paying employers. Today employers have an
incentive to lower wages at the taxpayers' expense."
"Every
taxpayer is now paying £100 a year for in-work benefits for people
in low-paid work. People who have no protection against exploitative
pay rates are forced into dependency on the benefits system whether
they like it or not. And employers have no incentives to raise wages
because they know the benefits system will subsidise the poor wages
that they pay by what is, in effect, a tax handout to employers. ”
What
Labour is proposing (and are rumoured to want to do over maternity
pay) is what the Tories did over Sickness Benefit: to cut back on
state payments by shifting a part of the cost on to employers in the
form of statutory sick pay. Labour’s aim is to shift some of the
burden of maintaining workers on low pay at the subsistence level on
to the employers who have been benefiting from the present system.
But
what about the workers? The low-paid workers existing on the poverty
line. It’s not going to make much difference to them since the
argument is about who is going to pay their subsistence income and in
what proportions not about its level.
As
far as the low paid are concerned what will happen is that what the
right hand gives away in the form of a slightly higher minimum wage
for some the left hand will take away in the form of reduced Family
Credit. People on Family Credit get their benefit reduced by 70p for
each £1 by which their income increases. So if their hourly wage was
increased from, say, £2.50 to £3 they would only be 15p an hour
better off not 50p. And if the increase lifted their income above the
qualifying level for Family Credit they would find themselves worse
off through losing the accompanying entitlement to housing benefit
and free prescriptions and dental treatment.
Labour’s
national minimum wage is not a genuine reform in the sense of a
measure to bring about some improvement in working class conditions.
It’s an economy measure designed to save the capitalist state
money. They don’t fool us. Let’s hope that they don’t succeed
in deceiving too many of the low paid either.
Adam
Buick
https://socialiststandardmyspace.blogspot.com/2023/10/the-great-minimum-wage-swindle-1995.html