Press "Enter" to skip to content

Posts published in March 2023

When facts change

Sometimes the job of legislating involves weighing not just one interest or two but a whole group of them, all competing against each other - even when the core issue seems simple.

For example, Senate Bill 554.

The background is that technology used in criminal forensics has been changing dramatically (think, for example, of advances in DNA identification) in the last few decades, and in a significant number of cases has resulted in the exoneration of people convicted of crimes up to and including murder. No argument has surfaced against the idea of clearing the records of people who actually did not do the crime for which they were convicted.

Oregon legislators haven’t been inactive in this area. The legislature updated in 2019 the law regarding DNA evidence, and in 2021 expanded the law allowing for reconsideration of convictions (in cases where a DA and the defendant are in agreement). Despite the limitations, Oregon as of last month had 500 active post-conviction relief cases.

Still, Oregon law, like that in most states, hasn’t fully kept up with changes in technology, and 554 is an attempt to do that. It adds a specific legal procedure (a new pathway for “post-conviction relief”) in which a convict can challenge the evidence used in their case if advances in science since the conviction throw a new light on it, maybe reversing the story it seemed to tell.

The new measure carries the positive of moving toward justice (even if belated). Developed through the Forensic Justice Project and Innocence Project, its legislative sponsors are thoroughly bipartisan, including both the Democratic chair and Republican vice-chair of the Senate Committee on Judiciary.

At the committee’s hearing on February 6, most of the testimony ran in favor, and was plenty compelling.

Oregon wouldn’t be the first state to try this approach. Texas - usually never shy about throwing the book at the accused - passed a similar measure in 2013, and reports from there have sounded positive. To those concerned about a wave of inmate lawsuits, Texans can cite just 25 petitions for relief under the new law. Other states including California have reported similar results.

The Innocence Project pointed out a variety of types of forensic evidence which used in improper ways - as, it suggested, often has been the case - could yield the wrong conclusion, such as bullet lead analysis and microscopic hair review. It said the National Fire Protection Association has concluded that “many of the physical artifacts previously thought to occur only in intentional fires—such as ‘alligatoring’ of wood, crazed glass, and sagged furniture springs—could actually occur in accidental fires” - and such revised opinions were not widely adopted until many years after the conclusions were reached.

The strongest opposition to the new bill, as you might expect, comes from the Oregon District Attorneys Association. Oregon already has, it said, a “Post-Conviction Hearing Act, which generally only allows for relief when a defendant’s conviction was the result of a constitutional violation or entered by a court lacking jurisdiction to do so. SB 554 would require relitigating convictions when no constitutional violation is even alleged.” That suggests part of the problem its advocates want addressed: Correctives are often available only when constitutional or procedural issues but not the actual facts and evidence are a basis for revisiting the conviction. The DAs did not argue that some path to addressing evidence change shouldn’t be developed, but cautioned about the specifics in this bill.

The bar for filing under the law would be low; a convict wouldn’t even have to assert he or she actually is innocent, and when the convict actually pleaded guilty. The counter, of course, is the guilty pleas sometimes come after plea bargaining when a reluctant accused person formally admits to guilt as the best roll of the dice.

There are other, simpler arguments harder to swiftly rebut.

Such as those of limitless consequences. There’s no deadline in the bill for filing for relief (other than that you’re still alive). There is no financial cost cap on re-examining the science involved, nor a super-clear definition of what scientific changes may be allowable under the statute. And for any number of crimes, there may be no final closure: A murder committed 30 years ago, and for which a person was convicted, might still be in effect an open case. Victims or the people around them may have some concern with the idea that there may never be closure.

And the question of an open checkbook. Advocates argued that, “Our rights should not have a price tag,” but still: Any trial lawyer can tell you that obtaining expert testimony or research can be highly expensive. How expensive it might be and who would pay for it are questions left open in the legislation.

Getting to the right and wrong of legislation intended simply to apply truth and facts should not seem to be so complex. But there are times legislators are better off with time to ponder the appropriate line of justice, maybe over a span of several months rather than weeks.

This column originally appeared in the Oregon Capital Chronicle.

 

The cost of vaccination freedom

A guest opinion by Lisa McCracken.

I like numbers.

When it seems like nearly every question is answered only with a subjectivity of dubious veracity, I find the reliability of numbers comforting.

Numbers are dispassionate. Numbers are honest. Numbers are neither Republican nor Democrat — they do not lie. Numbers simply are: you either have the correct answer or you don't.

Numbers are not subjective. You can disagree with a correct number until the cows come home but, at the end of the day, you're still wrong. Numbers do not care what you or I believe. They do not care what we feel. Numbers do not give a whit about petty politics.

I had to be comfortable with numbers during my service in the U.S. Navy. Responsible for choreographing the enormously complex logistics of maintaining an air squadron's readiness for war, I knew I had only one chance to get it right. But I knew I could rely on numbers. I knew that, as long as I culled and collated correct data, I could perform my duties properly. The numbers, after all, do not lie.

Let's talk about some numbers that affect all of us.

In the first few days of boot camp in the U.S. military, servicemembers receive a number of mandatory vaccines.

