Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group

This article first appeared in The Anvil Vol 12 No 3, published 30 June 2023.

After the fall of the USSR in 1991, Ukraine became independent. The United States promised Russia that NATO would not expand eastwards, but it didn’t take long for Uncle Sam to renege. Without a global rival to consider, and concerned to find a new mission for NATO after the end of the Cold War, successive US Presidents agreed to requests from most countries in Eastern Europe to join. As each individual new member sought security in NATO, the threat of NATO to Russia increased. In a world of competing States, security for one is bought at the expense of insecurity for its neighbours.

Independent Ukraine was a country split culturally and politically into two halves. Western Ukraine spoke Ukrainian and looked to build economic relations with the European Union, especially with Germany. Eastern Ukraine spoke Russian and looked to preserve its industrial integration with Russia. Corrupt oligarchs from the two factions alternated in power, while the working class was politically marginalised. In 2014, a protest movement against the Russian-leaning Viktor Yanukovych grew into the Maidan Uprising. Politically diverse at the beginning, it shifted to the Right after Fascists physically beat the Left into dropping their banners and ceasing propaganda. By late February, Yanuykovych’s party had deserted him and he fled. Pro-West corrupt oligarchs took charge.

Vladimir Putin, President of Russia, didn’t take kindly to the defeat of his client and, the next month, sent the Russian army to occupy Crimea. A sham plebiscite ratified its accession to Russia, though it is probable that a genuine plebiscite would have achieved the same result, albeit with a smaller majority. In April, unrest started in the Donbas, covering the two most eastern Ukrainian provinces. Though the leaders there may have been politically independent at the beginning, it didn’t take long before Russian soldiers and Russian guns turned them into puppets. A messy, low-level civil war started up, before largely petering out a year or so later.

In 2019, Volodymyr Zelenskyy was elected President on an anti-corruption platform. Though Russian-speaking and Jewish, he nevertheless pursued a pro-Western course, aimed at joining both the EU and NATO. By 2022, Putin had lost patience and ordered the Russian army to invade. The Ukrainian army, better motivated and better organised, fought the invasion to a standstill and later recaptured significant ground. A Ukrainian offensive started a few weeks ago. It is making progress, but very slowly against a Russian military that is heavily dug in. A revolt by the leader of the Wagner group, a company of mercenaries, recently exposed deep divisions within the Russian ruling class and weakened Putin’s position, perhaps seriously.

No War But the Class War

Anarchists don’t support the nation State or its military. We therefore oppose the provision of money, weapons or personnel to the military forces of any State. Here in Australia, we have a special responsibility to oppose the Australian military.

Instead of supporting national militaries, we advocate fighting the class struggle, a position which does not change purely because one State invades another. We oppose war production. We encourage desertion, draft resistance, selective sabotage and diversion of war materiel to the revolutionary movement.

An exception to opposing the war effort is that we do not oppose specific measures to protect cities from aerial attack from planes, drones and such like. An exception to draft resistance is that revolutionaries may submit to conscription in order to engage in anti-war activity within the military.

At the front, Anarchists encourage fraternisation and the refusal of offensive operations. In occupied territory, Anarchists should fight for leadership of the resistance. And finally, we maintain our position even if it leads to the defeat of the military forces of the State in which we live. If some other State invades Australia, we are prepared to see the State conquered and to conduct resistance against the occupier rather than contribute to the victory of the Australian State.

The Invasion of Ukraine

First and foremost, the Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group opposes the Russian invasion of Ukraine. We oppose NATO and call for its dissolution, but the desire of the Ukrainian Government to join it doesn’t justify what Putin is dishonestly calling a “special military operation”. The invasion, though, doesn’t change our class struggle position. In fact, we’ve seen the ruling class in both Russia and Ukraine escalate the class war on the working class. Russia has increased repression of mass anti-war movements while Ukraine has passed anti-worker and anti-Union laws. Given the ruling class are escalating their attacks, the working class must respond.

In Russia, Anarchists have largely taken a correct anti-war position (though their strategies are another matter). The politics of this are relatively uncomplicated. The Anarchist task is to build the class struggle and build anti-militarist resistance.

In Ukrainian territory under control of the Ukrainian State, the Anarchist task is, in principle, a mirror image of that in Russia, though conducted in more adverse circumstances. The Anarchist movement in Ukraine has largely abandoned the class position and engaged in various degrees of collaboration, even to the extent in some cases of volunteering for the army. We understand the pressures they are under, but that doesn’t change the results of their actions. Anarchists need to boost the class struggle, defending civil rights and working class living standards, while maintaining hostility to the Ukrainian State. If and when a stronger working class movement is built, more concrete anti-militarist positions can be pursued.

In both countries, Anarchists should adopt a special position against aerial attacks on cities as direct attacks on the working class. When the Ukrainian Government, for its own reasons, defends against Russian bombs and drones, it is incidentally defending the working class, so Anarchists should allow these operations. We note that in May, Ukraine launched an aerial attack on Moscow, also an attack on the working class.

In occupied Ukrainian territory, there will be a desire for resistance. Further, in the event that the military effort of the Ukrainian State collapses and Russia conquers the country, the resistance would spread across all of Ukraine and the Russian occupation would quickly become impossible to maintain. Putin’s invasion has unified Ukrainian national feeling against Russia, even to the extent of many in the east starting to learn Ukrainian. It is the task of Anarchists to build the resistance and fight for leadership of it. This will have to be done, not only against Russian opposition, but also against Banderaites and supporters of the open Nazis of the Azov Battalion.

