Category Archives: Women

Welcome China’s AntiCapitalist Crackdown! Let’s Use it to Inspire Resistance Against Privatisation and Exploitation in Australia

Above Photo: Workers at the General Mills food processing factory in Sydney’s west do a shift on the picket line during their weeks-long June 2021 strike for improved wages and better job security. The workers resolve and courage won them some important gains. If unshackled from the dead-end Laborite program of seeking common ground with the capitalist bosses on the basis of a mythical “common national interest”, the workers movement will be able to wage powerful class struggle that can push back against the nearly four decades of increased capitalist exploitation of workers in Australia.
Photo credit: United Workers Union Twitter page

Welcome China’s Anti-Capitalist Crackdown! Let’s Use it to Inspire Resistance Against
Privatisation and Exploitation in Australia

7 February 2022: There has been carnage in Australia. In just the first 38 days of 2022, over two thousand people have died here of COVID. Like previous pandemics, this COVID one is a natural disaster. But the catastrophic number of deaths in Australia two years into this pandemic is an entirely man-made calamity. The right-wing federal government and nearly all Liberal and ALP state governments alike chose to let COVID rip. Then they and profit-driven pathology companies and retailers intensified the virus spread by failing to ensure adequate PCR testing and affordable RAT test kits. However, decades before they let COVID rip, Australia’s rulers let another pandemic rip, the pandemic of poverty amongst low-paid workers and the unemployed. Australia’s billionaire-owned media have hidden the true extent of the suffering from this poverty pandemic. Low-income working class people were expected to “learn to live” with poverty and the terrible suffering which that brought. Today the attitude of the mainstream media is little different. Although, in 2022, people have been dying from COVID at nearly twenty times the rate that they have been dying from road deaths, the media have conspicuously avoided showing the pain of family and loved ones after COVID deaths that they often show following fatal traffic accidents. The capitalist media are trying to deceive us into “learning to live” with this COVID carnage.

The underlying force driving Australia’s governments, top bureaucrats and media to cause widespread poverty on the one hand and enable the COVID catastrophe on the other is one and the same: their intent to put the profits of wealthy business owners ahead of the well-being of the masses. In the case of the poverty pandemic, it is specifically the result of the ruling elite’s determination to help the capitalists that they serve increase their rate of exploitation of workers. Now the COVID pandemic has inflamed a new wave in this poverty pandemic. Latest ABS (Australian Bureau of Statistics) figures show that even as average prices rose by 3.5% last year, hourly wages increased just 0.1%. Moreover, it is the most exploited who have had their pay fall behind the most. Thus, over the last year, the hourly wages of women workers has actually fallen. Meanwhile, the weekly wage of a worker in the lowest bracket of earners (mainly part-time workers) fell by $29 per week. When one combines that with the reality that average rents rose by $30 per week in the same period (and don’t even mention fuel costs!), it is obvious why more and more people – including many who have some type of job – are being plunged into homelessness. Nearly three hundred thousand residents of Australia were homeless at some point last year!

Above: The latest Australian Bureau of Statistics figures available show that in the previous twelve months hourly wages rose just 0.1% (while actually falling for women workers) whereas prices surged by 3.5% (Below) and increased by an annualised rate of 5.2% (1.3% in a quarter) over the last quarter. That means workers real wages are being reduced even after the federal government granted billions in Jobkeeper grants to bosses who were extracting increasing profits.

The rate at which workers are being exploited has actually been increasing for decades. This is reflected in an index published by the ABS called the Unit Labour Cost, which tracks changes in the proportion of the fruits of workers labour that workers actually receive payment for. Well over the last 35 years this Unit Labour Cost has plummeted by 20%. In other words, Australian capitalists are now exploiting workers an average of 20% more than they were in 1986. This increase in exploitation took place firstly under the Hawke/Keating Labor government, further deepened during the Howard and Rudd/Gillard years and has intensified still further under the current right-wing government. Therefore, even as technological advances have made Australian workers more productive than ever, the living standard of large numbers of lower-paid workers has not risen for decades! This is the case not only in Australia but in much of the capitalist world. In the U.S. for example, real minimum wages have actually crashed 30% over the last 50 years! 

The increased exploitation of workers has caused the share of income in Australian employee-hiring businesses going to wages and salaries – as opposed to capitalist profits – to plummet from 64% twenty years ago to just 52% today. Given that obscenely high CEO and director incomes are also classified as “wages and salaries”, this means that the share of business income going to actual workers is now likely less than 50% – that is less than half! In other words, in an average labour-using Australian private sector enterprise – small or corporate – for every $100,000 of value added by workers, less than $50,000 goes to pay those who actually do the work, while over $50,000 is diverted as profits to the plundering rich owners/shareholders. To add insult to injury, the capitalists then leach tens of billions of more dollars from us through the interest payments and fees of the banks that they own. They and upper-middle class layers also rip off the increasing number of us who do not own our homes by making us pay ever higher rents.

The Methods that Capitalists Use to Increase Their Exploitation of Workers

Being increasingly exploited not only brings financial hardship to workers. Many of us are also finding that our work lives have become ever more stressful. For capitalists and their manager henchmen are implementing schemes to not only bully workers into toiling longer for the same pay but to set worker against worker so that we are less united and able to resist our exploitation. Meanwhile, the governments and media that serve the capitalists use racist scapegoating to divert anger over the economic insecurities caused by increased capitalist exploitation onto minorities and First Peoples. The result of all this propaganda is reflected in a survey conducted last year: 42% of Australians were found to have “very negative” or “somewhat negative” feelings towards Iraqi Australians, 43% held such attitudes towards Chinese-Australians and 46% held these views towards people of Sudanese descent. In other words, about one out of every two Australians is now consciously prejudiced against one or several ethnic communities. Or put another way, a full half of this country is now openly racist! What this means on the ground is that people from vilified minorities are more and more often attacked on the streets, public transport, bars and schools. In particular, thousands of East Asian-origin people have been assaulted and verbally abused by extreme racists over the last two years. Such attacks have been incited by ruling class politicians and media disgustingly blaming China for the pandemic. Yet the pandemic has also destroyed many a racist myth. For one, it has demolished the claim that immigration is responsible for housing unaffordability. For during the pandemic, immigration into Australia has stopped and international student numbers have plummeted, yet house prices have risen at their fastest rate ever, soaring by 22% in the last year alone.

Spreading racism is one of the most powerful means that those who oversee capitalism use to suffocate resistance to exploitation. Yet it is hardly their only method. Over the last few decades, Labor and Liberal governments alike have ever more tightly restricted the right to strike. Meanwhile, capitalists have also forced huge numbers into insecure forms of employment. This facilitates increased exploitation, because without job security workers are more reluctant to stand up to greedy bosses. Now, the capitalists are driving large numbers, especially youth and international students, into a form of casual employment that gives workers even less security: gig work. Laboring in areas like food delivery, gig workers are often so exploited that they can toil long hours without making even the minimum wage.

To facilitate the capitalist drive to keep down wages, governments of all stripes have been hacking at the social safety net. By making life miserable for those who end up without a job, the ruling class want to intimidate those workers with jobs into submitting to attacks on their wages and conditions. That is why governments have kept unemployment payments at cruelly low levels and subjected the unemployed to ever more humiliating “activity tests”. Meanwhile, they have chipped away at the coverage that Medicare gives and have sold off so much public housing that the proportion of people living in public housing is now only half of what it was two decades ago. The dearth of public housing has in turn caused private rents to soar to such levels that last year not one single rental in Australian cities was affordable for a single or pensioner couple, an unemployed person, or a single part-time working parent.

One of the tens of thousands of people forced to sleep the streets in Australia. As a result of the sell-off of public housing, the casualisation of the workforce and housing policies presided over by both Liberal and ALP governments that greatly favour landlords over tenants, homelessness is on the increase in Australia. Last year, nearly 300,000 people were homeless in Australia for some period of time (Photo Credit: National Indigenous Times).

Another key tool in the capitalist profit drive is privatisation. Over the last three decades, governments have sold off a large chunk of this country’s state-owned assets. To be sure, one should have no illusions that in countries presided over by a capitalist state, state-ownership genuinely means public ownership. In Australia, state-owned entities have failed to even provide basic services like post and electricity to many rural Aboriginal communities. Nevertheless, privatisation results in assets that could have been producing state revenue that would partly go into social services needed by the masses end up in the hands of private owners intent on using their newly acquired monopolistic control of strategic assets to extract super-profits. Most significantly, because private capitalists face even less scrutiny than governments, they are more easily able to slash workers jobs and rip off consumers. Therefore privatisation is always accompanied by attacks on workers rights and higher prices while delivering massive profits for the new owners. That is why governments run by all the different pro-capitalist parties have overseen privatisation. The Hawke/Keating ALP began the privatisation wave by selling off the Commonwealth Bank and Qantas. Then the Howard Coalition began privatising Telstra in 1997 – a sell-off completed by the Gillard Labor-Greens government in 2011. Most recently, Morrison’s conservatives have made clear that they intend to sell-off the NBN. The ALP “Opposition’s” tepid response has been only to object to an immediate sale, while leaving the door wide open to future NBN privatisation.

Fight for a New, Class-Struggle Agenda to Guide the Workers Movement

Ongoing strikes by NSW rail workers, rolling action by southwest Sydney bus drivers and the partially victorious, strike last June by food processors – many of whom were women and men from various Asian backgrounds – at western Sydney’s General Mills factory all give a glimpse of what is needed to smash the bosses’ incessant campaign to drive down wages. So does the inspirational February 2021 struggle by workers toiling for British-owned food delivery company, Hungry Panda. That partially victorious struggle, which was spearheaded by riders from the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) who had come here as visa workers or students, was the first strike in Australia’s history by gig workers. Yet such resistance is hampered by the social-democratic perspective of the current ALP leaders of the workers movement. According to this outlook, while more extreme attacks on workers should be resisted, the capitalist order as a whole is tolerable or, if not, then it is nevertheless too powerful to oppose. Therefore all factions of the ALP claim that while class struggle methods like strikes can sometimes be used, the main means to defend workers rights is to elect an ALP government to administer the current, capitalist, order in a fairer way for workers while ensuring that the system itself is strengthened. However, knowing how able the corporate bigwigs are to use their fabulous wealth to swing public opinion, the ALP leaders ensure that any opposition that they take to particular attacks on workers will not be strong enough to make the capitalists so outraged that they will campaign against the ALP. Yet it is simply impossible to both truly defend working class people’s rights and avoid getting into a head-on clash with the capitalist class. This is because, as founder of the communist movement, Karl Marx insisted, the capitalist system cannot survive without the capitalists seeking an ever greater rate of exploitation. Marx explained that the total profits that the capitalists as a whole extract depends on the proportion of the fruits of workers labour that they can seize for themselves. However, as these capitalists spend more and more on building up capital (which today includes buildings, equipment and IT infrastructure), they can only maintain the same percentage return on their now bigger capital outlays if they can increase the amount of profit that they extract – in other words if they grab a greater share of the value added by workers mental and manual labour. Thus accepting the needs of the capitalist system means accepting the increasing exploitation of workers. That is why ALP governments over the last nearly four decades have carried out much the same agenda as the openly capitalist Liberals/Nationals – privatisation, casualisation, public housing sells off, attacks on the unemployed – albeit with a “nicer” tone. Today, Albanese’s ALP is following this same path more than ever. At the upcoming elections, the working class should not put their trust in the ALP anymore than they should support any of the non-working class-based capitalist parties: the Liberals, the Nationals, the Greens, One Nation or the United Australia Party.

Although the strategy of the pro-ALP union leadership and their Labor parliamentary mates has on occasion retarded attacks on the working class, overall this program has allowed the capitalists to increase their exploitation of the masses. Over the last nearly four decades, our unions have been weakened, working conditions have been eroded, jobs have become more insecure, housing has become more unaffordable and to facilitate all this the ruling class has made society more racist and ugly. In short, the Laborite program has been a disaster for the working class masses. Unable to effectively defend workers against the class war of the capitalists, the ALP and other pro-capitalist parties that sometimes claim to stand by workers, like the Greens, are left with advocating schemes to restrict imports in order to favour local producers at the expense of producers abroad. However, such protectionist schemes only result in governments abroad taking reciprocal measures to favour their own producers against Australian-made exports. The end result is that no workers benefit while Australian workers are left divided from their overseas worker sisters and brothers leaving both sets of workers less able to mount resistance against their own exploiters.

In opposition to Laborism, we need a new agenda to guide our workers movement. Instead of our demands being curtailed to avoid angering the capitalists, the working class must fight for it actually needs. That means demanding huge wage rises to make up not only for rising costs but for the ever lower share of income going to workers over the last three decades. We also need to put a halt to all privatisation. Rip up the underhanded plans to sell off Australia Post! No to privatisation of the NBN! Instead of privatisation, we need to bring the extreme profits in sectors like mining and banking into the public budget by ripping these sectors out of the hands of billionaires like Andrew Forest, Gina Rinehart and Clive Palmer. That is the way towards acquiring the public finances needed to provide more nurses and hospital beds for our badly strained public hospitals, the extra teachers that we desperately need for our public schools and better funding for TAFE and universities. Most urgently, we need to fight for the confiscation of private aged-care homes from profit-making companies and their placing into public hands. These capitalists have already caused thousands of our elderly to die from this pandemic by, in their quest to maintain exorbitant profits, neglecting to provide adequate PPE for staff, refusing to hire adequate staff numbers and failing to follow basic pandemic safety protocols. We need to put a stop to this profit-driven carnage immediately!

An anti-privatisation agenda is urgent because the fact that large chunks of the “public” health system are actually in private hands is exacerbating the COVID crisis. Profit-driven pathology operations have not only negligently given hundreds of people the wrong COVID test results but have closed down dozens upon dozens of PCR testing sites … just when they were needed most! That is why pathology services must be nationalised right now. In China, whenever there is tiny outbreak in a city, their public-ownership dominated system is enabling them to PCR test the entire population of cities with over ten million people every two days (!) – usually with people only having to queue for less than 15 minutes. We need the same here! As well as fighting for a truly public health system, we need to demand the placing of all banks under state control. This is essential to directing credit for urgent pandemic response measures.

Our sole means to effectively fight for these demands are industrial action and other mass action by the working class and its allies. Therefore anything that harms such struggle must be flung out of the way. Anti-union laws must be opposed. Protectionist demands, which divide workers across national lines while undermining workers opposition to their bosses by encouraging the false notion that Australian workers have a common “national interest” with their local bosses, must be rejected. The poison of racism that the ruling class pours into society must be cleansed away. This can only be done by mobilising the workers movement to oppose racist atrocities from both governments and rednecks. The workers movement must support Aboriginal people’s struggle against the murder of black people by racist cops and prison guards. It must demand freedom for the refugees and the bringing here of all asylum seekers in Nauru and PNG with the full rights of citizens. Meanwhile, open provocations by violent racist groups must be shut down by mass mobilisations of trade unionists united with people of colour and all anti-racists. And in cases where the location and intended victims of potential redneck attacks are known – such as when an ethnic Chinese family has their home daubed with threatening graffiti – workers-led defence guards must patrol to prevent further attacks.

To strengthen their class struggle, the workers movement must draw into the struggle unemployed workers and the millions more enduring temporary employment or just a few hours of work a week. We must address the needs of these most vulnerable layers of the working class, including low-income single mothers, by demanding: Double the payments to the unemployed! Abolish all punitive “activity tests” on unemployed workers! For a guaranteed minimum wage for food delivery and other gig workers. For permanency, guaranteed minimum hours, leave and all the rights of permanency for all gig and other casual workers. Stop the sell-off of public housing – massively increase low-rent public housing instead! For free, nutritious lunches for all school students! For free, 24-hour childcare!

Whenever our unions ask for higher wages, the capitalists respond that this will lead to job losses. However, that is only true, if we allow them to employ as few workers as they want to. The bosses only employ as many workers as that which allows them to maximise profits. They keep their workforce ultra-lean. That is why when some workers are now off sick with COVID there are such shortages of food and other essentials. Moreover, even as they complain about a labour shortage, the capitalist bosses don’t want to hire any inexperienced workers because these greedy exploiters don’t want to pay a full wage to workers who will initially be not as productive as experienced staff. That is why we need to force the capitalists to increase hiring at the expense of their fat profits. Let’s force all companies making a profit to increase their number of full-time, permanent employees by at least twenty-five workers for every one million dollars of quarterly profit! The capitalist rulers will no doubt scream that this is “impractical.” We say that if it is “impractical” for the capitalists to utilise every labour resource available and provide those who labour with both job security and decent working conditions, then the means of production and distribution need to be ripped from their hands and brought into public ownership under workers control.

The Peoples Republic of China Heads in the Opposite Direction

The capitalist class and their economic “experts” would have you believe that there is no alternative to the agenda of privatisation, pro-landlord housing policies and “economic freedom” of capitalists to do whatever it takes to maximise profits. We are told Australia is merely headed down the path of “like-minded countries”. But there is a country that is actually headed in the opposite direction. And that country happens to be the world’s most populous country, the PRC. Last July, the PRC ordered food delivery companies to ensure that their delivery riders are always paid above the minimum wage and are additionally provided social insurance to cover these gig workers in case of loss of income from illness or unemployment. The companies were also ordered to provide workers with rider rest stations. The pro-worker measure had such an impact that it immediately wiped more than $A56 billion off the share market value of China’s leading food delivery platform. Indeed, the PRC is not shy of hurting rich capitalists to defend the interests of the masses. Last July, in order to protect parents from having to fork out ever larger amounts for their children’s after-school tutoring in an education rat race against other parents’ kids, the PRC dramatically banned all tutoring firms from making a profit. The new requirements caused the billionaire owner of one of China’s biggest tutoring firms, Gaotu to have $A21 billion almost instantly wiped off his wealth. However, Beijing’s measures to stop education being “hijacked by capital” are very popular with parents and students. Alongside the widespread rollout by Chinese schools of low-cost, school holiday daycare (which cost at most $A25 a week) involving extra-curricular programs in music, sport, dance, games and art, the measures suppressing capitalist tutoring firms are also aimed at giving kids a happier, less-stressful childhood.

