Showing posts with label Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow. Show all posts

Sunday, June 17, 2012

Write letters to anarchist and anti-fascist prisoners of Moscow!

June 13, 2012 Libcom.org

Kharchenko Igor Olegovich
FKU SIZO-2 UFSIN Rossii po g. Moskve
ul. Novoslobodskaya d. 45
127055 Moskva Russia

Igor was arrested in September 2011. He is accused of having
participated in a fight on the 4th of July 2010, during which the
audience of a punk hardcore concert dispersed a band of nationalists,
who had come in order to kill and maim concert guests. Igor, however,
did not take part in the fight - plenty of those present at the concert
have given testimony, that during the fight Igor was performing in the
concert. The whole case against Igor relies exclusively
on the testimony of failed "race warriors", V. Sumin and V. Zhidousouv.
The true reason for the arrest of Kharchenko is an attempt by Moscow
investigators to take revenge on their failure to jail anyone for the
action by anti-fascists against the Khimki city administration on the
28th of July 2010. Igor's co-accused is one of the "Khimki hostages",
who has received refugee status in Western Europe after UNCHR
recognised, that the police investigation on the Khimki case was carried
out with various violations, for example confessions gained through use
of torture. Moscow investigators ignored the fact, that during this
fight Solopov was in Turkey, which is confirmed by the stamps in his
passport, and plenty of eye-witnesses.

The investigation also attempts to indict Kharchenko for "organising of
an extremist community," according to statute 282.1 of the Russian
criminal codex.

More on the case against Kharchenko:
http://avtonom.org/en/people/igor-kharchenko

Butyrka prison has also a form, which you may use in order to send letters:
http://wr1.fsin-service.ru/Letter-Client/main.html#new_letter

However, this form is only in Russian and paying for the service
(minimal payment is around 1.20 euros) requires either a Russian bank
account or account in some internet payment system, common in Russia
(such as yandex.dengi or webmoney). In form, you must indicate year of
birth of Kharchenkio - 1991.

Sutuga Alexey Vladimirovich
FKU SIZO-2 UFSIN Rossii po g. Moskve
ul. Novoslobodskaya d. 45
127055 Moskva Russia

Alexey Sutuga has been a member of Autonomous Action since the early
2000s. He was first active in Irkutsk and then in Moscow. He
participated in every single major campaign of the anarchist movement in
the past ten years, and supported the journal Avtonom. In 2007, he
joined the ecological protest camp against uranium enrichment in city of
Angarsk in Siberia, which was assaulted by nationalists in the early
morning hours. Ilya Borodaenko from Nahodka of Pacific Ocean was
murdered there, and a number of other visitors of the camp were
seriously wounded.

Alexey was arrested on the evening of 17th of April, and has been in
remand prison since then. He, together with Alexey Olesinov, is accused
of having taken part in an incident in the Moscow club "Vozdukh", where
on 17th of December, during a punk-hardcore concert, a conflict between
the audience and the security took place. The club security, consisted
of supporters of the far right, and were provoking guests. Due to the
conflict, the concert was stopped prematurely, but the security
attempted to take some guests hostage, threatening them with punishment
from their friends - nationalist football hooligans. Concert guests
resisted, the security opened fire with rubber coated metal bullets, but
soon the concert-goers gained the upper hand and the security was
neutralised and sent to the hospital.

More on the case of the Moscow prisoners: http://avtonom.org/en/mda
The Butyrka prison also has a form which can be used in order to send
letters:
http://wr1.fsin-service.ru/Letter-Client/main.html#new_letter

However, this form is only in Russian and paying for this service
(minimal payment is around 1.20 euros) requires either a Russian bank
account or an account with some internet payment system, common in
Russia (such as yandex.dengi or webmoney). In the form, you must
indicate year of birth of Sutuga - - 1986.

Full list of prisoners in former Soviet Union by Anarchist Black Cross
of Moscow:
http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Category-prisoners_in_former_Soviet_Union

Monday, April 23, 2012

Spotlight Interview: Moscow Anarchist Black Cross

March 16, 2012 Food Not Bombs
By patches

[A few weeks ago we re-posted an action alert sent from some brothers out of Russia. The following is an in depth interview with Moscow ABC - Enjoy!]

How long has Moscow ABC been in operation, and what does it do?