Resistance in occupied Ukrainian territory should be conducted as far as possible with class struggle methods of strikes, demonstrations and selective sabotage. The occupation cannot be expected to respond to this non-violently, so the resistance will be compelled to take up arms in self-defence. It is this resistance that should be the destination of arms diverted from the military by revolutionaries in either country. There is a vital difference between the Anarchist militias we envisage and the Ukrainian army. For the Ukrainian State, the struggle is a military one for the control of territory and populations. For Anarchists, the struggle is essentially political, one conducted arms in hand for self-defence. The primary goal is to fraternise with the enlisted ranks of the Russian army and turn Putin’s tools into his enemies. Shedding blood, even Russian blood, is to be done only when necessary. A resistance that gained a reputation for killing only Russian officers and for releasing prisoners from enlisted ranks would be very bad for Russian morale.

Call to Action

The Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group urges Anarchists around the world to adopt this principled position. We do not seek to identify a lesser evil to support in this war, but to redouble our efforts to make a workers’ revolution to end it. We especially urge Anarchists in Ukraine, many of whom may be collaborating unhappily with the official war effort, to find a way back to the class struggle approach. It’s the only way out.

NO WAR BUT THE CLASS WAR

This article first appeared in The Anvil Vol 12 No 2, published 30 April 2023.

Iraq

On the 20th of March 2003, the United States, at the head of a “coalition of the willing”, in which both Britain and Australia were prominent, invaded Iraq. The main justification offered was the need to destroy Saddam Hussein’s supposed cache of weapons of mass destruction, which was to be achieved by overthrowing his regime. The invasion was carried out in defiance of international law and the biggest series of coordinated demonstrations in the history of the world.

Contrary to many peoples’ expectations, the Iraqi military quickly collapsed and the country was conquered in short order. Baghdad fell on the 9th of April, the last region of Iraq was taken on the 15th and on the 1st of May, George W. Bush made a speech on a US aircraft carrier beneath a banner which read “Mission Accomplished”. Contrary to Bush’s expectations, his administration’s problems were only just beginning.

It wasn’t long before the US discovered that it’s one thing to conquer a country, but another thing altogether to occupy it. Having sacked all Ba’ath Party members (including tens of thousands of public servants and teachers for whom party membership was a condition of employment), the occupation authorities quickly found Iraq ungovernable. Their only collaborators were fanatics, former exiles, and corrupt chancers. To make things worse, no trace of Saddam’s much-hyped weapons of mass destruction could be found.

An insurgency against the occupation emerged over the following years, but was soon complicated by sectarian civil war. Iraq became a magnet for religious jihadis, who were only too happy to cause major civilian casualties amongst the Shi’ite section of Iraq’s population. The insurgency was further inflamed by revelations in 2004 of the torture conducted at Abu Ghraib. Saddam was executed in 2006, having been tried for a massacre which was far from his most heinous, but was selected for having no connection to the weapons of mass destruction he had originally received from the United States and its allies.

Following a troop surge in 2007, the US managed to stabilise the situation enough to start drawing down its troops, leading to a withdrawal in 2011. The US and its allies had lost almost 5,000 troops. 44,000 more were injured. The number of Iraq casualties will likely never be known for certain, but estimates range from between 200,000 to over a million dead. This ranks as one of the worst crimes in modern history.

US Decline

The Iraq War was the high point for US foreign policy arrogance. Neo-conservatives, drunk on their “death of communism” celebrations, had taken over the Republican Party and proclaimed a mission to re-make the world in the interests of the United States.

The non-appearance of Saddam’s alleged weapons of mass destruction (the anti-war movement knew it was a pack of lies) destroyed the main argument for the invasion; the revelations of torture at Abu Ghraib demolished the credibility of US claims to be spreading freedom and democracy; and the insurgency demonstrated the limits of the US casualties which were politically tolerable.

After Iraq, US military actions became more risk-averse. In Afghanistan, great effort was made to have the military forces of the puppet government take the lead. In Libya, a broad coalition of NATO members and a few others provided air support for local militias in conflict with the government of Muammar Gaddafi. While the military objective of overthrowing Gaddafi’s regime was achieved, Libya has remained a disaster area ever since.

In Syria’s many-sided civil war, the US passed up an opportunity to intervene heavily against its old ally Bashar al-Assad and has kept its interventions as work with local allies. US ground forces are sparse. Meanwhile, the US introduced and then greatly expanded the most risk-averse approach of all – a campaign of drone attacks in a range of countries including Pakistan, Afghanistan, Yemen, and Somalia. This coward’s war successfully avoids US casualties, but kills large numbers of civilians and fails to dent the Islamist insurgencies against which it is supposedly deployed.

The Next War

We are entering a new era for US and Australian imperialism.The rise of China presents an unprecedented challenge to US hegemony, and though some elements of the Australian ruling class wish to take advantage of an economically powerful China, most remain hostile to its growth.

Members of the US ruling class who keep an eye on its long term interests have known for two decades that it had to deal with a rising China, but they have been frustrated by the tendency of successive Presidents to be dragged back to problems in West Asia. The War on Terror, the Iraq War, and the fallout from the Arab Spring have generated quagmires which forced the US to deal with conflicts that distract from the developing rivalry with China. Now, however, the “pivot to Asia” first announced under Barack Obama is being executed by Joe Biden. Suddenly the multiple security threats in West Asia, talked up in the media for decades, have largely disappeared, and are now replaced by lurid stories of China’s nefarious agenda.