Red China’s moves against profit-driven education firms are part of its broader moves – moves which it greatly accelerated from mid-2020 onwards – to clamp down on the “disorderly expansion of capital” and pursue “common prosperity.” The latter Beijing explains, involves curbing excessive incomes of the very rich and increasing the income of low-income groups. As a result, whereas in Australia it has been workers who have frequently been hit with fines and restrictions for standing up for their rights while tycoons like Gerry Harvey have been given huge payouts through Jobkeeper and other schemes, in China it has been the other way around. Last year, PRC authorities hit e-commerce giant Alibaba, one of the two main companies owned by China’s once richest man, Jack Ma, with a massive $A4 billion fine for monopoly behavior. They also forced the other of Ma’s main companies to restructure in a way that will greatly curb its profits. Companies owned by China’s other tech tycoons have also been hit with large fines and sanctions for suppression of consumer choice and unauthorised use of customer’s personal data, while being pressured to improve their workers’ rights. Meanwhile, the PRC has been vigorously pushing bosses to increase workers wages. As a result, the Global Wage Report 2020-21 produced by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) showed that Chinese workers enjoyed by far the fastest growing wages of any major economy. Although as a country catching up from the terrible poverty of her neo-colonial days, China’s per capita income and hence wages are still a fair bit lower than Australia’s, in the 2008-2019 period examined by the ILO, real wages in China not only more than doubled but were by 2019 approximately 2.3 times what they were in 2008 – a wage growth rate close to treble that in India and about twelve times that in Australia.

Another area in which the PRC is headed in the opposite direction to the capitalist countries is on the issue of privatisation. Over the last decade and a half, far from engaging in privatisation, the PRC has actually been carrying out some nationalisations. In the late noughties, China began re-nationalising privately owned mines in her coal sector by forcing greedy coal barons to sell their mines to the state for very low prices. The primary goal was to improve workplace safety. Private firms putting profits before workers’ lives had caused large numbers of workers to die in mining accidents. China’s nationalisations have indeed dramatically improved workplace safety. Last year, the number of deaths in China’s coal mining sector was 36 times lower than in 2002, despite production being two and a half times as high. More recently, the PRC has brought into public ownership several insurance companies, mid-size steel producers, property assets and one of China’s biggest mobile phone brands (Honor). Meanwhile, the PRC’s existing public sector firms continue to thrive through innovation in high-tech areas like high-speed rail and new energy. As a result, last year the revenue of China’s state-owned enterprises soared by more than two and half times the growth rate of her overall economy – indicating that the public sector has increased its weight in the Chinese economy.

A particular area where the PRC has been heading in the diametric opposite direction to privatisation is in the housing sector. In the decade from 2008 onwards, China provided an incredible 70 million new public housing dwellings to her low and lower-middle income people. This emphasis continues today. China’s 2021-2025 Five Year Plan has stipulated that a further 6.5 million new low-rent public housing units shall be built alongside millions of other types of public housing. Already, more than one in four of China’s households are living in public housing – a proportion eight times higher than in Australia. Meanwhile, the PRC has been administering her overall housing policy according to the motto: “Houses are for living in not for speculation.” Therefore, rather than giving huge negative gearing tax concessions to speculative landlords as occurs here, the PRC’s provincial governments have been curbing housing speculation through measures like bans on households buying more than two homes. This crackdown and the PRC’s emphasis on public housing are two of the reasons why, despite her per capita GDP still being some three to five times lower than Australia’s, China has a far lower rate of homeless than this country. Indeed, youth from the PRC who come to Australia for study are shocked at the level of homelessness that they see when they arrive here.

A public housing complex in China’s Shanghai. Over the last fourteen years, China has embarked on a massive program to provide her low and lower-middle income people with access to public housing. As a result, one in four of China’s housing dwellings are public housing dwellings and this proportion is rising every year (Photo Credit: Wei Li). The proportion of China’s housing stock that is public housing is now eight times higher than in Australia.

What China’s Reaction to the Woes of a Billionaire-Owned Developer
Says about the Path that She is Headed On

The direction that China is travelling in shows that the tyranny of the tycoons, privatisation and erosion of workers’ rights rampant in Australia is not the “natural order” of things. There is another alternative! And that alternative is being implemented quite successfully in Australia’s biggest trading partner. The working class and other low-income groups must fight to open up such an alternate path here! It is precisely this prospect of the toiling classes looking at China’s direction and demanding a similar path in their own countries that spooks the capitalist rulers of Australia and other “like-minded countries.” Aghast at the speed that China has been travelling on this roughly anti-capitalist road since mid-2020, a terrified major American news site complained in an article headlined, “Xi Jinping’s Capitalist Smackdown Sparks a $1 Trillion Reckoning”, that “true to their Communist roots, China’s leaders have no problem trampling on the interests of venture capital, private equity or stock investors when they conflict with its long-term development plan” (Bloomberg, 2 August 2020). Around the same time, a report from U.S. banking giant Goldman Sachs whinged that, “Chinese authorities are prioritizing social welfare and wealth redistribution over capital markets in areas that are deemed social necessities and public goods” (CNN website, 4 August 2021).

Desperate to stop the Chinese road inspiring working class people in their own countries, capitalist ruling classes have been doing everything possible to discredit the PRC’s latest measures. Thus when it became clear that a major Chinese property developer, Evergrande was in financial trouble, the capitalist media triumphantly declared that this was a sign that the Chinese economy was in deep crisis. Their barely disguised message was: if you crack down on the “free-market” in housing, this will lead to economic doom. To sell their narrative that an Evergrande collapse threatens a broader economic implosion in China, Western mainstream media deliberately hid the fact that China’s housing industry is in fair part driven by public housing construction and state-owned developers rather than being solely dependent on private housing built by tycoon-owned companies likes Evergrande. Yet they were not the only media engaged in such deception. So were the media of those nominally socialist groups that have enlisted in the propaganda campaign against Red China. Thus, an article last October in the Socialist Equality Party’s (SEP) World Socialist Website cheered that, “the feverish property development and build-up of debt [in China] have created the conditions for a major financial crisis”. Not to be outdone, the Australian left group “Solidarity” also sounded much like the Murdoch media when they headlined, “Evergrande crisis shows Chinese growth figures built on sand.” Lying that China’s high growth rates were the result of debt-fuelled speculation, Solidarity excitedly claimed that “the Evergrande crisis is a major thorn in the side of President Xi Jinping’s government” (Solidarity website, 15 October 2021). The only difference between Solidarity’s article and the capitalist media line is that the former claimed that Evergrande’s troubles are a product of “Chinese capitalism”, whereas the real capitalists, rather more accurately, identified Evergrande’s plunge as a result of the PRC’s crackdown on capitalism. Whereas the mainstream media seek to intensify enmity to Red China from pro-capitalist sections of the population, “Solidarity” mobilises such anti-PRC hostility from anti-capitalists. To do so, Solidarity claim that “Chinese capitalism” is going through typical capitalist boom-bust cycles, with the Evergrande demise the result. They could only sell this fiction by hiding the truth that even while the capitalist world was plunging into the troughs of its boom-bust cycles, the PRC has not had any cyclic economic busts – not even during the mid-late 1990s Asian Financial crisis or the late noughties Great Recession. This is because the capitalist mode is not dominant in China.

By the start of this year, all those predicting and wishing for China’s economic collapse had … egg on their face! The PRC’s economic growth rate for last year came in at a whopping 8.1%. So just like umpteen other “predictions” of China’s demise over the last 25 years, the hopes of Western capitalists – and the half-baked socialists that capitulate to the latter’s anti-communist drive – went unrealised! As a result, the anti-PRC media switched focus to selling the line that the plummeting share price of Evergrande is a serious problem in itself as is the (very slight) fall in Chinese house prices over recent months. These anti-communist propagandists deliberately avoided mentioning that the PRC’s authorities have actually been intentionally curbing house prices in order to make homes more affordable for the masses – unlike Morrison’s conservatives who wants to drive up house prices to please their wealthy mates and Albanese’s ALP which lacks the courage to defy them. As for fact that the PRC’s measures to stop housing speculation is causing Evergrande’s billionaire majority owner, Hui Ka Yan – and some other property tycoons – to lose the majority of their wealth, this is entirely aligned with the PRC’s drive to “stop the disorderly expansion of capital” and curb excessively high incomes in order to uplift the position of lower and middle income groups.

The manner in which the PRC has responded to Evergrande’s liquidity crisis is also consistent with her “common prosperity” agenda. The PRC state has effectively taken over the restructuring of the struggling corporation and they have used that control to make clear that all the company’s moves must firstly guarantee the wages and jobs of their workers and the promised homes of their customers, while the interests of rich investors must come last. Already, PRC authorities have pressured Hui Ka Yan to sell over $A1.5 billion of his personal assets – including two private jets, several mansions, expensive art works and shares – to help pay off some of the company’s debt. Meanwhile, the PRC looks to be driving Evergrande down a similar path that it took another privately-owned conglomerate that was mired in debt, HNA Group. In that case, the PRC state re-allocated the company assets to several state-owned companies and private corporations in a way that has kept workers in their jobs, while HNA’s [ex-]billionaire main owners lost nearly all their assets. Already, Evergrande and some smaller developers in distress have sold off a number of property assets to PRC state-owned enterprises, while the state has also confiscated parcels of land and other assets owned by Evergrande. Just like the real estate and airport operations of HNA, Evergrande is set to end up in good part becoming yet another chapter in China’s post-noughties nationalisation story. That will be bad news for Hui Ka Yan and other filthy rich investors but more great news for China’s working class and middle class masses.

Socialism Works!

The reason that the PRC is able to push back wealthy business owners in order to decisively improve the rights of gig works, raise wages and defend housing accessibility for low income groups is because capitalists do not rule in China. You see, China is not a “like-minded country” to the likes of Australia, India, Indonesia and the USA! In 1949, the toiling classes of China seized power in the most massive revolution in human history. Although the Chinese working class exercises its power in an indirect manner through a middle class bureaucracy that controls political administration and although that bureaucracy’s pro-market reforms have allowed capitalists to gain a sizable foothold in parts of the Chinese economy since the 1980s, it is the public ownership system favouring working class people that continues to be the backbone of Chinese society. Although capitalists are very prevalent in retail, internet and light manufacturing, all of China’s strategic sectors including banking, oil and gas, steel, mining, power, infrastructure, ports, auto, train and aircraft manufacturing, shipbuilding, space technology, telecommunications, airlines, food processing, computer chips and pharmaceuticals – as well as many consumer sectors like movies, whitegoods and flat screen TV manufacturing – are dominated by socialistic state-owned enterprises. It is this socialistic system that enabled China to complete lifting all its residents out of extreme poverty by the end of 2020. This is a stunning achievement because before China was steered onto the socialist path 72 years ago she had been so subjugated by neo-colonialism that her per capita income was barely more than half that of India’s. It is the PRC’s public sector that played the key role in achieving her anti-poverty triumph. Over-riding the imperative to maximise profits at all costs, the PRC’s giant state-owned enterprises established industries in poorer parts of China and often hired workforce numbers far in excess of what would be most profitable for their operations. This socialist sector was also key to ensuring the Chinese economy’s great resilience during the pandemic. Thus during the worst period of the pandemic in China, the first seven months of 2020, the PRC’s state-owned enterprises actually increased their investment in fixed assets by nearly 4%, even as private sector investment collapsed by close to 6%. Meanwhile, the PRC’s public sector boosted its hiring of new graduates by a whole one-third in order to make up for decreased job opportunities in the capitalistic private sector.

20 July 2021, Qingdao, China: The world’s first 600 km/hr (!!) Maglev train is unveiled by CRRC, China’s giant state-owned train manufacturer. This Maglev train will now undergo testing and validation. CRRC is the producer of China’s famous high-speed trains as well as her cargo trains, subway trains and trams. Like CRRC, other PRC state-owned enterprises have led China’s innovation in many key high-tech areas including renewable energy, space and satellite technology, supercomputers, speech recognition, artificial intelligence, bridge and tunnel building, computer chips and flat screen televisions. Putting social needs above profit goals, these socialistic enterprises were key to China’s historic victory over extreme poverty and her stunning success in protecting her population from COVID.

Among the public sector enterprises most crucial to Red China achieving her social goals have been her banks. In China, alongside her three 100% state-owned policy banks specifically charged with advancing social development agendas, all her big six commercial banks as well as nearly all her medium-sized banks are majority state-owned. Very different to the notorious greed of banks in capitalist countries, the PRC’s socialistic banks have often foregone lending that would bring them higher returns in order to prioritise credit for areas like uplifting of impoverished areas, public housing, renewable energy and environmental protection. They also played a vital role in China’s pandemic response, helping provide the funding that enabled manufacturers, pharma-biotech firms and developers to quickly switch over their operations to the delivery of PPE, COVID testing kits and makeshift hospitals.

The work of the PRC’s public sector in responding to the pandemic have produced stunning results. The PRC has the lowest death rate per person from COVID of any country in the world with a population of more than one million people. Twelve days ago, she achieved an incredible milestone: Mainland China went through a whole year without a single COVID related death! And this in a country with one in five of the world’s people! Of course, the capitalist media have denigrated this success by lying that China’s suppression of COVID is only the result of widespread continuing lockdowns. Yet today, not one large city in China is under a city-wide lockdown. Indeed, a large proportion of China’s residents have never had to endure a full lockdown during the entire pandemic. Even China’s best known megacities Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Chongqing and Shenzhen have, at most, only ever had lockdowns in small proportions of their giant cities but never a citywide, Sydney or Melbourne-style lockdown. Moreover, in rare cases when an outbreak did cause a whole Chinese city to lockdown, like Xian, which eased out of lockdown a few weeks ago, the lockdowns have been much shorter than the three to four months that Sydney and Melbourne residents endured in the middle of last year. Thus, even the worst hit parts of Xian were released from lockdown within 32 days. Over the last few days, although the PRC has had to take measures to prevent Winter Olympic teams from highly infected countries like Australia and Britain bringing the virus into China in big numbers, well over 99.5% of mainland China’s people enjoyed their seven-day (!) public holiday for Chinese New Year with more social freedoms than people have here. People packed into tourist spots and literally millions of people travelled on China’s famous high-speed trains every day. Nearly all of China has no restrictions on dancing and singing at clubs as we have in most Australian cities. Although the Chinese workers state has sometimes taken strict measures – putting the masses lives before business profits – China’s success in responding to the pandemic is not mainly because of this. What has separated the PRC’s response from all the capitalist countries is the ability of her socialistic system – where not only is the public sector the backbone but where private companies are subordinated to the workers state – to provide massive testing of people in COVID-affected cities, to move every COVID-affected person into medical care and quarantine in an existing or makeshift hospital and to give all hospital workers, aged care workers and other exposed workers full coverage PPE.

Socialistic Rule in China: Terrible for Capitalist Exploiters Worldwide,
Great for the Working Classes of the World

It is not only China’s pandemic response and her common prosperity drive that Western capitalist ruling classes are seeking to denigrate. They, their media and the “independent” “human rights” NGOs that they fund are looking for every possible angle to attack the PRC. One of the main fronts in their propaganda offensive is over the situation of the Muslim Uyghur minority in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). The U.S., Australian and other Western imperialist regimes – the same ones who destroyed Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen through either direct invasion or proxy wars, who committed the most hideous war crimes in the countries that they invaded or bombed and who prop up Israel’s murderous oppression of Palestinian people – claim that China is committing “genocide” against Muslim Uyghurs. They make this ridiculous claim even while largely admitting that China is somehow committing this “genocide” without actually killing any Uyghurs??!! Instead they claim that China is supposedly imprisoning millions of Uyghurs in re-education camps. This is a truly whacko conspiracy theory on par with some of the nuttiest Q-Anon “theories”. To try and give some “credence” to this conspiracy theory, the capitalist powers have relied on the fabricated “accounts” of those under the influence of either, ultra-rich capitalist Uyghurs who want to overturn socialistic rule in the XUAR, or extreme religious fundamentalists who want to turn the XUAR into a version of ISIS’ Caliphate. However, Western regimes’ claims that Uyghurs are being subjugated by China have been strongly rejected by the overwhelming majority of Uyghurs living in Xinjiang who are instead proud of their anti-poverty advances – especially over the last twelve years – and who are freely enjoying the rich Uyghur language, music and dance. The section of the Uyghur community that most strongly opposes anti-PRC propaganda and the increasingly small number of right-wing Uyghur terrorists are Uyghur women. These women are terrified at the prospect of having their current secular lifestyle and freedoms inside the PRC being taken away and their status being thrown back to the much lower position endured by women in most of the neighbouring non-socialist countries to their west; which includes Afghanistan where both under the Western occupation and now under the Taliban, women are subjugated in a way that the religious fundamentalist component of anti-communist Uyghur forces would like to see.