Servicemembers receive a vaccine for the highly contagious adenovirus, types 4 and 7 at a cost of $150 per dose.

Members receive vaccines for influenza at $70 per dose along with MMR (measles, mumps and rubella, infection linked to sterility) at $87 per dose.

Next is the shot for the deadly and crippling polio at $200 per dose, followed by the lethal tetanus-diphtheria at $60 per dose.

Vaccines for the deadly bacterial meningitis/meningoccal disease costs $128 per dose and varicella or chicken pox, which is debilitating and potentially deadly for adults at $170 per dose. This is a newer vaccine and I did not receive it when I entered Navy boot camp in 1999.

Then there is the "peanut butter injection" also known as bicillin, a hardcore antibiotic for serious diseases like the deadly syphilis. I received this $200-per-dose injection twice when I was exposed to deadly strep. This exposure proved fatal to a fellow recruit in the first month of training.

Servicemembers also receive(d) the vaccine for COVID-19 at a cost of $120 per dose.

Altogether, taxpayers foot the bill for roughly $1,200 worth of vaccines to prevent deadly and crippling diseases in each servicemember.

Depending on risk, occupation and area of responsibility, servicemembers might also receive protection from anthrax, cholera, haemophilus influenza type B, Japanese encephalitis, pneumococcal, rabies, smallpox, typhoid fever and yellow fever.

On Jan. 11, 2023, the Pentagon officially rescinded the requirement for our troops in the U.S. to receive the COVID-19 vaccine, giving commanders some discretion for deployment purposes.

What does this mean for the health of the U.S. military?

Will recruits and fleet servicemembers refuse other mandatory vaccines in the future? Will opting out affect their state of readiness? If our enemies become aware of military members refusing vaccines, won't this make our troops vulnerable?

What about the cost to the taxpayers for service-connected disability when members are able to bully their way out of other mandatory vaccines?

Measles and mumps cause sterility. If an individual contracts either while on active duty and suffers sterility, the monthly price tag is upwards of $1000 per month for life. Then add roughly $200 a month for what the military calls "special monthly compensation due to loss of a reproductive organ.

If the servicemember dies from a disease while on active duty, his or her dependents will receive death benefits including a monthly pension. They'll also get medical care for children and college for all dependents.

All of this falls on the taxpayer — all of it could have been avoided with a single $120 vaccine.

What if a servicemember chooses to decline a vaccination for mumps? A member without the long-proven and safe protection from mumps could suffer natural infection with the following complications: inflammation of the testicles (orchitis); this may lead to a decrease in testicular size (testicular atrophy); inflammation of the ovaries (oophoritis) and/or breast tissue (mastitis); inflammation in the pancreas (pancreatitis); inflammation of the brain (encephalitis); inflammation of the tissue covering the brain and spinal cord (meningitis); deafness.

If an active service member contracts mumps and is afflicted with moderate chronic pancreatitis at a 30 percent disability rating and a dependent spouse receives $568.05 every month. Yearly, that cost is $6,816.60 and for the next 50 years of life is $340,830 for one disability claim.

If 200 people refuse the MMR vaccine and suffer chronic pancreatitis, the price tag is over $68 million in their lifetimes.

If 2,000 servicemembers — a conservative number — decline the COVID vaccine and suffer permanent effects, do the math. The figures are staggering.

We all know freedom has a price. But the cost of choosing to decline a simple vaccination is immense. And it's a cost borne not just by those who choose to shun it, but by all U.S. taxpayers — even those who made the responsible choice to receive the vaccine.

All avoidable with a $120 shot.

The numbers do not lie.

Lisa McCracken served eight years in the U.S. Navy, where she managed the complex logistics required to maintain top readiness and safety status for both fixed- and rotary-wing air squadrons. McCracken's administrative skills as a data analyst were underscored by her service commendations and duty evaluations. A political moderate and cancer survivor, McCracken ran unsuccessfully for McMinnville City Council in 2020.

 

A gat in the hand

I keep recalling the immortal line Humphrey Bogart delivered in the 1946 movie The Big Sleep: “Such a lot of guns around town and so few brains. You're the second guy I've met today that seems to think a gat in the hand means the world by the tail,” just before - or was it just after? - disarming him.

The cause for remembrance is - you knew this was coming - a bill in the Idaho legislature. This one is Senate Bill 1056, which would repeal the long-standing (for most of a century) state law which has prohibited private militia groups from “associating and parading in public with firearms” - presumably, that is, loaded firearms. The bill is at this writing set for a vote on the Senate floor.

The sponsor, Senator Dan Foreman, represents the city of Moscow, a place where public safety is more or less Topic A these days. He offers the rationale that, “we cannot deny people their Second Amendment rights out of fear.”

It is a fig leaf only, for two reasons. One is that the long-standing Idaho law is almost certainly constitutional. Idaho legislators have in hand a letter from Mary McCord, legal director of the Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection at Georgetown Law and former U.S. assistant attorney general for national security, saying flatly, “Idaho’s prohibition against unauthorized paramilitary organizations is fully consistent with the First and Second Amendments to the U.S. Constitution and with the Idaho Constitution.” The Supreme Court has specifically decided as much.