Australia’s Role

Australia is a minor imperialist power and its governments have historically sought to advance its interests under the umbrella of a great power – first Britain and later the United States. This requires Australian troops to be dispatched to assist in whatever wars in which its great ally could use some assistance. The quid pro quo is an Australian sphere of interest in the South Pacific and, in later years, Timor Leste.

The Australian alliance with the US is not one of complete subservience (Australian capitalists know their wealth is tied to Australia’s massive exports both to China and to other countries also reliant on the Chinese economy), but it’s one that relies on a strong US military presence in East Asia and thus an aggressive posture. This is where AUKUS comes in.

AUKUS is at the pointy end of US military planning, with nuclear submarines to be deployed into straits and channels in the first island chain, a series of large and small islands that separate the South China Sea and the East China Sea from the Pacific Ocean. The Chinese navy will need US permission to enter the Pacific Ocean, which will remain an American lake. Australian governments of both political persuasions have signed on to help.

The other crucial aspect to consider in this context is the US spy base at Pine Gap, near Alice Springs. This is an essential part of the US global satellite surveillance system, allowing the US to observe events in a third of the world – including, crucially, China. Without this base, the US would have a surveillance blind spot over its number one rival. Uncle Sam seriously needs Australia as an ally.

War or Peace

The US agenda to contain China and prevent its growth into a developed country is a crime against humanity. An even greater one is the danger in the next few years that the United States might launch a war on China, using Taiwan as a pretext. This must, at all costs, be prevented. The failure of the anti-war movement to prevent the destruction of Iraq must be learnt from if we are to prevent a war with China. The movement was largely captured by bureaucratic groups committed to legal, non-disruptive protest rallies and A-to-B marches. What was needed was a mass movement capable of directly intervening in disrupting the war machine, principled opposition to Australian imperialism, and workers’ struggles which could make the bosses and politicians submit to its demands.

The Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group has no illusions in the Chinese so-called “Communist” Party. The Beijing regime is run by corrupt Stalinist tyrants who have crushed civil liberties in Hong Kong and instituted extremely repressive conditions in Tibet and Xinjiang. In addition, we have no interest in defending its actions in its territorial disputes with its neighbours. These disputes concern the interests of the CCP. They have nothing to do with the interests of the global working class.

The perspective of the MACG is to oppose imperialist war by building the global unity of the working class against all bosses and governments and not by supporting the military forces of any State. Living in Australia, we have a particular duty to oppose Australian imperialism and the military actions taken to advance its interests. We call for the working class to block Australian participation in AUKUS and to force the closure of Pine Gap. This will require a political struggle against the ALP and the Laborite bureaucrats who currently run the unions in Australia. Workers must organise rank and file power. We have no choice.

STOP THE NEXT WAR

SHUT DOWN AUKUS

CLOSE PINE GAP

The following statement was distributed at the 8 Hour Monument in Melbourne on May Day, 1 May.

The Origins of May Day

On the 1st of May, 1886, unions in Chicago, heavily influenced by the American anarchist movement, went on strike for the eight hour day.  A worker was shot dead by a cop, so a protest was called for 4 May.  After an unidentified person threw a bomb, the police started shooting.  When the dust settled, seven cops and at least four civilians were dead.  Some of the cops had probably died from friendly fire.  A huge anti-Anarchist campaign ensued and eight Anarchists were convicted in a kangaroo court.  The State killed four, while one committed suicide.  The labour movement started a campaign for the exoneration of the Haymarket Martyrs and eventually succeeded.  In the process, May Day became the day of the international workers’ movement.

The Workers’ Movement Today

We continue to spend most of our waking lives working for bosses who enrich themselves at our expense. Governments, maintaining the interests of capitalism, continue to enact policies which are hurtling us to climate destruction. The capitalists use their media companies to scapegoat most vulnerable: migrants, refugees, the LGBT community. Meanwhile, the one real weapon we have at our disposal to fight for our own interests, our unions, are tied down by a thousand anti-worker laws and integrated as far as possible into the State.

In industrialised countries, the established union movement continues its long decline.  This is especially true in Australia. For decades, union leaders have told members to put their hopes in governments and not in the power to strike.They are unwilling to face the reality that rights are taken and not granted – that it has always been direct action, within or outside the law, and the threat of revolution which produces change in our favour, and not changes in government. Declining union density is not a reason to shrink from the task of taking such bold action. Indeed, the cowardice of the union officials contributes significantly to the decline in membership. In France (where union density is even lower than here in Australia) the working class is in open rebellion against the bosses, and their puppet, President Macron, as they attempt to raise the retirement age from 62 to 64. If the movement fails, it will only be because the union leadership has done everything to limit the movement, and to avoid the indefinite strike!

One Solution: Revolution

No government can save us. Only the working class free itself. We need to make a revolution.  We need to overthrow capitalism and build libertarian communism, worldwide.  For this, the labour movement needs to be built anew.  We need to organise in the workplace and rebuild our unions from the ground up.  We need rank and file control. The practices by which we build our movement will be the ones that form the basis of the new society. 

WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE!