Furthermore, the accusations against China over Uyghurs have been rejected by most of the world. The only countries to sign-up to these claims are the Western powers – the very same ones that have been subjecting their own Muslim communities to racist stigmatisation and heavy-handed policing – and a handful of ground down neocolonies, like Nauru, whose Australian imperialist overlords have turned into a concentration camp for refugees. In all, those regimes making the claims of Uyghur oppression rule over only one in eight of the world’s people. Notably, not one Muslim-majority country has consistently signed onto these anti-PRC claims. Indeed, with the exception of Japan, not a single country in all of Asia, the Middle East, Africa or South America has signed on. Instead, far, far more countries have signed statements that not only denounced “the groundless accusations against China based on disinformation” but which positively “commends the efforts of the People’s Republic of China in providing care to its Muslim citizens” in the XUAR. As a small number of Western mainstream media outlets have had to report, at UN meetings, around 70 countries have signed statements lauding China’s treatment of Uyghurs and in all around 90 countries have openly weighed in behind China on the issue. Notably, this includes the vast majority of the world’s Muslim-majority countries, including those as different from each other as Palestine, Pakistan, Nigeria, Somalia, Iran, Iraq, Algeria, Turkmenistan and Qatar. Indeed the claims about China subjugating Muslim Uyghurs are so ridiculous that even thoroughly U.S.-allied Muslim-majority countries like the UAE, Kuwait, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan have rejected the anti-China claims and instead praised China’s advancement of Uyghur human rights through development.

It is no surprise that capitalist ruling classes would do everything possible to vilify the PRC. After all, we know how viciously capitalists, their media and their governments attack trade unions that staunchly defend workers rights like the construction workers CFMEU – and especially its militant Victorian branch. Therefore we can expect that the capitalist class will be even more fanatical in attacking organisations – like the Chinese workers state – formed when the toiling classes not only assembled to fight for improved rights but actually united to takeover a country. After all, the existence of the PRC workers state is greatly impeding the ability of the powerful “multinational” capitalists of the richer countries to exploit a workforce of some 800 million people! Moreover, the existence of a workers state in the world’s most populous country provokes the greatest fear of the capitalist rulers of Australia and other “like-minded countries”: that the working class of their own countries will look at China and decide that they also want to grab state power. The fact that the PRC state has been more clearly showing its pro-working class character of late by cracking down on greedy capitalists and improving the rights of gig workers makes capitalist ruling classes the world over all the more nervous.

For the very same reason that capitalist exploiting classes fear and loathe the socialistic PRC, the working class must hail and defend its existence. For the very existence of working class rule in China, Vietnam, Laos, Cuba and North Korea – in however a fragile and incomplete form – gives confidence to the toiling classes in Australia and other capitalist countries that they do not have to accept capitalist rule and all that it brings – bullying bosses, economic insecurity, growing racism and a society that puts the profits of wealthy business owners above the lives of workers, our parents and our grandparents. That is why the workers movement and Left must unconditionally stand with socialistic China and the other workers states against every form of attack that they face – whether that be military, economic or propagandistic. Down with the U.S./Australia/Britain military build-up against the PRC and North Korea! No nuclear submarines for the Australian regime – No to AUKUS! U.S./NATO/Australia out of the South China Sea! Rebuff the lying “human rights” attacks on the PRC over Uyghurs, Tibet and Hong Kong! Oppose U.S. funding for capitalist counterrevolutionary groups in China!

China’s Socialist Advances Face Serious Threats –
All the More Reason to the Defend the Workers State

The pro-working class measures that are being implemented within China are meeting much resistance – even from certain elements within the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC). China’s capitalists hate the recent measures with a vengeance. But they dare not say so openly. So they get establishment bodies like their All China Federation of Industry and Commerce to lobby behind the scenes for “respect” for the “rights” of capitalist exploiters. Meanwhile, various experts, economists and academics that are close to these capitalists, like liberal Peking University economics professor Zhang Weiying, have been speaking out against the common prosperity drive. Given that the CPC is the only truly mass party in China, it is inevitable that the party would house those holding a range of viewpoints – including those that are protective of the capitalists. Indeed, even China’s number two, premier Li Keqiang seems to be quietly obstructing president Xi Jinping’s common prosperity push by favouring the private sector – as opposed to the socialistic public sector – in his tax policies and statements. In the face of this blowback, there was some retreat by the PRC leadership in their public stance about the crackdown on “disorderly expansion of capital.” PRC officials sought to reassure domestic capitalists and foreign investors that there were limits to how far the recent moves would go.

On the other hand, the Chinese masses have been egging on the PRC’s crackdown on big-time capitalists. Chinese workers and youth have, quite correctly, flooded social media with posts calling out Jack Ma as an “evil capitalist” and a “bloodsucker”. A commentator who cheered that “Ma will definitely be hung from the lamppost” received well over a hundred thousands likes for that post! Pushed by such mass sentiment, last August, some of the biggest Chinese state media outlets chose to run an article by popular leftist blogger Li Guangman that encouraged the crackdown on capitalists to deepen, calling them a forerunner of “profound revolutions” that would see a “return to the original intentions and quintessence” of socialism. Meanwhile, despite right-wing sections of the CPC having made headway in lobbying for legal guidelines stipulating that economic transgressions by “entrepreneurs” (by which they mean capitalists) will in future be dealt with as civil matters rather than jail-carrying crimes, major sections of the PRC state are not relenting on their moves to bring aggressive capitalists and those that protect them to heel. Last September, after HNA’s state administrators had wiped out their wealth, the now ex, billionaire former owners of HNA Group, its ex-chairman and ex-CEO, were arrested. Then, last week, the CPC expelled from the party and handed over to prosecutors the recent, former CPC chief of Hangzhou city, Zhou Jiangyong for not only taking bribes but for having “colluded with some capital elements and backed the runaway expansion of capital”. Sensationally, Hangzhou is the city where Jack Ma’s corporations are based. Speculation is mounting that among the “capital elements” that Zhou colluded with in backing “the runaway expansion of capital” is none other than Jack Ma himself. Many in China are excited that Zhou’s downfall will be the prelude to the final takedown of China’s most well-known capitalist exploiter, Jack Ma.

In summary, there is a fierce tug of war going on between on the one end, the Chinese working class and its allies both within and outside the CPC and on the other, the capitalist class and those upper middle class elements and groupings within the CPC aligning themselves with the private “entrepreneurs.” In some sense this is no different to the class conflict taking place in the capitalist world. However, the big difference between the contest running in China and that in the capitalist world, is that in China, the seizure of state power by the toiling masses in 1949 and the resulting emergence of a society centred on working-class, that is collectivised, property forms has given the working class the decisive advantage in the class war. However, they have far from achieved final victory. The excessive openings to capitalists made by the CPC from the mid-1980s to the mid-noughties greatly strengthened the pro-capitalist side. Most importantly, capitalist restorationist forces within China are boosted by the fact that all the most powerful countries in the world, other than for China itself, remain under capitalist rule. Their presence not only emboldens Chinese capitalists to demand ever more “rights” but helps rightist sections within the CPC to prosecute the case that with such strong external forces opposing socialist rule, Beijing has no choice but to “compromise” with and “adapt” to global capitalism. This is another reason why those particular socialists (in Australia this includes Solidarity, Socialist Alternative, the Australian Communist Party, Socialist Alliance and the SEP) who use the existence of a degree of capitalism within China as an excuse to support anti-communist forces attacking the PRC state – like Hong Kong’s pro-colonial, rich people’s opposition – are actually helping strengthen pro-capitalist forces within the PRC establishment. By increasing the hostile pressure on the workers state, they are helping empower Chinese “Gorbachevs” who should they gain the ascendancy would open the gates for outright capitalist counterrevolutionaries to storm through and take power.

In contrast to those leftists who capitulate to the anti-PRC Cold War, we in Trotskyist Platform work hard to mobilise active solidarity with the Chinese workers state. In October 2019, we joined together with the Australian Chinese Workers Association and others to build a united-front action that saw 70 people march through Sydney city calling to “Stand with Socialistic China.” When word got back to China about this action, those staunch Chinese communists who heard about it were thrilled. We need more of and more powerful such actions! For these actions not only inspire anti-capitalist workers within China to resist the capitalists and their advocates but emboldens them to push for the crackdown on “the disorderly expansion of capital” to intensify. And China’s anti-capitalist crackdown does need to go much further than president Xi wants. To fortify working class rule and ensure the PRC’s further progress towards “common prosperity”, the power of Jack Ma and his ilk needs to be smashed. The tech, real estate and light manufacturing sectors need to confiscated from these capitalists and brought into public ownership. The danger of the socialistic economy being white anted by a large number of smaller-scale capitalists needs to be averted by ending premier Li Keqiang’s concessions to small and medium sized private “entrepreneurs”. Rather than rescuing such private enterprises by giving them handouts, promising such enterprises should be nationalised when in trouble. Let’s help advance China’s socialistic public sector! Let’s do so by mobilising in solidarity with the PRC here in Australia!

Above and Below: The 7 October 2019 demonstration calling on “Working Class People in Australia & the World” to “Stand With Socialistic China.” This united-front action was built primarily by Trotskyist Platform and the Australian Chinese Workers Association. This rally and march through the centre of Sydney city also called to “Defeat Hong Kong’s Pro-Colonial, Anti-Communist [Opposition] Movement!” 

Let’s Seize on China’s Anti-Capitalist Measures to
Motivate the Struggle Against Australia’s Capitalist Exploiters

We should point to the existence of socialistic rule in China to not only popularise the need for a future socialist revolution here in Australia but to motivate a fightback right now against growing exploitation and privatisation. Every time that we demand any serious measures to restrict the “right” of capitalists to “freely” exploit it poses the questions: how far are such restrictions going to go and what should be done if such measures cause the capitalist engine to grind to a halt. The current pro-ALP leadership of the workers movement responds to these questions by telling the masses that while there should be restrictions on capitalist exploitation such measures should be mild so that they allow the current (that is capitalist) system to function properly. However, the fact that a socialistic system is operating in the world’s most populous country and running rather successfully – even though the workers state there is weakened and distorted by hostile pressure and capitalist intrusion -shows that the workers movement does not have to moderate our demands to ensure the success of capitalism. The dead end of Laborism can be rejected. The working class can and should fight for what it actually needs! For if making headway on those demands causes the capitalist order to start coming apart – as it inevitably will – then so be it; that is no issue because replacing capitalist rule with socialistic working class rule has been proven to work in China and is what we desperately need. Through our publications and discussions with the masses, through seeking to steer progressive struggles in a direction that enhances the working class’ trust in their own power and diminishes their illusions in any wing of the capitalist class and in any organ of the capitalist state and through ourselves initiating actions with the same purpose, Trotskyist Platform works hard to win broader and broader layers of the working class to the need for a future workers conquest of state power, while advancing the building of the revolutionary workers party that would spearhead the struggle for such a socialist revolution. We understand that the struggle for a socialist Australia will be advanced today by the working class fighting through class-struggle methods for what it needs. That is why we draw the Australian working class’ attention to the anti-capitalist measures being taken in China and seek to use that to inspire workers to mobilise right now in action to demand: A guaranteed minimum wage and all the rights of permanency for all gig workers! For big wage rises! For a massive increase in public housing! No to privatisation of the NBN – stop all privatisations! Nationalise the banks, aged care sector and pathology services!

After Decades of Struggle, Abortion Decriminalised in NSW

Now Make Abortion Truly Free, Accessible and Fully on Demand

After Decades of Struggle,
Abortion Decriminalised in NSW

2 October 2019 – Today, a law came into force decriminalising abortion in NSW. This is a significant victory for women, the working class movement and everyone who cares about social justice. It is a product of a decades-long struggle by abortion rights activists and supporters of women’s rights.

Supporters of women’s right to decide what happens to their own bodies, which is what the right to abortion means, participated in a mass campaign to support the legislation decriminalising abortion. However the legislation had a rocky passage through parliament as hard right Liberal Party parliamentarians and other socially conservative politicians tried every means possible to block and weaken the legislation. Meanwhile, conservative activists and politicians like Barnaby Joyce and Tony Abbott furiously agitated on the streets in large protests against women’s right to choose. The anti-abortion forces succeeded in pushing through some harmful amendments but were not able to kill the essence of the new law.

Among the amendments passed to the original legislation is one that makes it mandatory for a women seeking an abortion after 22 weeks into a pregnancy to get approval from at least two medical practitioners. This could be mean that women seeking late-term abortions could be subjected to a grilling by doctors or to a, often humiliating, counselling session. The decision to seek an abortion can be an emotional decision for a women. To add extra hurdles to the process simply adds stress and anguish to the women concerned who will often already have to put up with puritanical objections and stigma from backward family members, friends and work colleagues. Therefore, we demand that all hurdles on women seeking abortion be removed. Women must have the right to abortion completely on demand! The right-wing opponents of women’s right to choose must be resisted!

Abortion has been technically illegal in NSW since 1900. However, doctors have been performing abortions in NSW to some degree since the 1970s onwards. They have done so under the cover of a 1971 court decision that abortion is not unlawful if a doctor finds it “necessary to preserve the women involved from serious danger to their life, or physical or mental health.” Yet while abortion remained a crime under the NSW Crimes Act any right to it remained very tenuous and subject to being swept away all together by any reactionary swing in social climate. Doctors knew this which is why in conservative rural areas, most doctors were reluctant to perform abortions. Hence rural women, especially lower income women who could not easily afford travel to the city, found it very difficult to access abortion. Moreover, many public hospitals, even in cities, did not provide abortion procedures and those that did often listed it as a non-routine service. As a result, any right to abortion that did exist was often expensive.

The coming into force of today’s Abortion Law Reform Act will make more doctors willing to perform abortion services and thus will make abortion more accessible for women. However, there still needs to be a major struggle to ensure that the right to abortion is actually accessible for working class and rural women. Many of the abortion services are currently privately run and thus the procedure is often out of reach of lower income women. Yet it is precisely lower-income women who need the right to choose the most as a women’s decision to have an abortion can often be an economic decision – based on the reality that she may simply be unable to adequately provide for and look after a child that she brings into the world. Thus ensuring women’s true right to choose means not only winning the right to abortion on demand but also requires ensuring that the procedure is a free and widely available service provided by the public health system; and it also means ensuring that lower-income women are lifted out of poverty.

It is the task of the entire working class movement – in which history has destined working class women to play the lead role – to fight to ensure that abortion is both free and fully on demand and to champion the broader struggle for women’s emancipation and social equality. As well as standing for free abortion on demand, Trotskyist Platform fights for equal pay for equal work, guaranteed permanent jobs for all and free around the clock childcare. We also stand for a system that will provide free pre-school education, free school lunches at all schools and after-school sports, music and cultural activities provided for free by the state alongside free transport from school to and from these activities. The struggle to realise and provide the resources for all these measures poses the need to strip the economy away from the filthy rich capitalist exploiters and place it into public ownership under a workers government.

Media Coverage of the Sydney Stabbing Attack and the New Cold War Against Red China

MEDIA COVERAGE OF THE SYDNEY STABBING ATTACK AND THE NEW COLD WAR AGAINST RED CHINA

22 August 2019 – A day cannot go by without the Australian ruling class ratcheting up its Cold War against socialistic China. Today, the right-wing NSW government expelled the China-connected Chinese language institute, the Confucius Institutes program, from teaching at NSW schools. The decision was welcomed by ruling class politicians of all stripes. Rabid anti-China Greens MP, David Shoebridge, hailed the decision saying: “I am glad to see the department is cancelling this arrangement, it is unfortunate they can’t cancel it immediately.”

But perhaps the biggest indication of how rabid the Cold War witch-hunt of supporters of Red China is becoming can be seen in the media coverage of a seemingly unrelated event: last week’s stabbing rampage in the centre of Sydney. We know that a 24 year-old woman was stabbed to death by the attacker and a 41 year-old woman was injured after being stabbed in the back. The name of the young woman who was killed is Michaela Dunn. A former student at the University of Notre Dame, Michaela loved to travel the world. We express our deepest sympathies to her friends and family. Her mother described her as a “beautiful, loving woman.” She was much loved by her friends too who described her as “incredible”, a “true delight” and a “bright young woman.” Outrageously, much of the media only focused on Michaela’s occupation as a sex worker rather than as a whole person – thus adding to the widespread stigmatisation and dehumanising of women who work as sex workers.

But what of the woman who was stabbed but not killed? Media footage showed the woman as she was about to be taken away in an ambulance. It was apparent that she was a woman of East Asian background. However, the media revealed almost nothing about her. Later they said that her name was Linda Bo. What the mainstream Australian media hid from the public is that Linda Bo is a Chinese national – that is, a person not only of Chinese ethnicity but a citizen of the PRC (Peoples Republic of China).

This was definitely not just an oversight by the media. In dealing with other crimes they invariably report if either the suspects or the victims are nationals of another country. Moreover, Chinese state media within hours published that the Consulate General of China in Sydney confirmed that the woman who was injured in the attack was a Chinese national (see for example: http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/13/c_138306442.htm). And we know that the Australian mainstream media assiduously follow official Chinese media if only to disparage it.

So why did Australia’s capitalist media hide from the public that one of the stabbing victims was a Chinese national? Because to do so would have humanised people from the PRC! As part of whipping up hostility against socialistic China, the Australian government and big business media portray citizens of the PRC as brainwashed, interfering, undemocratic stooges of the Communist Party of China. To then report that a PRC citizen has been the victim of a prominent crime undermines that narrative as crime reporting so often emphasizes the common human interest aspect in stories about victims of crime (unless they happen to be sex workers!) and to portray a citizen of the PRC as a human being with family, friends, feelings and dreams just like everyone else doesn’t fit the picture of China that the mainstream media is now so focussed on drawing. The only PRC citizens who are treated like humans by the media are anti-communist activists who are, of course, lionised by the capitalist media as “brave fighters for democracy.”

It is not that there was any conspiracy involved here. The media did not all get together to secretly decide that they would not report that one of the stabbing victims was a PRC citizen. In fact, it was something even worse. All these mainstream media outlets, acting in the class interests of their capitalist owners, each independently decided to hide this fact from the Australian public. That’s how full on the Cold War campaign is against Red China and against anyone who supports – or does not oppose – it. In the face of this massive media propaganda campaign and the wide array of forces lined up behind the Cold War anti-PRC drive, those truly committed to the struggle for socialism must not flinch one bit. We must stand firm and not only take the correct position on paper in defence of the Chinese workers state (as weakened and deformed as it is by a degree of capitalist intrusion) but we need to actively fight for this line on the streets.