There were previous anti-repression groups, but first incarnation under label of ABC-Moscow was set up in 2003 as a coordinating organ between existing groups, but around 2005 it had degraded to state of mere internet project. Around 2007, group was reorganised as an autonomous entity, and has been around ever since.

Most of our activity is spreading information and solidarity calls, and raising channeling funds in benefit of repressed anarchist anti-fascist comrades. Occasionally we organise letter-writing and other such events.

Are there many groups affiliated with you in Russia?

It is hard to say, as usually anytime when problem arises in some city, people come together and organise under banner of ABC on a temporary basis. However, besides Moscow I would say only Saint Petersburg has some more stable group.

What is the latest on Artyom Bystrov?

Court against Artyom and three other Nizhni-Novgorod anti-fascists has began, but this far there has been only more technical hearings.

In America, anarchist groups get harassed and set up by the state often, but on average, Americans do not let openly fascist groups operate freely, and although antifa is not common, it is usually supported by the public. How does that compare to the situation there? Is anarchism or antifa popular in Russia?

Unfortunately, most Americans probably think “Russian ultranationalists” are fictional terrorists from a “Call of Duty” video game…how would you describe an average Russian fascist?

I think it makes sense to answer these questions together.

For the beginning, there is no such thing as “an average Russian fascist”. Far-right in Russia has every possible tendency and tactic represented, there are orthodox christian fundamentalists, Nazi pagans, secular national socialists, third  positionists, “anarcho”-nationalists, subcultural Nazi hardcore punks, national bolsheviks, Russian (ethnic) nationalists and supporters of “all-white” solidarity,  some prefer legal means, others prefer bombings and murder. At times, they hate each other more than anti-fascists or migrants, at times, they manage to unite for “common goals”. Even amongst those preferring most violent methods, many position themselves as “apolititical racist democrats”, that means, they prefer parliamentarian system but for exclusively ethnic Russian (or white) people. Really, “fascist” and “far-right” are just umbrella terms for a huge variety of tendencies, without much common denominators. Most are not personally ready for any kind of armed struggle, but ideologically big part of the far right is either positive or ambivalent towards it.
According to opinion polls, up to half of the people may support some aspects of far-right program (curbing migration, “Russia for Russians, Moscow for Moscovites” etc.), just a minority is supportive of the far-right movement.  However, although majority of the people is against far-right, antifa is associated with street violence and other illegal means of action. And this perception is right – there is not really anything like legal antifa in Russia. This is why majority of people is against antifa, although it is hard to say for sure.

Anarchist movement is maybe more known in Russia than in any other country without substantial current anarchist presence in politics, as anarchist characters were common in Soviet movies and books (most commonly portrayed by drunken sailor, mad bomb thrower or a bloodlusty Makhnovist). However, I would not say that population is especially symphathetic to anarchist ideas.

This subject raises a hot issue in America, which is violent anarchists. Of course, anarchists were very influential creating Occupy Wall Street, a nation-wide non-violent movement, who then were attacked by a national conspiracy of assaults and kidnapping by the state, only for the media to come out and brand anarchists as being too violent! Is there a problem with violent anarchists in Russia, or is it propaganda?

It is neither, as anarchists in Russia are not making much impact in terms of violence. In Northern Kaukasus, there are in average more than 1000 armed incidents each year (bombs and shootouts) for which authorities blame armed islamists – for sure some of these are in fact some business or mafia conflicts, but still bombs and shootings are a weekly issue. There are also 1-2 racist murders each week. In this contexts, anarchists smashing something each 3 years is not much. Nowadays anarchists also burn things and occasionally even bomb something, but it is still a rather small-scale in comparison with islamist and far-right mayhem.

Anarchist street protests seldom turn violent in Russia, due to strong police presence. For example, in Moscow there are 2000 full-time riot police, 50% of whom are on duty all around the clock. During Duma elections, more than 50 000 riot police, police, internal army, police students, civil volunteers and private guards were on duty in Moscow only. Violent protests is also heavily legally persecuted – not as heavily as in US though. I think, that in case of a serious economical downturn, there could be same kind of dynamics in the streets as in US, no matter then uneven odds. But unlike US and Western Europe, Russia has pretty much recovered from the current economic crisis, due to flourishing oil exports. This could change however, if Western Europe fails to buy oil with current prices one day.