PO Box 5108 Brunswick North 3056 | https://www.melbacg.wordpress.com

melbanarchistcommunist@proton.me | Twitter: @MelbourneACG

Instagram: @MelbourneACG

World War I

In what must go down as one of the most disastrous amphibious assaults in history, on 25 April 1915 about 25,000 Australian and New Zealand soldiers staged an attack on Anzac Cove on the Gallipoli Peninsula. Turkish troops of the Ottoman Empire had seen them coming and began shooting them down on the exposed beach immediately. British troops and soldiers from British Inndia landed at Cape Helles. French troops later joined them. Less than nine months later, and after 56,000 dead on each side, the Allied troops withdrew with nothing to show for the effort. It was all part of World War I, a vast struggle between two great imperial alliances over territory, colonies and markets. It was a crime against humanity on all sides.

Australian Imperialism

Australia is a minor imperialist power and its governments have historically sought to advance its interests under the umbrella of a great power – first Britain and later the United States. This requires Australian troops to be dispatched to assist in whatever wars in which its great ally could use some assistance. Soldiers have fought and died for Australian imperialism in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan. The quid pro quo is an Australian sphere of interest in the South Pacific and, in later years, Timor Leste. Here, Australian troops moved from a support role to centre stage, with the military being central to claiming Timor Leste as an Australian neo-colony in 1999 and maintaining it in the Solomon Islands in 2003.

AUKUS

The rise of China presents an unprecedented challenge to United States imperialism and the global order it created after World War II. With four times as many people as the US, China could achieve a GDP twice as large even with a per capita GDP half that of the US. For the United States to stay the dominant global power, it needs to keep China a poor country – by economic means if possible, but military means if necessary. AUKUS is at the pointy end of US military planning, with nuclear submarines to be deployed into straits and channels in the first island chain. The Chinese navy will need permission to leave the South and East China Seas and the Pacific Ocean will remain an American lake. And Australian governments of both political persuasions have signed on to help. While the ACTU want non-nuclear submarines instead, there’s no way they’ll fight AUKUS.

War or Peace

The great danger in the next few years is that the United States might launch a war on China, using Taiwan as a pretext, before China gets too strong for the US to defeat. AUKUS is a key part of US war strategy and Australian imperialism is key to the success of AUKUS. The working class needs to block Australian participation in AUKUS and put a spanner in the works of the US war machine. This requires taking on the ALP and the Laborite bureaucrats who run the unions, but when faced with the danger of World War III, we don’t have a lot of choice.

NO AUKUS

NO WAR ON CHINA

Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group

http://www.melbacg.wordpress.com

melbanarchistcommunist@proton.me

PO Box 5108 Brunswick North 3056

25 April 2023

Credit: pinknews.co.uk

This article first appeared in The Anvil Vol 12 No 1, published 28 February, 2023.

Since her resignation in January, a lot has been said about the record of Jacinda Ardern’s Labour Party and the impact of her leadership. Many in the media have given her high praise. ‘Progressive’ media have been particularly laudatory. The Guardian, for instance, declared that she had won the public’s admiration through her “empathy” and “decisiveness”. Similarly, current Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese took to Twitter to comment that she had “showed the world how to lead with intellect and strength”. 

While it is true that Ardern’s popularity has dwindled (and that her reputation as a bold leader of a progressive government is wholly unearned), the right wing press has predictably failed to offer a convincing critique of her legacy. Instead, as usual, they have opted to spew standard reactionary talking points. 

The reality is that Ardern’s Labour Party managed capitalism in Aotearoa (NZ) in the interests of the ruling class. When the progressive myth-making about her government is put aside, we find that her record in office is one which demonstrates the bankruptcy of parliamentary politics as a vehicle for change (let alone overthrowing capitalism!)

An Economy That Works and Delivers (For Capitalists)

Upon becoming Prime Minister, Ardern stated that the Labour Party must pursue “An economy that works and delivers for all New Zealanders”. In one session of parliament she sparked both praise and outrage by declaring herself to be a “democratic socialist” (although she prefers “progressive”). Identifying as a ‘democratic socialist’ seems to mean less and less with each passing day. When considered in the context of Ardern’s Labour government the emptiness of the label takes on new levels of absurdity.

Take, for instance, the New Zealand Labour Party’s promise under Ardern to reverse the austerity measures introduced in the National Party’s 1991 budget. Pushed through by leader Ruth Richardson in the name of ‘fiscal responsibility’, this budget drastically cut the unemployment wage, sick leave benefits, family income support measures, and increased fees for supposedly ‘free’ schools and hospitals. On top of this, the old public housing system was placed under new corporate management. These unpopular measures would only serve to increase inequality and generally diminish the standard of living for a generation. 

Ardern’s Labour government failed to reverse this assault on the working class in Aotearoa. Her actual record would even ultimately disappoint many advocacy groups which had initially been enthused by her election. Far from pushing the programme of radical reform they had hoped for, Ardern’s government showed great consistency with its predecessors. Her final budget followed the usual pattern, consisting of a measly one off payment of $350 for those earning under $70,000, a temporary reduction in fuel duties and public transport costs, and vague support for the creation of ‘employment opportunities’. 

Education saw an increase in funding in the form of continued building projects, but absent from Ardern’s budget was any  plan to reduce of student fees (or, more importantly, their abolition). Ardern also did little to reverse the effects of a corporatised public housing scheme, with the Labour Party pledging to increase public funding, without fundamentally altering the structure of Aotearoa’s housing policy. According to Labour’s own ‘budget at a glance’, the major achievement of the budget, and Labour’s management of the economy, was the implementation of ‘fiscal discipline’.