Free Abortion on Demand!

20 August 2019 – Today, NSW Liberal Premier Gladys Berejiklian delayed for several weeks a bill in the Upper House that would have finally decriminalised abortion in NSW after pressure from right-wing politicians. Following a decades long struggle by abortion rights activists and supporters of women’s rights, the NSW Lower House voted for the legislation. However, conservative activists and politicians like Barnaby Joyce are furiously agitating on the streets in large protests aimed at once again preventing women having the right to abortion. This right amounts to the right of women to decide what happens to their own bodies. Those opposed to women having this right are working to either stifle the abortion decriminalisation bill or to add qualifications that would restrict the right to choose. Already they have forced an amendment giving doctors the power to push counselling upon women seeking abortion. Such counselling can often be humiliating for the woman concerned and often makes, what is often an emotional decision for a woman, much more painful.

We demand the dropping of all such qualifications and restrictions on women’s right to choose. Abortion must be made legal and solely on demand of the woman concerned. The right-wing opponents of women’s right to choose must be resisted.

If abortion is decriminalised it will be an important victory. But there will still be a big problem. The procedure is often difficult to access especially for women in rural areas. Moreover, many of the abortion services are privately run and thus the procedure is often out of reach of lower income women. Yet it is precisely lower-income women who need the right to choose the most as a women’s decision to have an abortion can often be an economic decision – based on a reality that she may simply be unable to adequately provide for and look after a child that she brings into the world. Thus ensuring women’s true right to choose means not only ensuring the right to abortion free of qualifications but also means ensuring that the procedure is a free, safe and widely available service provided by the public health system; and means ensuring that lower-income women are lifted out of poverty.

It is the task of the entire working class movement – in which history has destined working class women to play the lead role – to fight for free abortion on demand and to champion the broader struggle for women’s emancipation and social equality. As well as standing for free abortion on demand, Trotskyist Platform fights for equal pay for equal work, guaranteed permanent jobs for all and free around the clock childcare. We also stand for a system that will provide free pre-school education, free school lunches at all schools and after-school sports, music and cultural activities provided for free by the state alongside free transport from school to and from these activities. The struggle to realise and provide the resources for all these measures poses the need to strip the economy away from the filthy rich capitalist exploiters and place it into public ownership under a workers government.

Mobilise a Mighty Mass Struggle to Win Decent Conditions for All Casual, Youth & Women Workers

No Parliamentary Party Is Offering Any Major Gains for the Most Exploited & Downtrodden Workers

8 March 2019 – Siva worked for ruthless bosses. The business owners at the warehouse where she was employed simply stole her wages. They insultingly paid her $11 an hour less than she was legally entitled to! Her story, which Siva told to a Queensland parliamentary inquiry, is far from unique. In some sectors like restaurants, cafes and beauty salons, bosses are more likely to pay workers below the legal minimum than they are to actually pay award wages.

Siva was a casual worker. Since bosses can sack casuals on the spot or simply not give them shifts if they complain, casual workers are often underpaid. Moreover, Siva is a woman in a society where, even as we mark International Women’s Day (IWD) in 2019, women continue to suffer gender oppression and much lower pay than men. Also, she is of Asian descent. Either because they are themselves prejudiced or because they know that racism and nationalism is so widespread – and thus that people of colour will be more isolated – bosses think that they can rip off workers of Aboriginal, Asian, African or Middle Eastern origin.

And then there is the all too legal mistreatment of casual workers. Many casuals have no certainty about the number of hours of work that they will get in any given week and can be called in to work at any time. A disproportionately high percentage of casual workers are women and young people. When one adds those employed through labour hire, the gig economy or short-term contracts and the still more who have not even been lucky enough to obtain any work, it’s clear that a large majority of young working class people in Australia do not have secure jobs! It’s not surprising that anxiety, depression and, most tragically, suicide amongst young people are so widespread!

The super-exploitation of casual workers and so many young and women workers hurts all of us workers! When workers are forced into jobs with poor conditions in some industries it allows bosses elsewhere to also chop away at working conditions. Under a capitalist, so-called democracy, no matter who wins an election, little will improve for working class people – and for working class women in particular. The Liberal-Nationals and the right-wing minor parties are, as always, trying to slash workers’ rights. The Labor Party does oppose the push of the conservatives to introduce a new category of “flexi-permanent” worker in order to expand casualisation. Yet the ALP’s agenda will largely maintain the status quo where workers’ wages are not keeping up with ever increasing prices even as the 200 richest people in Australia bolstered their wealth by a staggering $50 billion over the last year. The recent ALP conference refused to commit to an increase to the paltry Newstart Allowance for unemployed workers. The ALP has no policy to prevent bosses from hiring new workers as casuals. Indeed, the continued oppression of casuals and the expansion of short-term work have all occurred under the Fair Work Act regime brought in by the last ALP government and it was the earlier Hawke-Keating ALP administration that had overseen the near doubling of the rate of casualisation in the 1980s and early 1990s.

There is a time-honoured way that we can use to fight back against the undermining of workers’ rights. That is through industrial action and mass mobilisations. This is how workers, women and all oppressed groups have won whatever rights we still enjoy today. Earlier this decade, a union campaign of strikes and rallies by community sector workers won decent pay rises. This was a victory for gender equality too as the low pay of these workers was partly based on discrimination arising from these workers being mainly women. In the middle of last year, strike action by workers at an infrastructure firm, Downer, culminated in the unionised workers defeating the bosses’ attempts to impose yet another wage freeze. This proves that only determined and militant class struggle can bring about positive change!

Sydney, 1 May 2019: Thousands of construction and maritime workers down tools to join a workers rights march on May Day. The united working class have the power to smash the attacks of the capitalist bosses. However, for this power to be realised, the workers movement needs to be freed from the illusion that change can come through parliament and from the divisive poison of economic nationalism. Photo credit: NTEU

Unfortunately, many workers don’t work at larger sites with lots of fellow workers where it is easier to organise unions. Small businesses owners are often even more vicious than corporate bigwigs and are more likely to hire workers on an unpermanent basis. That is why we need to fight for laws to protect workers with an insecure employment status. We must demand laws that mandate that all workers be hired with the rights of permanent workers. All workers must also be granted a certain minimum number of hours of work per week. We must say no to gig economy-style employment! Those employed in the gig economy must immediately be transferred from being contractors to being permanent employees. They must start getting paid for the time they are on call and when they aren’t receiving “gigs”. Laws decreeing such measures would be a step forward but we would then still have to work out ways to enforce them. That is why we need to expand union membership. When our unions start taking militant action in workplaces where we workers are well organised then our fellow workers in smaller sites will be inspired to join our unions.


CLASS STRUGGLE & PROMOTING SALVATION THROUGH
VOTING FOR THE ALP & THE GREENS
ARE MUTUALLY EXCLUSIVE STRATEGIES

Though most groups on the Left would say that they agree with industrial action and mass struggle, nevertheless at the same time they promote support for the ALP and Greens – either through openly pushing for a vote for these parties or through calling to “put the Liberals last” at the upcoming elections. These left groups like Solidarity, Socialist Alliance, the Communist Party of Australia and Socialist Alternative would argue that they are simply employing a “diversity of tactics” in the struggle for workers’ rights. However, the more that workers believe that their salvation lies with an ALP or ALP/Greens government, the less they will be willing to take the risk of waging class struggle action. This is especially the case because laws restricting strike action have become so draconian that workers who think there is another easier sounding path will be reluctant to dare to engage in militant industrial action.

All this has been evident in the course of the ACTU leadership’s Change the Rules campaign. Now we certainly do need to “change the rules” which are stacked against our unions and severely restrict our right to strike. The ACTU’s campaign was meant to employ a “diversity of tactics” including stop-works, rallies and electioneering for the ALP. However, since it is a lot easier for the ACTU to electioneer than to wage industrial action, the campaign, especially as the elections have neared has become almost entirely a “Vote ALP/Greens” operation. In this light, it is evident too that the focus on “Changing the Rules” became an excuse to avoid unleashing the necessary struggles in defiance of the unjust anti-strike laws. This was dramatically seen in January last year when the leadership of the RTBU union, with the evident acceptance by ACTU leader Sally McManus, bowed to a Fair Work Commission ruling and called off a planned rail strike in Sydney. To be sure, a year earlier, McManus caused a stir when she rightly said that there is no problem with workers breaking laws when the laws are unjust. Yet, as we saw with the aborted Sydney rail strike, these have remained largely empty words. Industrial action is at an all-time low. That is why workers’ wages are so stagnant. And as the elections approach, even the ACTU tops’ talk of breaking unjust laws has evaporated along with the stop-work action component of the Change the Rules campaign.

The bankruptcy of this elections-based strategy is highlighted by the simple fact that the ALP does not even promise to get rid of the anti-strike laws. They even sanctified these very laws in their 2009 Fair Work Act. The left groups that are campaigning for the ALP and/or The Greens contend that they want to get these parties into government and then “hold them to account.” However, the problem is not mainly that the leaders of these parties need to be “held to account.” The issue is the very essence of their politics. In the face of a powerful, capitalist class with its massive wealth that it can use to fund political parties, its ownership of the media and its control of all state institutions, the ALP doesn’t seek to challenge the power of this ruling class but, instead, to get the little they can for workers that these capitalists will find tolerable to give. And this is not very much at all! In the wake of the late noughties’ Global Recession, what the insecure capitalists are willing to give is actually almost nothing! That is why the ALP has promised to maintain the Coalition’s tax cuts for companies with revenues up to $50 million a year. In other words, the ALP has agreed to give multi-millionaire business owners a huge bonus while taking away funds that could have been used for public hospitals or for restoring the parenting payment for low-income single mothers which the former ALP-Greens government so cruelly took away in 2012 (the same year that the then PM Julia Gillard gave her famous anti-misogynist speech!) The Greens do have some social policies that are more progressive than the ALP’s. Yet they do not believe that the working class ought to challenge capitalist power or even organise separately to the capitalists. That means that, ultimately, they must bend to the capitalists’ agenda on nearly all major issues. That is why when The Greens were in government in a coalition with the ALP in Tasmania from 2010 to 2014, they actually pushed for retail electricity privatisation.

Workers must refuse to support any of the pro-capitalist parties. Having been convinced that class struggle is the only road, the working class movement will be better prepared to fight against the attacks of whichever party is elected to administer a state that’s designed to always work in the interests of the big end of town. The struggle to bring this clarity to the working masses is part of the fight to bring a class struggle program to the ascendancy within the working class. Such a program understands that building class struggle resistance requires bringing the working class together in the tightest possible unity. That means rejecting our current, pro-ALP union leaders’ divisive economic nationalist calls which set local workers in competition against our international and guest worker sisters and brothers. We must actively oppose nationalist and racist divisions. We must mobilise the union movement to fight to free the refugees, to demand the rights of citizenship for all visiting and guest workers and to build genuine unity with trade unions right across the world. Unlike the ALP’s strategy, the class struggle program that we must fight for is based not on what the capitalists can tolerate but what we and our fellow working class sisters and brothers need. That means demanding permanency for all workers who are currently employed as casuals or as pseudo-contractors in the gig economy. It means fighting to force profitable companies to, at the expense of their profits, increase hiring. It means fighting for free, around the clock, childcare! For equal pay for equal work! Of course, in the face of a powerful movement making such demands, the capitalist exploiters will yell, “we can’t afford this, the economy will collapse.” To this a class struggle leadership of the working class, that is a revolutionary socialist party, would respond: If you can’t run the economy in a way that gives secure jobs to all and enables women to have the complete economic independence they need to maximise their participation in society and enable them to more easily dump violent and abusive men, then you do not deserve to have ownership over the economy. We will take it from your greedy, miserly and clumsy hands. Under the watchful eye of our sovereign Aboriginal sisters and brothers, the workplaces and industries of this country will thrive under the public ownership and the collective control of a socialist workers government.

HOW MISOGYNY CRUSHED THE CAREER OF A TALENTED WOMAN

Male Chauvinism Creeps into Every Corner of Capitalist Australian Society

HOW MISOGYNY CRUSHED THE CAREER OF A TALENTED WOMAN

 

Those serious about opposing the oppression of women are aware of the overall picture in Australia. How women are paid on average 23% less than men. How women’s right to abortion is at best tenuous, curtailed and under attack. How domestic violence, bullying and abuse of women is rife. Yet, the reality of women’s oppression in capitalist Australia is made up of millions of personal stories. Stories of subjugation, humiliations, abuse, received threats and dashed hopes.

Some women’s experiences are worse than others. A working class or other low-income woman tends to cop the worst of male chauvinism because her subordinated and vulnerable socio-economic position leaves her open to misogynist attacks from male bosses, landlords, welfare/ public housing bureaucrats, debt collectors and cops. If a low-income, working class woman is of a coloured “ethnic” background and even more so if she is Aboriginal, the racist oppression she can suffer only magnifies her subjugation as a woman and as a working class person. In contrast, women from rich ruling class and upper-middle class backgrounds, generally, have greater means to evade the full force of misogyny within society. This can sometimes apply, too, to others lucky enough to get a good education and have promising career prospects. Yet, even some of these women can be unfortunate enough to suffer cruel oppression. We present here the story of one highly educated, once theoretically “upwardly mobile,” professional woman whose career was crushed under the weight of Australia’s misogynist society. Her work life was turned from great hopes to torment and finally exclusion. This woman, “Rozita H” (not her real name), wants us to tell her story. We here oblige her wishes not only because she fully deserves to be able to air her sufferings but because her experiences help shine a light on the inner workings of this misogynist, capitalist society and the types of people who occupy the echelons of its “respected” classes.

Rozita was born in Iran and migrated to Australia in the 1980s in her late teens. She had wanted to get a high quality education and that time in Iran universities were closed. From watching movies during the era of the U.S.-backed Shah of Iran’s rule (which ended in 1979), she had thought that Western countries were places of “advanced science”, “freedom” and “democracy.” In time this would all prove to be a cruel illusion.

Rozita put herself through university in Australia, often working ten hour shifts in coffee shops and in aged care to gain the income needed to get by. She eventually graduated with an architecture degree from one of Sydney’s most prestigious universities. Rozita wanted to live the life of a skilled professional. Don’t get her wrong, she did not have ambitions of being a high-flying capitalist exploiter. Even from that age she was a leftist and, for instance, participated in protests against the first U.S./Australian war on the Iraqi people in 1990/91. However, what Rozita hoped for was an interesting, fulfilling and well-paying job as a professional woman. When you meet her you realise that she really has a lot going for her in addition to the potential benefits that a prestigious degree could be expected to bring her. Rozita is both technically and artistically talented, beautiful, bi-lingual and with an allround razor sharp mind. Theoretically, according to the if you are capable and work hard… principle that capitalist societies supposedly operate according to – the mythical “meritocracy” which even if it were real is still a flawed and anti-egalitarian principle – she was more than on her way to realising her dreams. Indeed, for a while it seemed to Rozita that she was on a pleasant path to success. After qualifying with her Architecture degree she found work in her field. Meanwhile, as she puts it, she enjoyed living the Bohemian inner city life of art and culture, following intellectual pursuits and socialising. However, before long, the reality of being a non-white woman in a racist and male chauvinist society started to come crashing down around her.

The fact that a misogynist who openly bragged about groping women could be elected U.S. president shows how much male chauvinist attitudes dominate capitalist societies. Trump’s election in turn serves to reinforce anti-women bigotry.

 

A WOMAN WHO DARED TO DEFY THE BOYS CLUB

Rozita’s first job was in the public sector. However, she soon found that her abilities were not recognised. It was a boys club running the show. Indeed, Rozita points out that, in her experience, having worked in several jobs in the architecture sector, only around 10% of architects are women and the directors and senior architects are always men.

Frustrated at the doors being shut in her face in her public sector role, Rozita moved to the private sector. This proved to be a case of jumping out of the frying pan and into the fire. She was simply not accepted into the workforce. Instead, at some workplaces, her bosses sent the message – slimily packaged in “coded” language to enable them to evade responsibility – that she needed to have sex with them if she was to get a foot up into real projects. Indeed, one male architect she once worked with explained the deal to her with brutally “honest” bigotry:

Men have designed, built and managed buildings and construction for over 5,000 years. What, do you think we are going to let girls in? We only let girls in to fu_k them!

Due to this misogynist pressure, Rozita moved jobs several times. She jumped from one “reputable” architecture firm to another but could not escape from a noxious male chauvinist environment. In one of the last firms that she worked at, the misogynist climate was especially severe. One of the directors of the firm was a big bully who she asked us to refer to as “Roy.” Roy’s stock in trade was screaming his head off at female employees. He and several other male architects in the firm also made unwanted, overbearing sexual advances at Rozita while being sly enough to cover themselves by thinly veiling their forays. From soon after she joined this firm, Roy made clear to Rozita – as he did to other female employees – that he owned her. His “justification” being, “I bring in millions of dollars to this firm so ….” On one occasion after word had got back to Roy that Rozita was seen at a nightclub dancing with a guy, Roy called in Rozita to tell her that he had heard this and then made clear that if she danced with another guy … she ought to submit to him!

Because she refused to succumb to the demands of her male bosses, Rozita was excluded from opportunities to use her architectural skills. Instead, she was given tedious draughting tasks that required her to work from 8am to 11pm, five days a week. Exhausted, Rozita told her “superiors” that she needed a break from that work and wanted the opportunity to get involved in an actual architecture project where she could utilise her training. The response from a male director was a series of clearly coded messages such as: “How about mixing business and pleasure?”