Have you been involved in the Anti-Putin movement? What is it like? Does this movement have any other interests, such as fighting fascism, corruption, and economic inequality?

It would be more correct do describe movement as “movement for fair elections”, as according to polls there are even people involved who voted for Putin or United Russia, but who would prefer more fair elections (although they are a small minority for sure).

Of course most of anarchists have participated to these protests. However, in general there is definitely no interest to fight fascism, as far-right is a visible and important tendency in the protests. Economic inequality is also not a theme – judging from outlook of the protesters in Moscow, many people are rather well off. Many of the demonstrators openly support Mikhail Prokhorov, a multi-billionaire hard-line neoliberal candidate for a president, who believes there is not enough economic inequality in Russia.

Anti-corruption is on the agenda though, as a matter of fact, most popular Russian far-right politician Alexey Navalny has made his career mostly by anti-corruption campaigning. At this point, anarchist calls for a more wide, radical and social program have had absolutely no any impact to the general movement. However, in many cities anarchists have been a very visible part of the protests.

What do you all think about Food Not Bombs and Occupy Wall Street here
in the states?

I think Food Not Bombs has been a big inspiration for many people in Russia, for huge amount of people it has been a gate to a more general anarchist movement. I think there could be some differences , for example in Russia most homeless are in such a bad mental and physical condition, that there is no really chance to have them self-organise, in such cases Food Not Bombs may just provide humanitarian support. Also, in many Russian cities there has not been success in getting donations or dumpstered food for FNB, so it relies on money of participators themselves.
Occupy Wall Street has also been a big inspiration, there is also “Russian Occupy Movement” (their website nextweact.org seems to be down now though). However authorities in Moscow and I think in pretty much all other Russian cities have a zero-tolerance policy towards any standing demonstrations, ever since such strategy was successfully used to topple pro-Russian power in Ukraine in 2004. For example, day after presidential elections 5th of December, some protesters attempted to stay in Pushkin square after end of the legal demonstration, but they were immediately nicked. So in order to pursue such tactics in Moscow, you need at least thousands, if not tens of thousands of people for starters. But maybe some day it will work out.

If someone wanted to come join you, could they? Would they need to take
precautions?

ABC-Moscow is not really a group which recruits people. However if some known and trusted person in Moscow anarchist movement wants to join, we propably let him/her to join. Personally I do support an open model of organising, and there are groups to which we would direct previously unknown people, if they contacted us and wanted to join. For example Autonomous Action of Moscow, which I am  also a member. Every candidate is screened and met at least once before invited to a meeting of Autonomous Action of Moscow.

What is the best way to support Moscow ABC and/or Artyom Bystrov?

To put it shortly – support actions and material support. If you are not into a ritualistic protest in your local consulate, mess with your local racists, or think about whatever kind of actions, which would both make local impact but be used to raise awareness about problems of anarchists and anti-fascists in Russia.

If you want to directly contact or donate to Moscow ABC, please check out the links on the previous post about them.

Moscow ABC, thanks for your insight, and good luck!

Monday, March 26, 2012

English pages of Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow are up again, prisoner list updated

March 26, 2012 Avtonom

At some point last year our wiki, including the prisoner list, got broken, but during last weeks we have recovered
it.

Starting point is here: http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Anarchist_Black_Cross

At this point, our English pages has only prisoners from former Soviet Union, but if you want to help us to
have a wider perspective, you are welcome to register to wiki anytime!

Our prisoner list is here: http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Category:Prisoners_in_former_Soviet...

International prisoner list (in Russian language, by category)


Right now, we list following 7 prisoners from the former Soviet Union. Some other anti-fascists and anti-authoritarians are currently remained (Alexey "Shkobar" Olesinov, 3 alleged Pussy Riot members etc.), but as remand prisoners are not allowed mail, we do not list them.

Of the 7 prisoners, only Rinat Sultanov, anarchist anti-fascist from St. Petersburg, is held in Russia. He is expected to be out on parole soon. Rest of the six prisoners are from Belarus, they were all jailed last years for suspected insurgent activities against the Lukashenko regime. Five of them are anarchists, whereas sixth, Jauhen Vas'kovich, is a Christian democrat who decided to join to a common front with anarchist insurgents. For photos of the prisoners, visit our wiki.