Ihumatao struggle Credit: newshub.co.nz

Tino rangatiratanga? Same old same old

Jacinda Ardern made a speciality of combining symbolic progressive gestures with the continuation of Right wing policies in practice and nowhere was this more blatant than in the treatment of Maori people. She got high marks from Maori leaders for spending five days with them during and after the Waitangi Day ceremonies in 2018, but working class Maori people never saw any benefit from it. When push came to shove in the struggle over Ihumatao in Tamaki Makaurau/Aukland, it was Ardern’s police that showed up to act as thugs for the capitalist property developer. The struggle for tino rangatiratanga (Maori sovereignty, which has never been ceded) continues, with no discernible difference from the days of National governments.

The Hypocrisy of the “Be Kind” Government

Just as the idea of Ardern as an ‘economic populist’ is in stark contrast to her actual record, the image of her government as being defined by ‘kindness’ is hardly appropriate. Amidst the worst of the  Covid crisis, her government dedicated 5 billion dollars worth of taxpayer money to business bailouts. Meanwhile, the average worker, having lost up to 70% of their pay, could expect only a 25 dollar per week increase to core social security payments. When adjusted for inflation this ‘increase’ isn’t even enough to make up for  the cuts made in the 1991 Richardson budget. A 6 month rent holiday was also initially declared, but after this all that the government could muster was a pitiful plea that individual landlords should give ‘security to tenants’ during the crisis. 

Lowest of all is the Ardern government’s treatment of nurses. The Labour Party government allowed migrant nurses to enter the country at the height of the Covid pandemic as essential workers under temporary residency, with the idea being that after fighting off and saving the country from one of the worst pandemics in history they were going to be deported. It was only due to the campaigning of the National Nurses Union and other solidarity campaigners that the rights of these ‘essential workers’ were defended from the immigration policy of Ardern’s Labour Party.

Anti-Nuclear, Pro-War

At the beginning of her tenure as Prime Minister, Ardern stated that fighting climate change was her generation’s ‘nuclear free moment’. But as the climate activist Greta Thunberg has pointed out, in 2019 Aotearoa’s carbon emissions increased by 2%, and increased again in 2022 by 1.7%.

In fact, Ardern seems to have also missed the point of the Aotearoa ‘Nuclear free movement’. In 1984, Aotearoa declared itself to be nuclear free following large anti-war demonstrations. Ardern, however, clearly does not align herself with the anti-war and anti-imperialist nature of that movement. While previous governments had indirectly supported NATO by supplying funds, as in the lead up to the invasion of Afghanistan, Ardern was the first Aotearoa Prime Minister to formally meet with the organisation.

Ardern used her address to this imperialist alliance (largely run by the United States) to claim Aotearoa’s support for ‘standing firm’ against China. In other words, Ardern has nothing in common with the anti-war movement she claims to be inspired by. Her record has been one of aligning Aotearoa with American imperialism in a catastrophically dangerous rivalry with China. Neither alignment is in the interest of the working class, which must always be united across borders against our sabre rattling governments.

No Parliamentary Path to Social Change

The failure of Ardern’s Labour government to live up to her ‘democratic socialist’ (or even ‘progressive’) pretensions can’t be reduced to a simple matter of ‘betrayal’ or ‘neoliberal ideology’. The reforms implemented by Labour and Socialist parties all over the world have been under sustained attack for decades now, and the inability of their sincere adherents to reverse that trend is due to their fundamental misunderstanding of how social change occurs under capitalism. 

Workers’ rights, the welfare state, and other victories were never the result of electing ‘good politicians’ with ‘the right ideas’. They came as a result of an organised working class being able to hit bosses and governments where it hurts – the pocket. Through constant strike action, and the threat of socialist revolution, it became in the interests of capitalism as a system to allow left-wing governments to be elected, to concede reforms, and to divert working class anger into manageable channels. Many workers came to see parliament and arbitration processes for industrial disputes as a viable way to change the world. Ultimately, this integration of the workers’ movement into the State ended up sacrificing our real source of power: the ability of the rank and file to disrupt profit and defend its use of militant action.

In the late 1970s, left wing political parties were then faced with the same problem as right wing ones ― addressing the mounting crisis of profitability. If workers can win higher wages for less work; if there is a safety net which makes the threat of unemployment less of a cause for obedience among workers; the entire capitalism system becomes destabilised and is thrown into crisis. There is no solution to this within capitalism. The choice became social revolution or what we now call ‘neoliberalism’. Around the world, parties of every ideological position chose the latter.

Ardern’s Labour stood no chance to repeat the achievements of past Labour governments, because the real source of left wing reforms ― a large, militant workers’ movement outside of parliament ― does not exist. The working class of every country must rebuild this kind of movement if we want to change the world. And when the next crisis of profitability comes we will be faced by the same choice: undo all of our gains, or commit to overthrowing capitalism for good. We at the Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group know which side we are on.

ALL GOVERNMENTS ARE ENEMIES OF THE WORKING CLASS

International anarchist call for solidarity

The earthquakes of 6 February and their aftershocks have devastated entire regions. The death toll is in the tens of thousands and continues to rise. Access to water, electricity, gas, food and other basic necessities is reduced or non-existent for millions of people.

Our comrades in anarchist organisations, grassroots unions and popular organisations are working together and are directly involved in the relief efforts.

We are now launching a fundraising drive to support the work of these organisations.

The AKP regime prevents progressive organisations from collecting donations and providing much-needed relief and solidarity.

To give but one example: on the day of the earthquakes – in a show of solidarity known only by the workers and oppressed – the Independent Mine Workers’ Union immediately declared it was ready to send its members to the affected areas to help with search and rescue operations in the most critical 24 hours after the earthquakes. They were prevented from doing so for two days by the state.