Rozita turned to the Human Resources Department hoping for some respite. She explained that she was being treated arrogantly and denied the opportunity to be involved in actual architectural projects and asked whether there was any problem with the quality of her work. The answer from the Human Resources Manager went something like this:

No, it has nothing to do with the work you are doing. Roy is very ambitious and if he does not get what he wants he will start screaming.

As Rozita puts it, the Human Resources Department acted as pimps for the firm’s directors. The Human Resources Manager was basically telling Rozita that she ought to submit to Roy saying that “Roy brings in millions of dollars to the firm and Roy always gets what he wants.” Eventually, Rozita ended up in a situation where she was not only discriminated against and harassed but felt physically threatened. Roy put her on practically meaningless tasks that required her to repeatedly stay back working late. He then, himself, hung around after work doing almost nothing except to invade Rozita’s personal space and slouch around in sexually suggestive postures. Knowing how aggressively and abusively Roy had behaved towards her and other female employees, Rozita feared that Roy would one day rape her. She had to get out! And she did.

Rozita is rightly proud that she always maintained her dignity and refused to submit to the pressure of her despicable male chauvinist “superiors”. She points out that several other female employees at various firms that she worked at did succumb to the wishes of their male bosses – although Rozita does not judge them. She, herself, has had to pay a heavy price for maintaining her integrity and standing by her principles. The architecture world is dominated by an elite clique of male mates. If word gets out that you are a woman who refuses to play the game and what’s more has the audacity to defy the big boys then doors are literally shut in your face. As a result, Rozita has been excluded from work in her field. It has been thirteen years since she has had a secure job in the architecture sector. This has been wholly demoralising. It also means that she does it really hard financially. The whole experience has taken a huge financial and emotional toll on Rozita. Fortunately, because of her considerable artistic talents she is able to fall back on art as a pursuit. Others not so lucky to have been endowed with her talents would have found it much harder to cope.

THE INTERSECTION OF RACISM, SEXISM AND CLASS OPPRESSION

So why did all this happen to Rozita? One factor is that most recognisable of “values” of current Australian society – racism. As a person of non-Anglo, non-European heritage, Rozita was immediately pigeon-holed by the arrogant boys who ran the architecture world as someone who would be subservient to their demands. She was thought of as someone who could be made to do the most laborious, tedious tasks without expecting any reward. As far as establishment, white supremacist thinking was concerned, that is what coloured people are good for … and “why we let them into the country anyway.”

Then there is that most obvious aspect of what Rozita endured – male chauvinism. Discrimination against women and misogyny are fundamental features of all capitalist societies. Marxists understand that the particular form of social organisation that we call the state – with its standing army and police forces, prisons, legal system and bureaucracy – first made its appearance on Earth only once human societies began to divide into mutually exclusive and opposing classes of exploiters and exploited, rich and poor, powerful rulers and oppressed subjects who are ruled over. The ruling class has always, necessarily, been made up of a smaller number of privileged people than the masses whom they exploit and so, in order to maintain their wealth, status and power this ruling class requires the use of all the various mechanisms of state from the big stick that their bully boys wield to the propaganda penned by their faithful scribes in the media. This has been true all through the ever evolving history of the state from its origins in ancient slave-owning societies such as in Greece and Rome, through to the medieval, feudal period with its “divine right” of kings and robber barons to rule over peasants and serfs and then on to our “modern” period where it is the capitalists, the merchants, bankers and traders who have gained ascendancy over the mass of workers and who extract their wealth, primarily, through the wage labour system.

But before the advent of these various systems of mass exploitation and the state which maintains such patently unfair social organisations in place, human societies – such as was in the case in Australia before British invasion, for instance – were, generally, organised into a federation of clan groups. And such societies, based on systems of kinship and kindness, knew nothing of exploitation,  the discrimination against women or misogyny. The oppression of women was given birth to when society was first divided into classes of exploiters and exploited – and capitalism, we Marxists know, will be the last form of class society.

Part of the essence of class-divided societies like capitalism is that land and means of production, rather than being the common property of all, are owned by some private individuals while many others own no such productive property at all. For those lucky enough to own productive property – no matter how small – a key part of their existence is driven by a preoccupation with passing on their property to male heirs. However, so as to be sure that their wealth isn’t claimed by the patriarch of another family, these males want their property to be passed on to heirs who are indisputably theirs. This obsession with handing down their property to their own heirs and, thus, with ensuring that their wives do not bear children to other men drive these propertied males’ compulsion to socially – and, thus, economically – isolate their wives. Meanwhile, the greedy ruling class under capitalism does not want to actually pay people to conduct the essential tasks of housework and child rearing. And so it is held incumbent upon women to, without any pay, conduct these important social functions; work that in original human civilisations – including those of most of Australia’s Aboriginal nations – had humanely and quite rightly been carried out as the collective responsibility of whole communities. The combined result of women being almost exclusively burdened with doing unpaid housework and the partial – or in worst cases almost complete – straightjacketing of women by their husbands results in women’s (on average) greatly reduced opportunity to participate equally in economic life. Herein lies the material basis for women’s subjugation under capitalism. When a woman, because of her burdens and restrictions, is financially reliant on a male partner, she is almost inevitably going to have an unequal relationship with him. In the worst cases it means that if that partner is violent or otherwise abusive, she is presented with the agonising “choice” between leaving that partner and living an impoverished life (along with her children if she is a mother) or suffering under the tyrant at home. [See “The Struggles of a Single Mother Living in Sydney’s West: Kushi Demands Justice and a Better Life” in Trotskyist Platform Issue 12 which can be found at https://trotskyistplatform.com/Kushi.html].

The reality of economic and social subjugation of women breeds a foul male chauvinist ideology that reflects this oppressive reality. This ideology, expressed in mainstream attitudes, media, government, religion and all sorts of social taboos, customs and “social norms” in turn “rationalises”, perpetuates and reinforces women’s second class status. Even compared to other capitalist societies, misogyny is especially vile in Australia. The brutal nature of capitalist White Australia’s foundation as a convict colony and the ongoing violent dispossession of and horrific acts of genocide against Australia’s First Peoples has, necessarily, brutalised all aspects of this society ever since – including gender relations. Women who are doing it hard financially and who are dependent on male partners or family are most vulnerable in such a violently misogynist society. Yet, just like relatively wealthy, dark-skinned people are not immune to the horror of White Australia racism, even financially independent women with good economic prospects can be bowled over in this capitalist society by powerful blasts of misogyny.

Cadet journalist, Amy Taeuber, was cruelly sacked by Channel 7 after she made a sexual harassment complaint against an older male reporter over a series of incidents where he allegedly made disparaging remarks about her marital status and appearance and mockingly labelled her sexual preference. Sexist bullying of women workers is rife in Australian workplaces.

 

Rozita was not financially dependent on a male partner or other male family members. However, she was in economic terms at the mercy of other men – her male bosses at the architecture firms she worked at. They had the “right” under this system to determine what work she got and didn’t get and the power to sack her. That’s why it took such strong principles on her part to defy them. In a formal sense these bosses were not called “bosses.” In the architecture world, as in many other lofty professions, they were known as “partners” and “directors.” However, the reality is that in big architectural firms, the labour of junior and other non-partner architects like Rozita – in this case their intellectual labour – was exploited by the partners in order to generate profit for themselves. The junior and other non-partner architects are, thus, denied part of the fruit of their own labour. In that sense, those in Rozita’s position are no different to process workers at a factory, construction workers at a building site or mine workers at a mine. Increasingly in today’s economy there are many workers whose main form of labour is intellectual – like many IT help desk and support staff, laboratory workers and CAD draughties – who are exploited just like other workers in the so-called blue collar workplace.

However, there is an important difference between the position of junior and other non-partner architects in big architectural consulting firms and that of, say, factory workers. And that is that many of the non-partner architects have hopes of, one day, becoming a “partner” themselves: that is, a small-scale, capitalist boss. What’s more, they not only have the education to one day become a “boss” too but have, moreover, even some probability of one day “rising” to such a position. It is this – and not their pay levels – which makes junior architects and others in similar positions in other professions more middle class in their reality and outlook. Working class people have a much lower probability – and, hence, less hope – of one day becoming a capitalist profiteer. What working class people do have, however, that most of those in middle class professions often don’t even realise that they are missing, is the very real chance to solidarize shoulder to shoulder in a powerful and organized collective unity alongside their working class comrades. And it is this factor that is the very key to the future of society.

THE UNITED WORKING CLASS – WITH WOMEN WORKERS AS THE SPEARHEAD – WILL LEAD THE STRUGGLE FOR WOMEN’S EMANCIPATION

Ironically, the very same reason that even junior architects are considered privileged and middle class with respect to proletarian workers also makes them, at the same time, more vulnerable to being bullied by their bosses. The hopes of one day becoming a partner in the firm gnaw away at bonds of solidarity between mistreated and exploited junior professionals. Many seek to nudge each other out of the way in their rival bids to reach the top. That is why non-partner architects are not, at this time, in droves forming themselves into unions to collectively fight for their rights. It would not be until a mass working class upsurge emerges for union consciousness to widely seep into these layers of society. The ambitious, middle class outlook of even exploited non-partner architects in the current period meant that Rozita never had anyone to really stand up for her – or even offer meaningful moral support – in all the times she suffered at various architectural firms. This is quite different to what could happen if she was one of a group of proletarian workers at a workplace. Especially if there is a workplace with a strong union presence, workers may well stand together to try and challenge sexual or other harassment of a co-worker by a boss. A genuine class struggle union leadership would be prepared to unleash union industrial action to punish the bosses for any sort of bullying of any worker. If the harassment came from a co-worker they would organise for all the other workers to drag this worker aside and resolutely reprimand and, if necessary, even severely punish him.

Union nurses and midwives march in Melbourne. Women employed in working class jobs are able to unite in unions with each other and with their male co-workers to stand up against both exploitation and sexist bullying and harrassment by bosses.

 

That is why it is the working class – with women workers at the forefront – that will lead the struggle for women’s liberation. We saw glimpses of this in the hundreds of proud women trade unionists who formed the backbone of the 2017 and 2018 International Women’s Day marches in Sydney. The organised working class will be the spearhead of the struggle for women’s emancipation and not only because workers’ solidarity, expressed through workers’ unions, can stand up to sexist bullying at work and demand equal pay for women workers. The working class’ interests lie in seeing the overthrow of the capitalist system – the system under which workers’ labour is exploited by business owners and under which many workers are condemned to economic insecurity and unemployment – and its replacement with the system that embodies workers’ interests, socialism. In fighting for such a revolutionary change, the working class is simultaneously struggling against the system upon which women’s oppression is based and for a system that will lay the basis for women’s emancipation. Socialism will enable women to win full economic independence by providing jobs for all workers for as many hours as each worker needs and by making the society and community responsible for the crucial tasks of housework and child rearing that are today, still, largely performed by women as unpaid labour. Thus, a socialist society would provide free pre-school education, free 24-hour childcare, free school lunches at all schools as well after-school sports, music and cultural activities provided for free by the state alongside free transport from school to and from these activities. It is simply natural for a socialist society to take these measures needed to enable women’s full participation in social and economic life since that participation maximises production and enriches society culturally. To not utilise women’s full potential is not only unfair and oppressive – it is also a terrible waste! However, the capitalist system does not operate on such rational considerations as the maximisation of total society-wide economic and artistic output. It operates solely on the basis of what is most profitable for the individual private bosses who run society.

The social and industrial power of women workers to fight for both women’s equality and workers’ rights comes as part of a united class that also, of course, includes male workers. However, male workers are shaped by a society whose media, customs, organised religion and social norms are flooded with male chauvinist attitudes. Furthermore, in this class society, where hierarchical relations between people are normalised and even celebrated, many a male worker who is exploited and bullied by his boss at work finds “solace” in being a tyrant to his female partner at home. Needless to say, such male chauvinism within the workers movement is not only poisonous to a working class fight for women’s rights but to the unity needed for workers to fight for their jobs, wages and conditions. There needs to be a determined struggle by the most conscious, enlightened workers to drive out such male chauvinism from the workers movement. This struggle is part of a broader fight to turn the working class from what it currently is – a class shaped by all the backwardness imparted into it by capitalist society – into a class that becomes aware of what it needs to do to liberate itself and all the oppressed and look with clear, unfettered eyes toward a brighter future. It is a struggle to not only purge the workers movement of male chauvinism but also of racism, nationalism and the corrosive illusions in capitalist “democracy.” It is a struggle to build a revolutionary workers party that will unite the working class, make it champion the cause of all the downtrodden and lead it in struggles that will culminate in the overturn of capitalism and the commencement of the construction of a new socialist society. When a future socialist society enables women to have complete economic independence then this will, over time, drastically change society’s attitudes, customs and behaviour.

The revolutionary party of the masses indispensable to this triumph of socialism and women’s liberation will oblige those who take the responsibility of putting themselves in the vanguard of the struggle to stand with the greatest courage, never sell out their principles under pressure and not fear making enormous sacrifices for the cause. We should be confident that many will flock to this task – especially from amongst the most oppressed sections of the masses including women, Aboriginal people, persecuted migrant-derived “ethnic” groups, LGBTI people and the lowest paid workers. As Rozita has shown, there are indeed strong people out there who are prepared to stand their ground in the face of the oppressors and refuse to compromise on their principles.

 

 

Let’s Build More Staunch Actions to Prevent the Privatisation of Public Housing

Trade Unionists and Other Supporters of Public Housing Occupy Millers Point
Houses Slated For Privatisation

Let’s Build Towards More Staunch Actions to Demand That Vacant Public Housing Goes to People on the Waiting List or the Homeless & Not to Ultra-Rich Developers & Speculators

Millers Point, Sydney: Houses in High St occupied by trade unionists, current and former public housing tenants and other supporters of public housing. The powerful August 6, 2017 occupation demanded that these vacant public housing dwellings be made available to those on the public housing waiting list or the homeless.

8 March 2018: On August 6 last year, scores of trade unionists, current and former public housing tenants and other supporters of public housing carried out a powerful occupation of vacant public housing dwellings at 78 to 80 High St, Millers Point. These houses in Sydney city are slated for sell-off to wealthy speculators, landlords and capitalist developers. The NSW Liberal/National government had driven off the public housing tenants who lived in the houses. Notably, 78 High St was the home from where housing authorities had, weeks before, forcibly relocated a highly respected female Aboriginal activist and elder. Indeed, a large proportion of the public housing tenants that the right-wing NSW government and high-handed bureaucrats squeezed out of their homes in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area are elderly, single women.

Fittingly, the houses that were occupied have a development notice from a state government authority announcing a plan to build a four car, car-park under them. The project would cost hundreds of thousands of dollars. Yet, the state government had previously said that it did not have money to maintain the homes and gave this as a primary reason for needing to sell them! But now that public housing tenants have been kicked out they are prepared to spend large sums of money to make the homes more valuable for their rich developer mates and other wealthy property investors expected to buy them.

The occupation demanded that the occupied houses and all unoccupied public housing dwellings in the area be given to the homeless or those on public housing waiting lists. Activists adorned the occupied homes with banners emphasising the struggle against the sell-off of public housing as well as the always colourful array of union flags. The action caught the housing authorities and their security guards by surprise. The NSW government went into a panic that the action would resonate.

The August 6 mobilisation was backed by the Sydney Branch of the MUA as well as by the CFMEU. The occupation was a rear-guard action to stop the sell-off of public housing in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area. Sadly, all but a handful of public housing tenants who once lived in the area have now been squeezed out as part of the state government’s plan to sell off nearly all the public housing in the area. However, this struggle was more than about the crucial fight to save the working class community in Millers Point. It was also about the broader struggle to stop the sell-off of public housing right across the country. This struggle is urgent. In just 12 years, the former ALP and current Liberal state governments have slashed NSW’s public housing stock by 12%. The proportion of people with access to public housing in the whole country is nearly 30% less than what it was 23 years ago.

Later in the evening of the August 6 occupation, after numbers had dwindled somewhat, a heavy contingent of riot cops raided the occupation site. They arrested four activists participating in the struggle who had linked arms to protect the public property from theft by the ultra-rich. The last of those arrested was evicted Millers Point public housing tenant, Peter Muller, who has been at the forefront of resisting the state government’s atrocious sell-off of public housing in the area over the last three and a half years. The others arrested were a staunch anti-fascist activist who has been involved in the struggle to defend public housing in the area from the very start, a young university student and a Trotskyist Platform supporter.

The four arrested have been charged with “Hinder/Resist police officer in execution of duty” and are currently going through court proceedings. Police used heavy-handed force during the arrests. In two of the cases, the arrested were subjected to undue pain by the police. In one case, police caused permanent damage to the person’s wrist. In another case, police, after they took one of the arrested around the corner and out of sight of most other protesters, bent his wrist back to cause sharp pain and then maintained a painful hold for a few minutes. This was even though he was in no way resisting arrest at the time. This was witnessed by another of the arrested who was already in the paddy wagon at the time (but with the back door open). In addition to the four arrested and facing criminal charges, in the hours leading up to the action, three other supporters of public housing were given trespass fines for allegedly being in the occupied houses.

However, far from this repression deterring people, the occupation has inspired many supporters of public housing to be more determined than ever. In the days following the August 6 occupation, many who participated in or heard of the struggle were eager to know when the next action would be! What is driving the movement is the extreme lack of affordable rental housing caused by the privatisation of public housing by successive governments. This is pushing large numbers of people into poverty — and many even into homelessness. The campaign for public housing concerns all working class people and all the poor since the dire shortage of public housing is allowing landlords to jack up rents to exorbitant levels in the private rental market. Therefore, it is inevitable that those standing for the interests of working class people will launch other staunch actions in support of public housing. That could be in the inner-city or in the many other areas where public housing is being sold off.