Note that Belarus is a bilingual country, official and preferred names of most of the arrested are in Belarusian language, thus we list prisoners by their Belarusian names. But as prisoner registry of prisons is organised in Russian language, we list addresses with Russian names, when they differ from Belarusian names. Below,

Ihar Alinevich

Olinevich Igor Vladimirovich Otryad 12, Brigada 120, IU "IK-10", Tehnicheskaya ul. 8, g. Novopolotsk 211445 Vitebskaya oblast Belarus

Mikalaj Dziadok

Dedok Nikolai Aleksandrovich, Otryad 4, IK-15 p/o Veyno, Slavgorodskoe shosse, 183, 213105 Mogilev Belarus

Aliaksandar Frantskievich

Frantskevich Aleksandr Vladimirovich, Otryad 2, IK-22 "Volchi nory" st. Domanovo, Ivachevichkiy rayon 225295 Brestskaya oblast Belarus

Artsiom Prakapenka

Otryad 15, IK-17 213004 Shklov, Mogilevskaya oblast Belarus

Rinat Sultanov

Otryad 7, FKU IK-53, ul. Svobody d.22, pos. Privokzalni 624391 Verhoturye Sverdlovskaya oblast Russia

Pavel Syramolatau

IK-19, Slavgorodskoe shosse 3 km, 213030 Mogilev Belarus

Jauhen Vas'kovich

Yevgeni Sergeevich Vas'kovich Tyurma 4, ul. Krupskoy 99A 212011 Mogilev Belarus

English pages of Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow are up again, prisoner list updated

March 26, 2012 Avtonom

At some point last year our wiki, including the prisoner list, got broken, but during last weeks we have recovered
it.

Starting point is here: http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Anarchist_Black_Cross

At this point, our English pages has only prisoners from former Soviet Union, but if you want to help us to
have a wider perspective, you are welcome to register to wiki anytime!

Our prisoner list is here: http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Category:Prisoners_in_former_Soviet...

International prisoner list (in Russian language, by category)


Right now, we list following 7 prisoners from the former Soviet Union. Some other anti-fascists and anti-authoritarians are currently remained (Alexey "Shkobar" Olesinov, 3 alleged Pussy Riot members etc.), but as remand prisoners are not allowed mail, we do not list them.

Of the 7 prisoners, only Rinat Sultanov, anarchist anti-fascist from St. Petersburg, is held in Russia. He is expected to be out on parole soon. Rest of the six prisoners are from Belarus, they were all jailed last years for suspected insurgent activities against the Lukashenko regime. Five of them are anarchists, whereas sixth, Jauhen Vas'kovich, is a Christian democrat who decided to join to a common front with anarchist insurgents. For photos of the prisoners, visit our wiki.

Note that Belarus is a bilingual country, official and preferred names of most of the arrested are in Belarusian language, thus we list prisoners by their Belarusian names. But as prisoner registry of prisons is organised in Russian language, we list addresses with Russian names, when they differ from Belarusian names. Below,

Ihar Alinevich

Olinevich Igor Vladimirovich Otryad 12, Brigada 120, IU "IK-10", Tehnicheskaya ul. 8, g. Novopolotsk 211445 Vitebskaya oblast Belarus

Mikalaj Dziadok

Dedok Nikolai Aleksandrovich, Otryad 4, IK-15 p/o Veyno, Slavgorodskoe shosse, 183, 213105 Mogilev Belarus

Aliaksandar Frantskievich

Frantskevich Aleksandr Vladimirovich, Otryad 2, IK-22 "Volchi nory" st. Domanovo, Ivachevichkiy rayon 225295 Brestskaya oblast Belarus

Artsiom Prakapenka

Otryad 15, IK-17 213004 Shklov, Mogilevskaya oblast Belarus

Rinat Sultanov

Otryad 7, FKU IK-53, ul. Svobody d.22, pos. Privokzalni 624391 Verhoturye Sverdlovskaya oblast Russia

Pavel Syramolatau

IK-19, Slavgorodskoe shosse 3 km, 213030 Mogilev Belarus

Jauhen Vas'kovich

Yevgeni Sergeevich Vas'kovich Tyurma 4, ul. Krupskoy 99A 212011 Mogilev Belarus

Tuesday, January 31, 2012

Nizhny Novgorod criminal case – Interview with Artem Bystrov, framed Anti-Fascist activist



avtonom.org

On April 26, 2011, in the morning, six young people were arrested by
Center “E” detectives (so-called “Anti-Extremist” cops). Five
anti-fascists of Nizhny Novgorod were subject to home-searches. One of
the flats was stormed by OMON (Special Police Squad), the windows were
broken because nobody was at home.