In a radio interview, McCord also pointed out this: “all 50 states have some provision in their state law, whether it's their state constitution or their state statutes, that prohibits private militia, private paramilitary activity.”

The second reason is that the way people challenge denial of their rights under the constitution in this country  is by taking the issue to court, not legislating the answer. This is not about protecting someone’s rights; this is about reshaping Idaho law to create something new.

What is this about? With the usual caveat about avoiding mind reading, the only plausible explanation seems to be broad support of extreme right wing militia activity - and the intimidation factor some of their backers seem to want to encourage.

Some legislators have said this out loud. Senator James Ruchti of Pocatello, for one, said, “We are sending a message to militias: free rein, have at it, start training. We’re sending a message to hate groups to show up in our communities and share your message with us under arms. Bring your weapons.”

There’s that, and more.

One problem is a blurring of who actually has law enforcement authority; another is the pursuit of flat-out illegal acts (the attempted kidnapping and murder of the governor of Michigan, for example).

More broadly, one police organization summarized this way; “The normalization of the gathering of these groups in public and the possible appearance of these groups’ alignment with police agencies presents unique challenges to public and officer safety. During 2020, unauthorized armed groups protested public health lockdowns, opposed racial justice protestors, conspired to abduct state governors and kill law enforcement officers, and in an event indelibly imprinted on the country, participated in the siege of the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, during which five people died.”

I would add one more problem: The appearance of armed gangs (which is what they are) around polling places and other election activities disrupts our voting processes - as, apparently, they are intended to do (and seems to have been tried in some states). There is here a specific agenda to attack our right to govern ourselves - or to vote for anyone unapproved of by the gang.

In the end, this kind of thing will fail, because as Bogart reminded us so long ago, a gat in the hand does not mean the world by the tail.

But if some Idaho legislators get their way, we’ll have a lot more painful experiences, and threats to our common rights to govern ourselves, before we come to a broad-enough acceptance of that truth.

 

For libraries

A commentary from Michael Strickland, who teaches at Boise State University and studies at Idaho State University.

"The only thing that you absolutely have to know," said Albert Einstein, "is the location of the library." Today's library goes far beyond books. In Idaho, especially in small and/or rural areas, the library can be the only place in town to hold a meeting, access reliable, high-speed internet, conduct a private telehealth appointment, or serve as the safe afterschool space.

Based on the needs of their local communities, public libraries loan a variety of items, including board games, learning kits, fishing poles, and musical instruments, and offer an array of support and services, such as help with an employment application or class assignment, resources for changing jobs or starting a business, health and nutrition assistance, and even being a local passport center.

Libraries are funded on the local level, and in Idaho, that funding varies dramatically. For example, in fiscal year 2021, the Prairie District Library had only $80 to spend on new materials for their collection. And almost 28% of Idaho elementary schools have between zero and $100 allocated each year from their school district for the purchase of books for the school library.

Local libraries and school libraries elect trustees who are responsible for approving collection development policies. If any resident wants to challenge a book in a library, that issue is handled at the local level.

The Idaho Commission for Libraries (ICfL) is a state agency that assists the more than 850 public, school, academic, and special libraries in Idaho to best serve their communities through: statewide programming and resources, like Read to Me and Libraries Linking Idaho (LiLI); consulting; continuing education; partnerships; and aid to underserved populations, such as the visually impaired through the Idaho Talking Book Service.

The ICfL also supports digital inclusion, through which libraries in the Gem State help Idahoans have access to information and communication technology vital for life in the 21st century. The ICfL facilitates state and federal broadband funding for public libraries, can provide needed technology, particularly to small libraries, and offers information and consulting support. In addition, the Commission offers the e-branch service to public libraries, which enables them to have a web presence, provides a digital skills website, and is lead on the formation of the Digital Access for All Idahoans Plan.

The ICfL provides continuing education grants and professional development opportunities for Idaho library staff. Through the Idaho Digital E-Book Alliance (IDEA), the ICfL makes more than 24,000 e-book and e-audio titles available at no cost to Idaho's public and school libraries. In addition, the ICfL fosters a number of early literacy initiatives, including Jump Start Kindergarten and My First Books, through which, more than 535,000 books have been distributed to children in Idaho since the program began in 1997.

The ICfL also manages federal funding for library projects in Idaho, such as those through the Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief Fund (ESSER), which is funding of up to $1,250,000, and the recent American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) funding of $1.8 million that was granted to 48 Idaho libraries. The ARPA funding provided a significant boost to libraries as they helped to keep students learning and adults earning during the pandemic and beyond. Another source of federal funding the ICfL hopes will be supported during the 2023 legislative session is through the Library Facilities Project. The more than $3.5 million could be utilized by Idaho libraries to address critical infrastructure needs. This type of federal funding that is allowed to be used for library construction/infrastructure is rare.

The Idaho Commission for Libraries works to help Idaho's libraries meet -- and exceed -- the ever-evolving needs of their communities. For more on the ICfL, visit https://libraries.idaho.gov.