Furthermore, the morale of the public housing campaign was given a boost when solidarity donations covered the entire fines of the three activists who were hit with civil fines (but not charged) in the period leading up to the occupation. Most of this was collected in a September 1 fundraiser organised to help cover the fines and review the lessons of the occupation struggle. The successful fundraiser was chaired by secretary of the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point tenants committee, Barney Gardner, and included speeches by the then sole remaining High St public housing tenant, Wendy, by Peter Muller, by Campbelltown based public housing activist, Peter Butler and by two young activists heavily involved in the occupation struggle including Trotskyist Platform comrade, Samuel Kim. Speaking of the August 6 occupation, Peter Muller made a crucial point at the fundraiser: “we may not have been able to achieve our aims but we sure did scare the be-jesus out of the government.” He pointed to announcements from the government about increasing social housing in the days following the occupation as a possible concession to the struggle and to the threat of more similar, militant actions. Moreover, it seems that in the days following the occupation, the housing bureaucrats had been slightly less pig-headed about forcing the then remaining Millers Point tenants into suburbs and properties that they did not want to move into. Indeed, the 24 hour-a-day security guards that they have posted, ever since the occupation, specifically outside the houses occupied on August 6 shows their fear of further militant struggle.

Supporters of public housing take a strong stand during the 6 August 2017 protest action in Millers Point

Valuable Lessons for Future Struggles

The on the streets struggle to defend and extend public housing in the contemporary period began with an important November 2009 protest outside the office of the then Housing minister in the former ALP federal government, Tanya Plibersek. At the time, federal and state governments were orchestrating the sell off of public housing and building much less than they sold off. Now things have gotten even worse.

This sell-off of public housing is not only bad for all working class people, it is often particularly hurting the most discriminated against and disadvantaged sections of the masses including women, Aboriginal people, the elderly, those from people of coloured backgrounds, youth and people with disabilities. The slashing of public housing is especially hurting low-income single mothers. They and their families are already reeling from measures taken by the Howard conservative government and then the Gillard social-democratic government that combined to cruelly throw all sole parents with children over eight off the parenting payment. As if having to deal with socially conservative people that look condescendingly upon them or being insultingly portrayed by talkback shock jocks and “investigative” reporters as undeserving, “welfare mums” is not enough for low income single mothers to have to face! Now the dire shortage of public housing means that many already squeezed, single mothers have to suffer anywhere from ten to twenty years on the waiting list to get public housing … by which time their children are already adults and the money saved on rent from having public housing will no longer allow them to pay for the school excursions, computer fees, music lessons and sports expenses that they excruciatingly couldn’t afford to provide for their children or for all the clothing, medication, travel and entertainment that they weren’t able to purchase while still being, in what should have been, the prime of their and their family’s life. Meanwhile, one of the combined effects of the gutting of the sole parenting payment and the slashing of public housing is to increase domestic violence against women. For these measures mean that low-income women relying financially on a male partner who is abusive are confronted with the unbearable choice of either going out on their own and living an impoverished life without a guaranteed roof over their heads (and over those of their children if they are mothers) or staying with their partner and trying to endure the attacks.

Yet as government sell-offs of public housing deepen and cause more and more misery, our struggle is notably also getting stronger. The Millers Point public housing tenants by their determined struggle have added so much vigour to the overall fight to defend public housing in NSW. The blockade which attempted to stop Peter Muller’s eviction in May 2017 and then the August 6 occupation have taken the movement up to a new, higher level of militancy.

Millers Point, Sydney: Some activists wait outside ready to defend the August 6 occupation of vacant public housing on High St by dozens of supporters of public housing.

This is what we need because the situation is getting more desperate. We need audacious struggles like the August 6 occupation because this is the only sort of method that works. Lobbying ruling class politicians does not work. For they all, in the end, serve the capitalist, big end of town. The Liberals are the most in your face and arrogant about it. But the ALP and ALP/Greens state and federal governments have also sold off public housing left, right and centre. They did this in Minto, in Bonnyrigg, in Claymore and in Glebe.

To strengthen our struggles for the future, activists for public housing need to learn some crucial lessons from the August 6 occupation and from the blockade three months earlier. The most important of them concerns the police and other state enforcement organs. Illusions in these institutions did affect our struggles. During the May blockade against Peter Muller’s eviction, we had less forces overnight than we could have had when the sheriffs and police raided because many people expected that these bodies would follow their own stated procedures and wait for a new warrant to be issued before charging in. At the August 6 occupation, police promised that they would not raid until at least midday the next day. Expectations that they would keep their promise meant that some people who may have been able to stay longer left to come back the next day and others who heard about the struggle thought it would be OK if they waited for the following day to join the action. That weakened our forces. So the most crucial lesson that must be drawn from these struggles is to understand that the cops, sheriffs, courts and other state organs are not impartial bodies but part of a state created, quite specifically, to impose the interests of the filthy rich, capitalist exploiting class on the rest of us. With this understanding, next time we must work harder to ensure that as many people as possible in the movement are not fooled by any promises from the state enforcement bodies and, certainly, do not trust them to follow their own so-called rules.

Secondly, the recent actions also expose many of the mainstream politicians who say they are our allies. They often make nice speeches trying to get our votes. But when we launch the kind of action that can actually scare the enemy, most of them are nowhere to be seen. That is why we must rely only on our own power, united with all the downtrodden. As Trotskyist Platform activist, Samuel Kim, explained while giving his speech at the September 1 fundraiser:

“The enemy have their immense wealth, their cops, sheriffs, courts, politicians and media. But we have the power that comes from the fact that their gigantic profits actually come from our labour; we have our potentially huge numbers, our potential unity, our unions and our determination that was seen in the August 6 occupation.”

Everyone who took part in the August 6 occupation and in preparing it should be proud of themselves. As intermediate steps to the next staunch action, we need to broaden support for the struggle to defend public housing through a series of standard rallies that bring new forces into the movement. We can win such broader support! There are hundreds of thousands of people on public housing waiting lists. There are millions more workers on the minimum wage or other low incomes who need public housing but can’t even get on the waiting list because the criteria is so strict. Also the struggle against the sell-off of public housing is part of the overall struggle of working class people and the poor against the greedy capitalists who want to get even richer at our expense.

9 December 2017, Sydney: Current and evicted public housing tenants, trade unionists, unemployed rights activists and other supporters of public housing marched through the Millers Point and Rocks Area demanding “Stop the Sell-Off of Public Housing.” Standing by the August 6 protest occupation of public housing dwellings at 78-80 High St, the march sought to build support for future staunch actions in defence of public housing.

Let us trust only in our own power and build our unity across racial and national lines! Let us reject any expectations in the institutions of the capitalist big end of town that are only there to enforce their interests! Let us prepare for new militant actions by broadening the campaign for a massive increase in public housing!

Issue 19

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  1. As Capitalist Rulers Beat on the Unions and Poor: Opposing Racism & “Aussie First” Economic Nationalism Key to Defending Working Class People’s Rights
  2. Tens of Thousands Protest in Australia on the Day of Land Theft & Genocide. Rally Attacked by Ruthless Police
  3. A Hard Right, Racist Bigot Enters the White House Capitalist “Democracy” is a Sham Unleash Industrial Action to Demand Jobs for All Only Workers United with All of the Oppressed Can Bring about Real Change
  4. Expand the Union Action in Defence of Public Housing in Sirius: Fight for a Massive Increase in Public Housing throughout the Country! Still a Chance to Prevent the Destruction of Public Housing in Millers Point and The Rocks
  5. Trotskyist Platform May Day (International Workers Day Statement We Need Militant Class Struggle to Win Secure Jobs for All Workers
  6. Workplace Safety Now Better in China Than in Australia Australian Rulers Union Busting Drive against the CFMEU Union
    Threatens Construction Workers Lives
  7. Good News: China’s Arrest of Crown Executives Endangers Packer’s Barangaroo Project James Packer’s Crown Versus Millers Point Public Housing
  8. Free All the Victims of Australia’s Racist Torture! Jail the Cops and Prison Guards Who Killed David Dungay, Ms Dhu, Rebecca Maher, Wayne Morrison, TJ Hickey, Mulrunji & the Many Other Victims of the Racist, Rich People’s State!
  9. Long Live China’s 1949 Anticapitalist Revolution! Protect the Great Benefits for Workers & the Rural Masses Won through the Revolution: Stop Imperialist Funding for Those NGOs that Seek to Overthrow Socialistic Rule in China
  10. Defend the Dominance of Socialistic, State-Ownership in China’s Economy! China: Pro-Worker and Pro-Private Sector Forces Lock Horns
  11. Racist Atrocities in Kalgoorlie
  12. Force Profitable Companies to Increase Hiring – Make Them Wear the Resulting Lower Profits Stop Billionaire Bosses from Retrenching Workers! No to Slave Wage Internships and Work for the Dole! For Fully Paid, Permanent Jobs for All!

Women Workers Key to Building a Working Class Fightback

Smash the Cutback to Sunday Penalty Rates through Class Struggle Action

Above: Health Services Union members protest against the NSW government’s attempt to privatise healthcare by stealth by outsourcing hospital services to private businesses. Women workers – suffering both exploitation as workers and male chauvinism – are key to the working class struggle for liberation.

International Women’s Day 2017 comes at a time of heightened attacks on women – especially working class women. That is not only because a hard-core misogynist and racist, Donald Trump, has become the president of the most powerful country in the world. Working class women in Australia have to cop lower wages than men. Unaffordable childcare restricts women’s full participation in economic and social life. Meanwhile, many low income single mothers continue to be ground down by the former Gillard ALP government’s cruel cut to the single parenting payment four years ago. As always, the fate of women’s rights goes hand in hand with workers’ rights and the rights of all the oppressed including Aboriginal people, LGBTI people, coloured “ethnic” people and the unemployed. Alongside attacks on women’s social position, we are seeing the right-wing Turnbull government attack our trade unions – targeting especially the CFMEU construction workers union – and undercut weekend penalty rates for hundreds of thousands of low-paid workers. Meanwhile, all the current parliamentary parties – Pauline Hanson’s fascistic One Nation, the Liberal/National coalition, the Nick Xenophon Team, the ALP and The Greens – are all in various way inciting poisonous nationalism that inevitably targets coloured migrant-derived communities by variously blaming refugees, guest workers or overseas producers for the unemployment and insecurity caused by the capitalist system itself. 

Russia, International Women’s Day, 1917: Mainly female textile workers go on strike for bread sparking a general strike and the toppling of the Tsar. The resulting revolutionary period that was opened up culminated half a year later in the October Socialist Revolution. The banner reads “Glory to the Women Fighters for Freedom!”
Russia, International Women’s Day, 1917: Mainly female textile workers go on strike for bread sparking a general strike and the toppling of the Tsar. The resulting revolutionary period that was opened up culminated half a year later in the October Socialist Revolution. The banner reads “Glory to the Women Fighters for Freedom!”

Women’s rights are so closely bound to the overall state of the class struggle between capitalist business owners and the working class because women’s oppression is actually built on the foundations of class-divided societies. Under capitalism’s social structure a large proportion of women are denied economic independence. With women denied the opportunity to participate equally in economic and political life, male chauvinist attitudes are spawned that “justify” and perpetuate this reality. That is why we must fight for women’s full economic independence through demanding jobs for all and for equal pay between men and women workers. We must also call for free abortion on demand and freely available access to all forms of contraception. To allow women the greatest chance to participate in economic life, we must fight for free 24-hour childcare, for free school lunches at all public schools and for after-school sports, music and cultural activities provided for free by the state alongside free transport from school to these activities. All these demands, however, clash head on with the current system because the capitalists who control the economy are not going to want to sacrifice their profits to make these social programs and full employment possible. Thus, while we can make headway in women’s emancipation through winning concessions through struggle under capitalism, we will only fully open the door to women’s complete liberation when the capitalist system is replaced by a socialist one.

However, women are not just victims of capitalism and will not simply be a major beneficiary of socialism. Working class women, who have the most to gain by ripping up this current system, will also be the key drivers of the struggle to overthrow capitalism. The most powerful example of this occurred on International Women’s Day in 1917 in Russia. It was then that in the Russian capital of Petrograd tens of thousands of mainly women textile workers walked off the job to demand bread. Their struggle sparked off a general strike and a revolt against the tsarist monarchy. The resulting revolutionary period that was opened up culminated half a year later in the October Socialist Revolution. Exactly one hundred years later and this struggle remains the shining path for the fight for women’s emancipation and for the liberation of the masses more generally.

Today, women workers alongside coloured “ethnic” and youth workers are not only amongst the workers most targeted by the slashing of Sunday penalty rates but are crucial to any fightback against this vicious attack.

In February, the “Fair Work” Commission announced its despicable decision to slash Sunday penalty rates between 25% and 50% for hospitality, restaurant, fast food, retail and pharmacy workers. The decision also cuts these workers’ public holiday pay by up to 25%. This will mean a loss of up to $6,000 per year for some workers. The Fair Work Commission’s decision, done with the backing of the Turnbull government, will hurt some of the lowest paid workers in the country. Many of these workers are already on perilous incomes, not only because their pay rates are low but because many are in insecure, casual jobs where they are forced to work less hours than they want to due to the bosses and the bosses’ capitalist system making inadequate work available. The loss of penalty rates will thus mean a huge proportion of their income will be lost. For many of these workers, the loss of penalty rates could be the difference between scraping enough to pay their rent and simply not being able to make ends meet.

Thus far, the pro-ALP leaders of our trade unions have been relying on petitions and parliament to oppose this cruel attack. However, we should not rely on a future ALP government to reverse the cuts. Although the ALP Opposition is now calling for the government to legislate against the Fair Work Commission decision, before the election ALP leader Bill Shorten announced that a future ALP government would not try to reverse a cut to penalty rates if the Fair Work commission ruled in favour of it. So, what exactly would the ALP do if it ended up being the current gang of politicians in government running the rich bosses’ state? What we can expect from the openly anti-working class, Liberal-National government, of course, goes without saying!

What we need is the mobilisation of the power of the working class in mass action – especially including industrial action – to smash the attack on the weekend and holiday pay of hospitality, restaurant, fast food, retail and pharmacy workers. This should not just be the task of the workers directly affected. This slashing of penalty rates is an attack on the entire working class. If the bosses get away with it they will be targeting penalty and shift rates of other workers. Many of those targeted by the recent attack toil in small workplaces where ruthless “small business owners” are able to get away with bullying them. That is why we need workers in larger, more heavily unionised workplaces to also flex their industrial muscle to help crush this attack on penalty rates. Such a mobilisation will also help cement ties between different components of the working class. For example if militant construction workers and maritime workers unleashed their power behind the hospitality, restaurant, fast food, retail and pharmacy workers targeted by this recent attack, they will likely see more of these lower paid workers joining their picket lines when they face impending full frontal attacks from the capitalist rulers.

CFMEU national secretary Michael O’Connor has stated the union’s opposition to the slashing of penalty rates and insisted that the CFMEU would “not stand by and watch” as the Government introduced cuts to pensions, family supplements and attempted to regain welfare overpayments. O’Connor continued that:

“The CFMEU stands ready to fight.

“This war on battlers must end.

“The war on the fair go must stop.

“Where the fightback takes place — wherever there is a ­picket, a rally, a campaign, whatever it is — you will see us there standing shoulder to shoulder with those under attack.”

These statements now need to be followed by actual industrial action by the CFMEU and other unions to smash the attacks on penalty rates, pensions and welfare payments.

If we can defeat this attack on penalty rates through industrial and other mass action, the union movement will win thousands of new workers – especially younger workers – to joining our ranks. We will also become more united and confident to challenge other attacks that we face including the Liberals ABCC – as well as the anti-strike provisions of Labor’s 2009 Fair Work Act – cuts to public housing and draconian cuts to social welfare for the poor.

The Fair Work Commission (FWC) decision proves once again that the industrial courts in Australia – like all the courts here – are not “independent umpires.” Rather, they form part of a capitalist state – which includes also the police, the military, prisons and the bureaucracy – that was created and is maintained for enforcing the interests of the capitalist exploiting class over the working class. Even when the FWC, on a rare occasion, makes a decision less harmful to workers’ interests then that is not because of any inherent sense of justice in the system but merely reflects those cases where workers have won the struggle on the ground in the industrial and political battlefield and the FWC is forced to accept this reality in order to maintain its credibility. That is why we should not bow to the authority of these courts even if the rules under which it operates are changed. The only law that the workers movement should be bound to respect are our decisions on what is in the interests of the working class and oppressed.

The excuse of the greedy business owners and their FWC for slashing Sunday and holiday penalty rates is that this helps bosses hire more workers. To this we must say: No – we are not going to let you gouge the incomes of already exploited workers even more as the price we must pay to let you supposedly hire more workers. Instead, we are going to force you to hire more at the expense of your already bloated profits. We demand that profitable businesses be banned from cutting the size of their workforce and that profitable firms be forced to increase hiring in proportion to their profits. If the greedy business owners complain that this will make their operations impractical then we say that this only proves that the economy should not be in the hands of these capitalists but should be brought into the socialist, collective hands of working class people.

A Soviet poster advising the woman worker to take up her rifle!
A Soviet poster advising the woman worker to take up her rifle!