During the searches the membership cards of a non-existing organisation
“RASH-Antifa” with photos and serial numbers, evidently made by Center
“E” (Anti-Extremist Center) detectives, were planted in suspects’ homes.

Interview: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eyI_3shZaMg

Currently funds are needed for court costs of Nizhni Novgorod
anti-fascists. If you are interested to help, you may contact Nizhni
Novgorod ABC directly:


achknn@gmail.com

, +7 910 874 0594

Or contact Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow: abc-msk@riseup.net.

Solidarity actions during upcoming court are also most welcome!

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Monday, October 03, 2011

Cross the border before it's not too late - escape story of Denis Solopov in his own words

Avtonom

I am often faced with one basic question: whether, if knowing the
consequences I would still take the same actions I did last year. Of
course I would. Yes, we all suffered the consequences, but we also
proved that average people, when united are able to scare insolent
bureaucrats. Nowadays in the Russia this is worth the effort. Who are
the police investigators and field operatives? TThey are subordinates
who are generally too frightened to admit that they are the slaves of
their bosses, deceiving themselves that things are otherwise. Many of
them have clearly understood that they have to make some junk and invent
a sort of extremism. Maybe there are also sincere stupid people who
believe in their work. These fools do not see the extremists in
officials and instead search for them in housing districts.

- Now, at last all of the «Khimki hostages» are free. Only days ago you
were imprisoned in the most famous Ukrainian jail, and now you are
packing your luggage to go to the Netherlands. To begin with tell us in
detail about the conditions according to which you were set free.

- A week before my release I was visited by an official representative
of the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) who told me
that I would be released soon because a country had been found which
would accept me(give merefugee status). He said that I would be freed
the same day, probably after dinner. I was finally released a week
later. The building guard told me to go get my photo taken for the
discharge papers, and the hall guard told me to pack up my things for
release. At that moment I was alone in the cell, because Ivaschenko
(Solopov's cellmate, ex-acting Ukrainian Minister of Defence – OS (“Open
Space” website with editorial notes where it was first published –
transl.)) had been transported to court. I started to pack up my things:
clothes, documents. I still left four bags of items and food in prison.
Partly with the «goat» (goat is the literal translation from prison
slang used for prisoners working together with the administration -
transl.) in the depot, partly in the quarantine area for recently
arrived prisoners. In quarantine where it's mostly newbies you can never
find basic items.

The building guard gathered some people, one guy who was sick with
tuberculosis needed to be hospitalized, another one had to be deported.
We were going through the dungeon. There, in Lukjanovka, the buildings
are connected with a complex dungeon, it is an old jail, a legacy from
tsarism. The guard first led the others, then went with me to the
«mistress» (the warden of the remand prison - OS). I didn't go into the
office, the warrant officer went in alone to sign some documents. The
guard asked me why I'd been released (he didn't know who I was) and I
answered that they had simply decided to free me without reason. Maybe
he could be happy for me.

I was then led to Dombrovsky, the sub-warden of the remand prison. By
the way, I was frequently asked where I would go. They had to write it
in the documents, including the discharge papers. As a result they wrote
in my Moscow address. Then I started to argue, because I obviously did
not want to find myself in the hands of the Moscow region policemen. In
practice, there was that chance, that I would be met at the gates of
theKiev prison and would be transported to the Khimki department of
interior, for example. They started to persuade me that the information
in the discharge papers was only a formality, and I would not be forced
to go to Moscow. Then I demanded to make a phone call and money for the
public transporation fare, which one is supposed to receive according to
the law. I just wanted to let the lawyer know about my release, and that
I would be met by my friends, not by the police. They laughed about the
money, as I'd expected. And they didn't let me use the phone saying that
they didn't want to take that responsibility onto themselves. Then I
told them, smiling, that they were driving me to crime, because I would
be forced to take a mobile phone away from somebody at the gate and
return to prison. We exchanged some more jokes but they still didn't let
me use the phone.