A state which would prefer to have workers risking their lives underground, extracting profits for the ruling class rather than saving the lives of tens of thousands of people buried under the rubble of their own homes. Buried under buildings constructed by housing mafias that – with the complicity of the state, which neglects to enforce building codes and safety regulations – do whatever they can to reap a profit by ignoring safety standards and cutting costs; even if it costs tens of thousands of people their lives.

Humanitarian aid is confiscated and redistributed by the AKP and its Islamo-fascist offices. Fascists and their counterparts in the civil Police threaten to ‘disappear’ ordinary people working around the clock to feed and provide aid to those displaced by the earthquakes.

Clearly, the state and its supporters are more concerned with maintaining the capitalist system than savings the lives of tens of thousands. This is why they disrupt and delay grassroots solidarity and mutual aid.

In this horrific tragedy, which is still far from over, the system of state and capitalism are responsible for far more deaths and much more suffering than that caused by the earthquakes themselves. But we will wrap our open wounds in the solidarity of the workers and oppressed.

In order to guarantee the safety of our comrades we will not disclose the names of the organisations for which the donations are intended. They are anarchist organisations, grassroots unions and popular organisations with whom we already work and who have our full trust.

The donations are collected by our comrades in Switzerland who already have an international solidarity structure. In addition to our anarchist and trade unionist comrades, part of the donations will go to the Swiss branch of the Kurdistan Red Crescent (Heyva Sor).

Send your donations to:

Association pour la Promotion de la Solidarité Internationale (APSI)
Place Chauderon 5
1003 Lausanne
Switzerland

IBAN: CH84 0900 0000 1469 7613 8
SWIFT/BIC: POFICHBEXXX
Name of the Bank: PostFinance SA; Mingerstrasse 20; 3030 Bern; Switzerland

☆ Alternativa Libertaria (AL/FdCA) – Italy
☆ Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement (AWSM) – Aotearoa/New Zealand
☆ Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) – Uruguay
☆ Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya – Catalonia, Spain
☆ Libertäre Aktion (LA) – Switzerland
☆ Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL) – Switzerland
☆ Grupo Libertario Vía Libre – Colombia
☆ Karala – Turkey
☆ Corodenação Anarquista Brasileira – Brazil
☆ Die Plattform – Germany
☆ Anarchist Yondae – South Korea
☆ Rusga Libertária – Brazil
☆ Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (FARJ) – Brazil
☆ Organização Anarquista Socialismo Libertário (OASL) – Brazil
☆ Coletivo Mineiro Popular Anarquista (COMPA) – Brazil
☆ Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) – France
☆ Tekoşîna Anarşîst (TA) – Rojava
☆ Federación Anarquista de Rosario (FAR) – Argentina
☆ Organización Anarquista de Cordoba (OAC) – Argentina
☆ Organización Anarquista de Tucumán (OAT) – Argentina
☆ Organización Anarquista de Santa Cruz (OASC) – Argentina
☆ Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (BRRN) – United States
☆ Federación Anarquista Santiago (FAS) – Chile
☆ Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (MACG) – Australia
☆ Anarchist Communist Group (ACG) Great Britain

This article first appeared in The Anvil, Vol 11 No 6, published 31 December 2022.

What is the significance of the recent protests in China and what should we take from them here in Australia?

The capitalist press have mostly stuck to a simplistic explanation based purely on opposition to Covid lockdowns. Clearly, the draconian policing of a ‘Zero Covid’ policy which had become unrealistic (implemented as a substitute for a poorly executed vaccination effort and significantly privatised health system) has been a major source of anger. An important event in building popular support for the protests was a deadly fire in a Xinjiang apartment building, which resulted in at least ten people dying. Many locals blamed the inadequate response time by firefighters on Covid restrictions.

But there is much more to these protests than just anger over Covid restrictions. Furthermore, we can easily debunk conspiratorial narratives that this is some kind of right-wing or Western controlled movement. Instead, it is a manifestation of class war, which many Chinese workers continue to frame in socialist terms.

The Foxconn Strike

Particularly neglected in Western coverage of China is the component of labour struggle. A major development in the build up to the protests was the militant confrontation between workers and police at the Foxconn mega-factory in the city of Zhengzhou.

Foxconn is a Taiwanese company best known for producing iPhones for Apple, as well as working conditions so brutal that ‘suicide nets’ have been built outside of factory windows, to prevent workers leaping to their deaths. To comply with government Covid restrictions, Foxconn had forced workers to live in the factory from October through to November in appalling conditions. Eventually, many workers escaped and quit, forcing the State to work with the company to offer pay raises and bonuses to attract new workers.

When the workers arrived they found that the promises of higher pay didn’t materialise. On top of this, they became furious about the handling of Covid – in this case because workers who tested positive for Covid were not being separated from others. In other words, when Foxconn workers once again stormed out of the factory and confronted police, they did so on the basis of pay and workplace safety.

From Social Media to the Street

News of the strike spread across Chinese social media and messenger apps. Whatsonweibo, which monitors these platforms, reported that

a clear majority of the people speak out in support of the Foxconn workers. They post old propaganda posters that emphasize how the Chinese working class will lead the revolution, and recommend other Weibo users to read Karl Marx. “Is the working class still leading?”, they ask.”

Despite what many people think, protest is not rare in China. There is intense working class militancy, frequent struggles in rural areas over land and social services, and also student protest. What is rare is dissent against the political system as a whole, the rapid spread of protest across the country, and the intermingling of different struggles.