Unleash the Full Power of Lower Paid, Youth, Women & Coloured “Ethnic” Workers

The FWC’s penalty rate cut will especially hurt people from the most oppressed sections of the working class – including lower paid workers, women workers, youth workers and workers from coloured “ethnic” backgrounds. These workers are crucial to the overall cause of the working class. All the obstacles that stand in the way of these workers being able to unleash their full fighting strength – like male chauvinism, skilled worker arrogance towards unskilled workers and racism – must be knocked down. Indeed, one thing that this widely hated attack on penalty rates has done is that, in the face of bi-partisan attacks on refugees and Aboriginal people, the growth in support for the extreme racist One Nation party and everyone from the Coalition to the ALP to the Greens trying to emulate the economic nationalism of hard-right, U.S. president Donald Trump, it has highlighted the truth that the cause of Australian workers’ hardships is not in the least refugees, guest workers or overseas producers but the Aussie capitalist exploiters – and the governments and state institutions that enforce their interests. We need to build a leadership of the workers movement that is committed to explaining this basic truth to the masses. One that will face down the lies of the bosses media and pro-capitalist political parties that try to divide the exploited masses with nationalism and racism. This is part of the struggle to reorient our unions away from trust in the “Australia-First”, ALP and the institutions of Australia’s capitalist state and onto a program of militant class struggle against the greedy Aussie capitalists.

Let’s smash the Australian ruling class’ attacks on hospitality, restaurant, fast food, retail and pharmacy workers! Let’s unite all workers in this country – and win crucial international solidarity action by uniting as one with our working class sisters and brothers abroad – to fight for this goal! Let’s unleash the industrial muscle of the united working class! Let’s win this battle so that we can begin to roll back the over three decades of setbacks that the workers movement has suffered!

Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy Stood Strong and Made Gains

Above: Activists establish the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy on its first day, 26 May 2014. At the front of the Bottom Left photo is embassy founder, Jenny Munro.

7 September 2015: There was a feeling of satisfaction amongst activists of the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE) as activists packed up the protest camp over the last few days. The RATE struggle had made headway in securing affordable housing for Aboriginal people in Redfern’s historic Block area. After over fifteen months of hard struggle, RATE has won an agreement whereby 62 new houses will be built on the Block to provide accommodation at low cost to Aboriginal people. Prior to the RATE struggle, it was apparent that not only would the provision of affordable housing on the Block be delayed but it would likely not be provided at all. The Aboriginal Housing Company (AHC) had removed the last of the Aboriginal residents living on The Block four years ago with the promise that they would be able to come back into affordable accommodation in newly built houses. However, by early last year it was confirmed what Aboriginal people in Redfern had long suspected: the 62 affordable housing dwellings that the AHC had promised to build as part of its Pemulwuy project were to become – at best – an afterthought to its plan for the area to be turned by the developer Deicorp into shops, office space and higher-end commercial housing for students.

RATE was established on 26 May 2014 by Aboriginal women and supporters with its central demand that affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block be built prior to any commercial development. Amongst those who set up the Embassy were Aboriginal former Block residents. RATE then quickly inspired support from Aboriginal people and other anti-racist activists angry about not only the lack of affordable housing for Aboriginal people but also the brutal oppression Aboriginal people continued to face in all aspects of their lives from racist police violence to the forced closure of remote Aboriginal communities. Aboriginal activists from Gamilaraay country in northern NSW and from far away as Queensland and Western Australia came to do stints camping at RATE while RATE was flooded with statements of solidarity from far flung places. In September last year, the morale of RATE supporters was greatly lifted by a visit to the camp by Palm Island, Aboriginal resistance hero Lex Wotton – the leader of the November 2004 uprising on that island that courageously responded to the racist police killing of Aboriginal man Mulrunji Doomadgee and the subsequent police whitewash of the murder. Those involved in overseas indigenous rights struggles from places as far away as Hawaii also visited RATE to offer their support.

On a few of the days when RATE was facing threatened eviction, dozens of students from nearby Sydney University went down to RATE in solidarity. They showed that they refused to be part of plans to turn The Block into accommodation for Sydney University students when that was being done at the expense of affordable housing for Aboriginal people. Especially crucial was the solidarity given to RATE from trade unions. From the early days of RATE, the CFMEU construction union helped with logistics such as providing RATE with a porta-loo. On the first anniversary of RATE on May 26 this year, dozens of MUA members marched down to the RATE site. As they waved union flags they expressed their determination to stand by RATE and support its demands. A joint meeting that day of RATE activists and MUA unionists stated:

Trade unionists and supporters of the Redfern Tent Embassy (RATE) gathered here on May 26 to express our ongoing solidarity with the action being taken by the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy in occupying Aboriginal land at the Block in Redfern to stop a commercial property development planned by Deicorp and the Aboriginal Housing Company.

Aboriginal housing is desperately needed and should be built before any commercial development is allowed to progress.

Many long-term Aboriginal residents of Redfern/Waterloo are currently living in overcrowded, unsuitable state housing, or are homeless, while Aboriginal land is being taken over for commercial development.

Both the Commonwealth and state governments are refusing to release public funds for any Aboriginal-controlled community housing projects anywhere in Australia. This discriminatory policy has to end. Public funding must be allocated immediately for Aboriginal community housing for the Block and across the country.

We call on trade unions, and Unions NSW, to pass similar resolutions and take political and practical steps to ensure that the proposed development does not proceed before the housing demands are met.

26 May 2015: The Maritime Union of Australia rally at The Block to support the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy on its first anniversary. Although the level of support from the union movement as a whole was modest compared to what it should have been, the support that did come from the powerful trade union movement played a role in assisting RATE to win the gains that it did.
26 May 2015: The Maritime Union of Australia rally at The Block to support the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy on its first anniversary. Although the level of support from the union movement as a whole was modest compared to what it should have been, the support that did come from the powerful trade union movement played a role in assisting RATE to win the gains that it did.

By the last weeks of the RATE struggle, the flags of around a dozen different trade unions were flying on the RATE site showing solidarity with the Aboriginal struggle from the organised workers movement.

The strategy of RATE was powerful yet beautifully simple. By camping on the very site that the commercial development on The Block was to take place, RATE ensured that no such development could take place unless either the AHC/developers/government came to an agreement with RATE or the police unleashed violence to forcibly remove RATE. Seeing how RATE activists had refused to be deterred by either severe storms blowing down tents or by police repression or attacks by thugs and, importantly, seeing the statements of solidarity for RATE from trade unions, the government/AHC/developers calculated that they had no choice but to negotiate a settlement with RATE. After steadfastly refusing to provide any support for the development of affordable housing on The Block, the federal Liberal government reluctantly stepped in at the end to provide a $5 million grant as well as organising for a larger bank loan to fund the affordable housing. The deal done between the AHC, the federal government and RATE commits the AHC to building the affordable housing either before or simultaneously with the commercial development. Thus, if the deal is honoured, the core demand of RATE would have been achieved. The Aboriginal activists who led RATE have emphasised the need to be vigilant in order to ensure that the deal is adhered to and that no excuses are made to delay the building of the affordable housing. Furthermore, activists will need to ensure that the AHC does not knock back the Aboriginal people most in need of access to affordable housing in order to have the housing occupied by more affluent Aboriginal people who the AHC knows will be more “acceptable” to the future upper-middle class occupants of the commercial retail and residential development.

27 August 2015: Key Aboriginal activists spearheading RATE confident as the struggle heads towards securing gains for affordable housing for Aboriginal people.
27 August 2015: Key Aboriginal activists spearheading RATE confident as the struggle heads towards securing gains for affordable housing for Aboriginal people.

Of course, given the level of homelessness that Aboriginal people in inner-city Sydney suffer and the extreme level of racist discrimination that Aboriginal people face when trying to rent privately, there is a need for much more than 62 affordable dwellings on The Block. Ideally the entire re-development of The Block should be to provide low rent public housing for Aboriginal people and associated services. Such a re-development would also have better ensured that The Block was retained as a social and political centre for Aboriginal people. However, the fact is that what will likely now be built on The Block as a result of the RATE struggle is a lot better than what was on the cards prior to this struggle.

A Decades Long War on Aboriginal Housing on The Block by Greedy Developers and Racist Governments

Aboriginal people have been living on The Block in low-rent housing since the early 1970s. This affordable housing had been won through a struggle by Aboriginal militants and the militant Builders Labourers Federation trade union. That struggle which triumphed in early 1973 forced the then Whitlam Labor federal government to provide a grant for Aboriginal people to collectively buy up the area. The Aboriginal housing in the area came to be managed by the Aboriginal Housing Company (AHC) which was established by the activists who fought for The Block for the sole purpose of providing comfortable and happy low-rent accommodation for Aboriginal people. Despite facing much racist discrimination – including from banks reluctant to do dealings with an Aboriginal organisation – the AHC’s work in its early days ensured that low-rent accommodation came to be provided for up to 300 Aboriginal people on The Block.

However, like most economic or social organisations – whether black, white, “ethnic” or multiracial – that exist in capitalist Australia without a clear anti-capitalist perspective, the AHC became more and more subordinated to the agendas of powerful economic interests. Specifically, the AHC ended up speaking not for the interests of low-income Aboriginal tenants – as it was originally constructed to do – but became a vehicle for the schemes of wealthy capitalist developers and their mates in government. In the eyes of these developers, The Block was prime inner-city real estate which could be turned into a lot of money. And they were determined to lay their grubby hands on it! They wanted to gain access to the land so that they could eject low-income Aboriginal tenants and build high-end commercial housing and shops that would sell for big bucks. Successive NSW state governments, which like all governments in capitalist Australia serve the interest of the corporate exploiting class, have been happy to sing along to the tune of these greedy developers.

Racist governments had an additional motive for wanting to dilute the Aboriginal character of The Block. The Block came to be not only a centre of Aboriginal culture and a meeting place for Aboriginal people from all over Australia but also a centre of Aboriginal political resistance against racist oppression. Over the years, many rallies for Aboriginal land rights and against racist police violence started, finished or passed through The Block. In February 2004, The Block and nearby Lawson Street saw hundreds of Aboriginal youth courageously hold their ground in a nine-hour pitched battle with racist cops. The youth were 100% justifiably responding to provocations by Redfern police who clamped down on the community after racist cops had murdered 17 year-old Aboriginal youth TJ Hickey. Earlier, in May 1981 and then seven months later, 200 Aboriginal people responded to incessant racist police harassment by barricading Eveleigh Street on The Block and bravely responding to the marauding police by throwing projectiles back at them. There have also been numerous smaller versions of such heroic acts of resistance to racist police violence on The Block.

The developers and government’s agenda was greatly facilitated by the AHC’s journey away from its founding spirit as a community organisation set up by militant black activists. One indication of just how far the AHC has travelled was seen in the way that AHC CEO Mick Mundine held a joint press conference with Redfern top cop Luke Freudenstein in February last year to express his support to Redfern police in their condemnation of a large protest march demanding justice for TJ Hickey on the tenth anniversary of TJ’s killing by racist cops.

1967: Aboriginal activists from the Gurundji stockmen and domestic hands’ strike together with Builders Labourers Federation (BLF) members at a meeting to support the Gurundji struggle for land rights. The leftist-led BLF trade union would later play a key role in the Aboriginal struggle for affordable housing on Redfern’s The Block. The workers’ movement must stand solidly behind the struggle for justice of Aboriginal people.
1967: Aboriginal activists from the Gurundji stockmen and domestic hands’ strike together with Builders Labourers Federation (BLF) members at a meeting to support the Gurundji struggle for land rights. The leftist-led BLF trade union would later play a key role in the Aboriginal struggle for affordable housing on Redfern’s The Block. The workers’ movement must stand solidly behind the struggle for justice of Aboriginal people.

The AHC’s drift away from its original purpose of serving low-income Aboriginal tenants was the result of the confluence of several currents. One force pushing the AHC away from its stated purpose was simply the pressure of the capitalist “free market.” As an entity that had no stable source of external funding and was meant to operate within the confines of “market principles,” the AHC, as a body without a clear anti-capitalist agenda, inevitably became easy game for whoever had the market power to either promise to deliver housing construction and maintenance at a lower price or on the other hand promised, in exchange for land use rights for commercial development, big money that could be used to subsidise its housing program. In this way, the AHC became associated with and dependent on wealthy capitalist corporations who began to use that influence to set more and more of the AHC’s agenda. Prominent on the AHC’s own website’s list of “Partners” is not only the developer Deicorp but Westpac Bank and the South Sydney Business Chamber. Then there was developers and governments directly influencing the AHC leaders through financial enticements. Some in the Aboriginal community have long suspected this has involved outright bribery of AHC leaders. To be sure, that would hardly be just a problem with the AHC – just look at successive NSW state governments! From developers handing over tens of thousands of dollars in cash to politicians in brown paper bags to business bosses bribing the former premier with an expensive “gift,” the last few years have revealed just a small fraction of the massive corruption that the leaders of this state wallow in. Yet just as the big business bosses can control politicians with more “legal” forms of enticements – like large donations to the respective political parties and invitations to sit in corporate boxes at sporting events – so too can greedy developers and their government cronies bring an organisation like the AHC under its control through more subtle but even more insidious means of buying influence.  This could include offering AHC leaders invitations to fancy business/government lunches and functions and seducing AHC leaders into making them feel that they are part of elite circles by allowing them to participate in government/corporate policy discussion sessions.

As the AHC bent to the pressures of the capitalist “free market” and came under the increasing influence of rich corporations and the state government, staunch Aboriginal activists and grassroots tenants who objected to all this were increasingly purged from the organisation and its leadership. This in turn further accelerated the AHC’s path away from its original purpose.

When the pressure of “market imperatives” and corrupting influences was not enough to bring the AHC completely into the developers’/government’s fold, the NSW state government unleashed its “legal” muscle to bring the AHC to heel. Thus, even long after the AHC had sold out its founding principles, the NSW government at first refused to give the AHC planning approval for its Pemulwuy project. The government insisted that there be even less affordable housing for Aboriginal people in a re-developed Block than the AHC had proposed. Indeed, even as Aboriginal people were being squeezed out of The Block, the 1995-2011 NSW ALP government refused, for a whole decade, to give the rebuilding of affordable homes for Aboriginal people planning approval until the AHC agreed to give further priority to the commercial aspects of the Pemulwuy project. To resist such bullying from the government would have taken a campaign of mass protest action. The AHC did very briefly flirt with a diluted version of this idea and even organised a hundreds strong protest rally in Redfern in August 2006 in support of affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block. Yet already by then the AHC had strayed way too far into the camp of the enemies of Aboriginal people’s rights to honestly want to sustain such a campaign. What is more, the AHC had by then lost any real credibility with the grass roots Aboriginal people needed to wage such a campaign anyway.

As far back as twenty years ago, the AHC first started in effect implementing the developers’ and government’s plan to drive Aboriginal tenants off The Block. In the mid-1990s, Block residents were enraged when they confirmed that the AHC had drawn up plans to actually abolish all affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block and, instead, planned to turn most of the area into commercial office space. Although they later modified this plan, the AHC had already started creating facts on the ground by neglecting repairs on houses so much that tenants could not tolerate it anymore and started leaving The Block “voluntarily”.

Police stampeding around Redfern’s The Block. The Aboriginal community on The Block faced decades of violent police raids and racist bullying.
Police stampeding around Redfern’s The Block. The Aboriginal community on The Block faced decades of violent police raids and racist bullying.

Meanwhile, police attacks on Aboriginal people in Redfern assisted the ruling class agenda of driving Aboriginal tenants off The Block. This police violence was not solely about kicking low-income people off from prime real estate. It was also motivated by pure racism – by the racist culture that permeates the police force and which, in turn, arises naturally from the police’s role as the enforcers of an unequal and discriminatory social order based on the dispossession of this country’s first peoples and the exploitation of labour by wealthy business owners. However, the big end of town’s agenda to push black people off prime inner-city real estate gave the police attacks added impetus. Aside from daily bullying of Aboriginal youth, almost every year saw a large-scale police assault on The Block. One of the most brutal such raids took place on 8 February 1990.9 It was on that day, just before 4am, that some 135 cops led by the heavily armed Tactical Response Group (whose functions today are largely performed by the Public Order and Riot Squad) smashed into several homes on The Block with sledgehammers and iron bars. Residents woke up terrified as they saw these men bearing shotguns break into their homes and point weapons at them.  The police put guns to women’s heads, roughed up residents and abused people. But after all that the police did not charge anyone with a serious offence like a violent crime or even charges of dealing in drugs or weapons. Of the eight charges that they did bring against people, two were for unpaid fines, one was a more than 7 year old warrant for breach of bail, another a warrant for failing to appear at a court nearly six years earlier and another a warrant for a resident allegedly being drunk on a train close to six years earlier!  Additionally, three people were charged with having possession of stolen goods because they could not provide receipts for relatively minor items like a TV, a radio cassette player, an electric shaver and unbelievably a pair of goggles! And for this the local community was terrorised and left traumatised. To put it all into perspective, nearly one and a half times as many police were mobilised to find a couple of allegedly stolen TVs and a pair of goggles on The Block as the 92 police who were put on duty in Cronulla on 11 December 2005 when the police knew full well that the violent, white supremacist riot that subsequently took place there was indeed very likely to happen! Police terror against the Redfern Aboriginal community culminated in the February 2004 killing of 17 year-old TJ Hickey by racist police who rammed his bicycle while he was riding on it and impaled the boy on a steel paling.

The incessant police attacks, the demoralising effect of living in houses where repairs were not being done and the daily discrimination that Aboriginal people faced in employment and every aspect of their lives inevitably led to social problems on The Block. These problems were played up by the capitalist-owned media and seized on by the state government to justify their push to drive Aboriginal tenants out of the area. The combined effect of relentless police attacks, the deterioration of the houses, social problems and the AHC’s push to move tenants off The Block meant that by late 2010 there were just 35 people living on The Block – down from a peak of over 300. To get the last of the tenants to move, the AHC on the one hand threatened higher rents and eviction orders and, on the other hand, promised residents that they would be able to move back once the re-development took place. Residents, however, were sceptical about being able to move back and expected that the 62 new affordable houses would still be way out of their price range. What really enraged former Block residents and supporters of affordable housing for Aboriginal people was when last year AHC CEO, Mick Mundine, claimed that it was not commercially viable to pursue affordable housing on the Block. ‘’That’s on the back burner at the moment,’’ he said. ‘’Our first priority is the commercial build’’ (The Sydney Morning Herald, 26 April 2014). It was this confirmation of the fears of many that led Aboriginal activists to establish RATE.

From 1972 to 2015: The Struggle for Affordable Housing for Aboriginal People on The Block Continues

1970s: Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal BLF union members working on the construction of affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block.
1970s: Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal BLF union members working on the construction of affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block.

The enemies of RATE tried everything to defeat the RATE struggle including a series of violent attacks on RATE activists. Family members of a senior AHC employee staged several of these attacks. In one attack last year, at least one of these family members was amongst a group of four men that came to the embassy and assaulted RATE activist, Raymond Munro. Yet when police arrived, it was Raymond Munro and another RATE activist who had come to his defence that the cops arrested and charged with affray. Police only charged two of the actual four attackers. Also last year, another relative of the senior AHC employee invaded the embassy in the dark of night – bearing a piece of wood – and attacked two women including embassy founder Jenny Munro. Enemies of RATE also seemed to have enlisted criminal elements to stage random attacks on RATE activists staffing the embassy or to enter the embassy grounds with the aim of causing fear and disruption. Amongst the most frightening attack was when occupants of a black, flashy four-wheel drive vehicle passed RATE on two separate occasions and hurled flares at the embassy. They aimed to set the tents on fire.

Alongside the attacks by thugs, RATE faced repression from the organs of the capitalist state. The police arrested four key RATE activists during the duration of the struggle – outrageously all resulting from incidents where violent intruders and provocateurs had invaded the embassy grounds. The arrested RATE activists were then set bail conditions banning them from the vicinity of The Block, thus laying bare the police strategy – to strip RATE of its key activists. Amongst those whom the police arrested – and for a period banned from the Block – was RATE leader Jenny Munro.

Meanwhile, in August, the NSW Supreme Court ruled against RATE and ordered its eviction. In doing so the courts stayed true to form, proving once again that like the police, prisons and entire legal/state machinery they are an instrument for the oppression of Aboriginal people and all the exploited and oppressed by the big end of town. Yet despite all that was thrown at RATE and its activists the struggle made a significant advance. Congratulations to all those who joined the struggle. It was the Aboriginal activists in RATE that provided the leadership and the strong drive that was key to success. The Aboriginal activists spearheading the movement deeply understood not only how the lack of affordable housing has forced many Aboriginal people into homelessness but also the importance of saving the Aboriginal character of The Block given its special significance as a historic centre for militant black resistance against racial oppression. Many non-Aboriginal people also supported the RATE struggle. This included people from various non-white “ethnic” communities – who especially identify with the Aboriginal rights struggle because of their own experiences in racist white Australia – as well as committed anti-racist white activists. Special mention here must be made to activists with links to the anarchist Black Rose collective who did a lot of heavy lifting in terms of staffing and protecting the embassy at night. Trotskyist Platform activists also did regular night and graveyard shifts to guard the embassy. Also participating in the struggle were activists from Socialist Alliance and individuals from a wide range of different anti-racist political standpoints. When RATE held rallies – both on as well as outside The Block– still broader layers of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people joined these actions to express their support.

15 June 2014: Hundreds gather to defend the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE). RATE attracted broad support from supporters of Aboriginal rights and campaigners for affordable housing.
15 June 2014: Hundreds gather to defend the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE). RATE attracted broad support from supporters of Aboriginal rights and campaigners for affordable housing.

Just like RATE, Aboriginal housing on The Block was first won in a hard fought struggle. That early 1970s struggle faced even more obstacles than RATE did but, at the same time, was bolstered by a higher level of trade union support than the RATE struggle received. The back drop of the original struggle for affordable housing on The Block was the movement of many Aboriginal people from rural areas to the city in search of work. Many found work at the Eveleigh rail yards (at the site of what is now the Australian Technology Park) where they were paid terribly low wages – much lower than other workers. However, due to rampant discrimination by racist bosses, many Aboriginal people could not get work at all. To compound their problems, discrimination by landlords meant Aboriginal people had trouble getting tenancy in rental properties. In the early 1970s some of the homeless Aboriginal people would squat in unoccupied houses owned by absentee landlords in the area that later became known as The Block. They were often arrested and brutalised by local police who imposed a defacto selective curfew on Aboriginal people. Meanwhile, the racist South Sydney Council ran a campaign against those – including a local church – who would offer shelter to homeless Aboriginal people. As a result, in late 1972 black militants and allied anti-racist white people organised a plan to move homeless Aboriginal people into the unoccupied houses in Louis Street in what is now part of The Block. Those houses had been bought up by a greedy developer called Ian Kiernan (who would later founded Clean Up Australia and was awarded an “Australian of the Year” award). Kiernan had evicted all the previous mostly Aboriginal renters and planned to re-develop and gentrify the area with the aim of renting out the new dwellings at higher rates.

Being greedy capitalists, Kiernan and his firm, IBK, of course objected to the Aboriginal squatters. However, the leftist-led Builders Labourers Federation trade union made it clear to him that no work on his development would take place if the Aboriginal people were evicted. Meanwhile, several trade unions organised for work to be done to renovate the homes which were in a poor condition. As one of the former black militants that spearheaded the struggle for the Block, the late Bob Bellear, put it:

“The now exiled State Builders’ Labourers, through Bob Pringle, were called in to erect doors, fix windows etc., while some members of the Plumbers Union fixed taps, toilets and other plumbing facilities required for a more liveable habitation. The electricians turned on the power …”
– “How the Aboriginal Housing Project Was Born”, Bob Bellear, Koori History website

During the struggle, the black militants and their anti-racist white allies faced constant harassment and almost weekly arrests by the police. They were especially targeted by the NSW Police’s hated 21 Division – elite special operations cops (following police reorganisations its functions today are performed by the police’s Public Order and Riot Squad and its Tactical Operations Unit).  One of the 21 Division’s favourite tactics was to send in people to cause trouble and then to arrest as many Aboriginal people and their friends as possible in the ensuring raid on “grounds” like swearing, public drunkenness and resisting arrest. Meanwhile, the ALP-led South Sydney Council also did everything possible to oppose the struggle for housing for the homeless Aboriginal people. The racist Council was encouraged by a local community group formed by racist white residents fanatically opposed to the Aboriginal occupants. One night one of these white residents, a security guard, entered the houses where Aboriginal occupants were living and opened fire with live ammunition!

However, despite all this the Aboriginal militants and their BLF union allies stood firm. As it was clear that the Aboriginal struggle was determined to face down any opposition and with the BLF preventing any capitalist development in the area, the Labor federal Minister for Aboriginal Affairs, Gordon Bryant, bowed to demands from the Aboriginal militants to provide a grant for Aboriginal people to collectively buy up the area freehold and renovate the houses to use them to provide affordable accommodation for the most needy Aboriginal people. This victory was achieved in April 1973.

15 June 2014: Hundreds gather to defend the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE). RATE attracted broad support from supporters of Aboriginal rights and campaigners for affordable housing.
7 November 2008: Flags of the MUA union proudly fly at a 200-strong demonstration in Sydney in support of Lex Wotton – the Palm Island Aboriginal resistance leader who led the November 2004 uprising that responded to the whitewash of the police murder in custody of Mulrunji Doomadgee. The Sydney rally was held to coincide with the sentencing hearing that Lex Wotton had to face in a Townsville court for his part in the heroic struggle. Like the BLF in its work in support of the struggle for affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block in the early 1970s, the MUA took industrial action in support of the crucial struggle to defend Lex Wotton

Lessons of the Struggles for Affordable Housing on The Block

Affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block was won in a period of much working class and other progressive social struggles. The early 1970s was also a time when the U.S. and Australian capitalist rulers were weakened by the defeats they were suffering in their brutal war against the communist workers and peasants of Vietnam. Meanwhile, just five years before The Block was won, capitalist rule in France had its foundations shaken by the militant May 1968 general strike and factory occupations by millions of French workers. A year later, Italy saw similar convulsive struggles that came to be known as the Hot Autumn. Fearful of the threat of socialist revolution that had been posed by the French and Italian events, anxious about the wave of working class and other progressive struggles, weakened by the defeats it was suffering in Vietnam and terrified at the open support for the Vietnamese revolutionaries by a significant number of Australian leftist workers and youth, the Australian capitalist rulers felt the need to make concessions to the masses in order to stave off events that seemed to be heading in a revolutionary direction. Thus, the late 1960s and early 1970s was a period when not only was The Block won but advances were made more broadly in Aboriginal rights, workers’ rights and women’s rights and headway was made in undermining the racist White Australia Policy exclusion of non-white immigrants. Similar gains were won in this period by the working class and downtrodden in Europe and the United States.

Yet by the early 1980s, capitalist rule had stabilised worldwide. We now saw a right-wing period of union-busting and a Cold War anti-communist push against the socialistic USSR and Vietnam. In the mid-1980s, the Hawke Labor government and Victorian and NSW state ALP governments together smashed the BLF union that had been so crucial to winning affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block. In the period from 1989-1992, socialistic rule was destroyed in the former USSR and allied East European countries like Hungary and East Germany. The capitalist ruling classes of the world were greatly emboldened by this and felt they could get away with further attacking the rights of the masses at home. The period of the 1980s Cold War and then post-Soviet capitalist triumphalism has seen unions and workers’ rights diminished, the gap between rich and poor widen, Aboriginal rights and organisations undermined, mandatory detention of refugees introduced and the Left weakened. It is in this context that the decades-long campaign by the developers and NSW government to drive Aboriginal tenants off The Block gathered steam.

The 1980s anti-communist Cold War against the Soviet Union and the subsequent collapse of the USSR was associated with intense union-busting and racist attacks at home. Left: A statue of Lenin is pulled down during the 1991-92 counterrevolution that destroyed the Soviet workers state. Centre: Victorian police brutally arrest members of the Builders Labourers Federation during the late 1980s smashing of that militant trade union. Right: A still from a 1992 video that outraged any decent person. White NSW police officers at a charity function wear blackface and mock Aboriginal people who have been killed in custody. The despicable racist cop shown in the photo said “I’m Lloyd Boney” as he impersonates an Aboriginal man hanging. Five years earlier, Lloyd Boney had been found hung in Brewarrina police station just one and a half hours after being arrested. He was widely understood to have been murdered by racist cops. It was during this period of racist, anti-working class reaction that the campaign by the developers and NSW government to drive Aboriginal tenants off The Block gathered steam.
The 1980s anti-communist Cold War against the Soviet Union and the subsequent collapse of the USSR was associated with intense union-busting and racist attacks at home. Left: A statue of Lenin is pulled down during the 1991-92 counterrevolution that destroyed the Soviet workers state. Centre: Victorian police brutally arrest members of the Builders Labourers Federation during the late 1980s smashing of that militant trade union. Right: A still from a 1992 video that outraged any decent person. White NSW police officers at a charity function wear blackface and mock Aboriginal people who have been killed in custody. The despicable racist cop shown in the photo said “I’m Lloyd Boney” as he impersonates an Aboriginal man hanging. Five years earlier, Lloyd Boney had been found hung in Brewarrina police station just one and a half hours after being arrested. He was widely understood to have been murdered by racist cops. It was during this period of racist, anti-working class reaction that the campaign by the developers and NSW government to drive Aboriginal tenants off The Block gathered steam.

The world we live in is still affected by the direct and indirect effects of the restoration of capitalism in the former USSR. Yet, in the last several years, we have also seen periods of militant worker and progressive social struggles in Greece, Nepal, Portugal and Spain. Inevitably there will again be a period of a sustained upswing in the class struggle like the late 1960s-early 1970s because the capitalist economic system, which is lurching from one economic crisis to another, leaves the masses no choice but to fight back against the ever greater suffering it imposes on us. However, to be able to open the doors to such an upsurge and, most importantly, to be able to channel it to a decisive victory we should learn the lessons of every struggle of the past. The RATE struggle is especially important in this regard because in a period when most struggles have been defeated or have not been able to make much headway, RATE made gains.

One reason for its success is, obviously, the steely determination of the Aboriginal leaders of RATE and the courage of all who participated in the struggle. Yet, many losing struggles have also had a combination of leaders devoted to the cause and brave activists. Key in the RATE struggle was the fact that the movement’s main strategy was not focussed on appeals to the government or mainstream politicians, legal action or other methods based on trust in one or another institution of the racist rich people’s state. Instead, RATE’s primary focus was to create facts on the ground through mass direct action – that is, by establishing itself at the heart of the area where the commercial development on The Block was to take place so the development could not proceed while the Embassy was still standing. Although the capitalist governments had the power through their cops and courts to physically evict RATE, in the end it calculated that doing so would incite such a firestorm of social protest that it would be better to make concessions. Mainstream politicians would have noted that the many police/legal/thug attacks on RATE had not deterred the movement one bit and realised that any eviction of RATE would have to be a major and violent police operation that would enrage RATE’s many supporters nationwide. They would have been aware of the large size of the protests against the closure of remote Aboriginal communities and have been worried that a brutal attack on RATE would only fuel these protests and increase the authority of the staunch, radical wing of the Aboriginal movement. Furthermore, although the level of union support given to RATE was relatively modest, the social power of the workers movement is so great that its endorsement of RATE was in itself a significant deterrent to the authorities. The ruling class would have been worried that a violent eviction of RATE could have provoked a backlash by sections of the workers movement and they would especially have dreaded the prospect of the CFMEU construction union slapping a ban on the commercial development in the same way as the BLF did in the original 1970s struggle for The Block. Perhaps, most of all, the capitalist rulers would have been very concerned that not only had many workers unions endorsed RATE but that RATE was sending contingents of activists to support an MUA wharfies’ picket line at Port Botany. Most of all, the exploiting class fears steps towards uniting the militancy of the most subjugated sections of the population – like Aboriginal people –with the social power of the organised working class: the enemy knows that this will be a formidable combination.

Federal Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Nick Scullion (Left), was involved in a deal between the Aboriginal Housing Company and the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE) that saw the latter make headway on its key demand that affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block be built prior to any commercial development. Scullion was forced to make this concession to RATE because through mass, direct action and with the backing of trade unions, RATE posed a physical obstruction to future commercial development. Scullion’s concession, finally wrested out of him after 15 months of RATE’s hard struggle, does not change the fact that Scullion is an enemy of the struggle for Aboriginal rights who carried out the racist policy of cutting federal funding for remote Aboriginal communities. Right: 19 March 2015 rally in Perth against the government’s forced closure of Aboriginal communities.
Federal Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Nick Scullion (Left), was involved in a deal between the Aboriginal Housing Company and the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE) that saw the latter make headway on its key demand that affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block be built prior to any commercial development. Scullion was forced to make this concession to RATE because through mass, direct action and with the backing of trade unions, RATE posed a physical obstruction to future commercial development. Scullion’s concession, finally wrested out of him after 15 months of RATE’s hard struggle, does not change the fact that Scullion is an enemy of the struggle for Aboriginal rights who carried out the racist policy of cutting federal funding for remote Aboriginal communities. Right: 19 March 2015 rally in Perth against the government’s forced closure of Aboriginal communities.

It is important that the gains won by the RATE struggle not be remembered as a case of “if you bang on about something long enough the politicians do start to listen.” Indeed, the involvement of mainstream politicians with the RATE campaign – even to make themselves look good – had been very minimal. A couple of Greens politicians did, on very rare occasions, pop into RATE but as is typical did not widely publicise their claimed solidarity with RATE and made little effort to make it a national issue. When, at the very end, the federal government eventually came up with funding for affordable housing on The Block, a whole fifteen months after the start of the RATE struggle, Minister for Indigenous Affairs Nick Scullion pretended that he was sympathetic to the RATE struggle and was making the grant out of sympathy for Aboriginal people’s rights. This is the same Nick Scullion that cut off federal funding for remote Aboriginal communities! The truth is that the Liberal and ALP politicians accept the current capitalist order and are mates with the greedy developers. Nick Scullion did not have a sudden change of heart but simply wanted to make himself look good while making a concession that he has been forced into. There is no way that Nick Scullion would have made the concession that he did if activists had simply been making submissions and representations to him without the presence of RATE as a physical obstruction to future commercial development. RATE made headway because it was based on mass, direct action by determined Aboriginal activists and non-Aboriginal anti-racists and because it won trade union support. As RATE leader, Jenny Munro, put it:

“I’m old school. My teachers taught me the principles of our resistance – we never ceded our land to anyone.
“The embassy has demonstrated that for our people, resistance is the only way to go.”

The lessons of the RATE struggle not only has implications for the struggle for Aboriginal rights but also for the broader struggle for affordable rental accommodation and for the entire struggle of the oppressed and exploited. To maximize the chance of being victorious, the struggles of the working class and all of the downtrodden demands a strategy based on mass, direct action and not at all upon reliance on the state institutions and mainstream political parties that serve the capitalist ruling class. In order for struggles waged in this way to achieve major victories against a powerful and ruthless exploiting class – and when the opportunity arises to culminate in the seizure of state power by the oppressed masses – the movements need to be buttressed around the strength of the organised working class. However, for the power of the workers movement to be unleashed, the influence of illusions in a capitalist parliament, divisive “Aussie workers first” nationalism and the loyalty to the capitalist order promoted by the ALP social democrats needs to be purged from the workers movement. We need to turn the workers movement into one that only trusts in its own power united with all the downtrodden, that fights for workers of all races, nations and pay levels to stand together truly as one and which champions the cause of all the downtrodden. Let’s be encouraged by the successes of the RATE struggle to work harder for this goal so that victories for the oppressed will not be rarities but will, instead, become commonplace and part of the long march towards a final revolutionary victory.