In the case of the recent protests, we saw both uncommon examples of political dissent and its rapid spread across various regions. There was widespread mourning of those who died in the Xinjiang fire, with some making open reference to the repression of the Uygurs. Workers took to the streets singing the Internationale. Slogans calling for the fall of Xi Jinping and the Chinese “Communist” Party dictatorship could be heard in multiple cities. University students began calling for freedom of speech and democracy. Others held up sheets of blank A4 paper – a defiant symbol conveying the same message.

In one video, a person opposed to the protests echoes the narrative that the West is behind the unrest. The man asks the crowd if they know that “foreign forces” are manipulating them. Someone with a megaphone responds: “The foreign forces you are talking about, are they Marx and Engels?” In another video, a student comes amazingly close to a famous phrase from Bakunin: “No socialism without freedom! No freedom without socialism!”

Certain Covid restrictions have now been eased, particularly in cities where the rebellion was strongest. Protest has waned, but now the Party’s incompetent management of the pandemic threatens to overwhelm the healthcare system, which could easily lead people back to striking and hitting the streets.

No War Between Nations, No Peace Between Classes

In Australia, the major political parties are increasingly militaristic in their attitudes towards China, and the capitalist media repeatedly warns us about the supposed ‘Chinese threat’. Incredibly, even when the people of China rise up against their own ruling class, the framing of the coverage barely changes at all. When Chinese workers show that they also oppose their government, it is seen as just another opportunity to encourage Australians to embrace militarisation and a readiness for the possibility of war.

The working class of Australia has no interest in a war against Chinese workers and Chinese workers have no interest in a war with us. Militarisation and war is a ruling class game. We have far more in common with each other than either of us do with the ruling classes of our countries. And just as so many Chinese workers (under much harsher conditions than our own) have had the bravery to fight the bosses and politicians who exploit and oppress them, rather than embrace a nationalist fight against ‘foreign forces’, we should also recognise that our main enemy is here at home. They manage our workplaces and make our laws. The only war worth fighting is the class war against them.

WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE!

NO WAR BUT CLASS WAR!

This article first appeared in The Anvil, Vol 11 No 5, published 31 October 2022.

The trend of government departments and capitalists to severely underestimate inflation in Australia continued with the announcement on October 26 that inflation had risen to a whopping 7.3%.

Back in June, the Fair Work Commission’s decision on the minimum wage was released. Their report was based on the expectation of inflation gradually hitting a peak of 7.8% by December, before quickly falling in the new year. Having weighed up the considerations of various groups representing big business, as well as the timid counter-proposals of the ACTU, a decision was reached to raise minimum wage rates below $869.60 per week by 5.2%, and those above it by 4.6%.

This pitiful result (which barely kept up with inflation at the time) was quickly out of date. Now, with a general rise of prices of 7.3% (and bound to go higher), it is nothing short of class war.

When the bosses and politicians sit back as inflation shows no signs of slowing, they are cutting the purchasing power of our wages, and condemning the poorest workers to precariousness and poverty.

For now, it seems their plan is to simply watch as the Reserve Bank of Australia cranks up interest rates (i.e., increases the cost of borrowing money). For those lucky enough to have bought a home, this means rising mortgages. For businesses, this means less investment – and that’s exactly the point. Many capitalists are now openly calling for central banks to intentionally induce a recession.

Why would capitalists prefer a recession to runaway inflation? Capital is worried about inflation for many reasons, but the most important is the fear of class struggle and a price-wage spiral.

Currently, Australia has a ‘tight labour market’, meaning workers have more job options than usual. Because of this, bosses have to adjust to the pressures of workers being more willing to quit, or even to organise and demand higher wages, so that they can pay for rising rents, utility bills, and other price hikes. To maintain their current rate of profit, capitalists will typically look to pass on the cost of paying higher wages to the consumer by raising the prices of their products… And so inflation rises again…And with it, the risk of demands for even higher wages!

But raising prices is not always possible – there has to be sufficient demand to buy the product at the new price. And here the capitalist is faced simply with a declining rate of profit, and therefore their very survival in the market.

Because of this, the ruling class are increasingly willing to intentionally induce a recession, and restore the power of capital over labour through high unemployment.

So where are things headed and how do we respond? The crisis in the UK is a warning of things to come, and the MACG believes that we should be looking at how the working class of that country is fighting back.

A grassroots direct action campaign called Don’t Pay UK has been organised in response to soaring heating bills, with a non-payment strike set for December 1. As of today, 235,954 people have pledged to take part. But even before striking, British capital and politicians have taken notice. Leaked documents from the energy company E.ON show executives warning the British government of the “existential” risk posed by the strike, with projected losses of up to £265 million per month across the industry. Government action swiftly followed, with the then Chancellor of the Exchequer introducing a two year price cap of £2500.

This is the power of self-organised direct action – even under right wing governments! But British workers aren’t just stopping at non-payment of bills. As in the US (and to an extent even here in Australia), there has been a very important uptick in strike action. A lot of attention is rightfully being given to the RMT rail strikes, and we wholeheartedly support their fight. But far less has been given to the rapid spread of wildcat strikes across Amazon warehouses back in August. It is worth quoting one of these workers:

“We only planned to go on strike two hours before it actually happened. We had seen the strikes at Tilbury and Rugeley fulfilment centres on TikTok… and it inspired us to strike. [We] started spreading the idea of a walkout through word of mouth… By 1pm, we had over 300 people who walked out… At the beginning, we had no help with the strikes from any trade unions. We organised it all ourselves.”

Like the RMT struggle, the fight of the self-organised Amazon workers is far from over. But through their example, we can see the way forward for turning the class war back in our favour.

INFLATION IS CUTTING OUR PAY!

RANK AND FILE STRIKE ACTION NOW!

The MACG publishes this letter, as it relates to an event which we endorsed and publicised.  The reprehensible behaviour of the Victorian Socialists in abandoning the demonstration before the arrival of the anti-abortionists has provided a timely demonstration of how electoralism and building a revolutionary movement pull in two opposite directions. We also point out we are not opposed in principle to confrontations with the police and believe they are sometimes positively necessary, but the balance of forces on the ground should always be a strong consideration and VS behaved in reckless disregard of the circumstances.

Open Letter to Victorian Socialists

concerning the counteraction against the March for the Babies

27th October 2022

On 8 October United for Reproductive Justice (URJ) organised a contingent for the counteraction against the March for the Babies, which Victorian Socialists (VS) had called. URJ includes veterans of organising against fascists, the far right and the anti-abortion movement. Expecting violence from the far right and their police protectors, URJ reached out to VS for information about marshalling and other preparations for this eventuality. Having received no responses, URJ made preparations for any contingency and we went with a clear policy of disciplined unity — because this is what is required when standing up to such dangerous forces.

URJ anticipated the possibility of pointlessly risky and dangerous behaviour. And this is indeed what transpired, when marshals led the VS rally of about 200 away from Parliament House toward a huge wall of police, shielded and on horseback. It became clear that the idea was for some to try to break through, ostensibly to intercept the March for the Babies, who weren’t even there. The result was two people, maybe more, being injured by pepper spray. This reckless action left everyone exposed to police attack.

What we didn’t expect was that Victorian Socialists would abandon the counteraction. There was no counteraction! VS led a charge back to Parliament House, made a couple of triumphal speeches and then packed up and left. All this before the March for the Babies arrived.

This is how not to build a movement capable of defeating the far right, whether in defending abortion rights or fighting for any form of justice. The VS “counteraction” appeared more like a pre-election stunt given that two members of Victorian Socialists are contesting the Western Metropolitan Regional seat against March for the Babies organiser Bernie Finn. It accomplished nothing for abortion rights, which the counteraction claimed to be about.

Waging a fight for free, safe, legal abortion on demand and full reproductive justice for all women, trans and nonbinary people — encompassing First Nations sovereignty, housing, healthcare, jobs, equal pay, bodily self-determination for people with disability, full rights regardless of visa status, and so much more — takes the democratic, principled, inclusive building of a massive united front.

United for Reproductive Justice formed from organisations and activists coming together to begin this process. We welcome anyone who wants to be part of building a strong reproductive justice movement, including Victorian Socialists and those who came out to stand up to the March for the Babies.

In solidarity

Jaimie Jeffrey and Debbie Brennan

on behalf of United for Reproductive Justice

Email: unitedforreproductivejustice@gmail.com

Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/United.for.Reproductive.Justice/

The Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group has endorsed this call-out. We urge all members of the working class to defend abortion rights. Note that we have made no decision in relation to the list of demands that URJ sets out.

United for Reproductive Justice (URJ) is organising a diversely gendered contingent to be part of a counter-mobilisation against the anti-abortion “March for the Babies.” Initiated by Radical Women, URJ is a growing coalition of grassroots organisations and activists involved in movements, from unions and prisoner rights to disability and First Nations justice. Our common ground is bodily autonomy and reproductive justice for all.

The Supreme Court’s decimation of abortion rights in the United States has emboldened the far right across the world. Here in Australia, we expect to see a large turnout at this year’s “March for the Babies” in Melbourne on October 8. Its aim is to recriminalise abortion, and we know that assaults on women, trans, gender diverse and non-binary people would not stop there. It is critical at this pivotal time that we stand up for our rights to bodily autonomy and full reproductive justice.

United for Reproductive Justice calls for:

• Federally legislated free, safe, legal abortion on demand without apology
• Reproductive self-determination for First Nations, queer, trans and gender diverse people, those with disabilities and those who are incarcerated, on visas and living in regional/remote communities.
• End forced sterilisation; stop discriminatory surveillance and child removals by the state.
• Provide well-resourced, free, culturally appropriate services to guarantee genuine birthing choices and access to reproductive technology, under community control.
• Mandatory training for medical students in all aspects of reproductive healthcare.
• Free education at all levels; medically sound sex education.
• Secure, quality housing for all; massively expand public housing.
• Well-funded services and supports for those escaping family violence and sexual abuse.
• Employment security and equal pay for all workers; end exemptions for religious and other institutions from discrimination law.
• Fully fund welfare supports as a right for everyone, regardless of visa status.

On 8 October, join our contingent. To join or get more details, contact URJ unitedforreproductivejustice@gmail.com. All genders are welcome! There will be plenty of placards, or bring your own!

We will join the planned counteraction at Parliament House, on the land of the Wurundjeri people of the Kulin Nation whose sovereignty has never been ceded.

Endorsers (in progress): 3CR Community Radio; Doin’ Time prisoner radio network, 3CR; Freedom Socialist Party; Homes Not Prisons; Indigenous Social Justice Association – Melbourne; Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group; Radical Women; Rainbow Atheists; What Were You Wearing?

#reproductivejustice