At the security-check point I asked to use the phone one more time. My
attendant offered to go outside together with me and ask for a phone
from one of the passers-bye. He understood that near Lukjanovka most
people would not give their phone to the bald-headed young man with the
sports bag, pale from a long imprisonment. He came outside with me but
silently vanished when I was persuading a random passer-by to let me use
his phone. Then there was the scene that many of us know from the
cinema: the prison gates behind, the bag in hands, the discharge paper
in the pocket. No money, no phone. About an hour later I realized that I
was free, looked around and planned what to do further.

The discharge papers not only substituted all other documents but also
gave me the right of travel in public transport. I decided not to go for
a bus because I didn't want to prove to some cunning conductress (in the
ex-USSR it's usually a women's job - transl.) that I had the right to
travel. But I was forced to explain myself to the «turnstile-watching»
woman in the metro who had exceeded her duties giving me a detailed
examination. I then went to the flat of my Kiev friends where I could
get in contact with the lawyer and representatives of the UNHCR. After
that I only needed to avoid any troubles while the documents for my
departure to the third country were issued by the UNHCR.

- Everybody saw the Khimki action video footage and photos. Arrests,
trials, etc. were closely and detailedly reported in the press. Petya
Kosovo published stories about his travels around Europe. Tell us how
you managed to get away.

- After you had gone into the building of the Moscow region state
department of interior I waited for you in the Alexandrovskiy garden. I
waited for your call. After an hour you phoned me and said «All right»
which meant, according to our agreement, that the situation was
unfolding in the most unfavorable manner. I threw away my mobile phone
to escape detection. I then connected with friends using the new,
«blank» phone which I had bought in the subway, explained the situation,
and asked for enough money to live on the run. They obtained the
necessary sum that very evening. I decided not to go home, not to phone
any of my relatives. Lastly using my sources in law enforcement agencies
I found out what the situation was, partially confirming the plans of
the «police investigative measures». When I realized that you would be
imprisoned anyway, and I would be found and arrested immediately or put
on the wanted list if I wasn't found me, I decided to cross the border
before it was too late. The next day, July 30, I called a taxi via
public telephone and asked to be taken to the suburbs, to one of the
railroad stations going in the direction of Belarus. Naturally, I went
with the regional electric train in order not to buy a ticket with my
passport.

- You went to Minsk? Did you pick it for a particular reason?

- No. At that time the only thought I had was of escape, of crossing the
border. I literally escaped in the clothes I had left home with. Where
to go and what to do later on I couldn't even imagine.

- The trip to Belarus by regional train lasts a couple of days. What are
your brightest memories of your escape route?

- When I was in one of the towns closer to Belarus, I had to spend the
night somewhere. In hotels I was asked for a passport. I decided to go
to some 24-hour bar. I found a pizzeria. There, some local guys and
girls were celebrating something. I asked if they knew where I could
rent a flat or room for a day. I explained that I had trouble with my
documents. I just generally chatted with them. The guys promised to
think about my problem, then suggested to go to the birthday of one of
their friends. As a result we all danced in some yard. But I still had
to clean up and sleep to look normal at the border. Then, a total
stranger who was going to go for the night to his girlfriend's, offered
me the keys to his flat and suggested I sleep there. The most ridiculous
thing was that he said no one was at home but in fact his mother was. I
was forced to apologize for the late visit and introduce myself as her
son's friend from Moscow. As any true Russian woman would, she fed me
borscht and all sorts of savory foods till I could barely move, before
she headed off to sleep. In the morning I called a taxi to take me to
the train. I went by train to a station close to the Belarussian border,
but I decided to cross over with the bus going to Vitebsk. I did it
without any problems. The passengers' documents were not checked properly.

In Vitebsk I first went to find Internet access and found out that in
Belarus you are asked for your passport in Internet-cafes. I managed to
haggle over this and get in without it. I bluffed something about having
forgotten it in the hotel and being too lazy to return and that I could
dictate my passport data from memory. As a result I sat at the computer
for five hours, browsing news and writing down all the information I
needed about hotels, transport and renting flats. I took the cover and
photo from my old student id card and on the computer made up a new card
with a new name, so I had a somewhat secure document. It became easier
to explain who I was with it. Under the pretense that I had left my
passport with my relatives who would come later I could get a room in a
hotel in the city center for a several days. There, I more or less
planned my next steps. I decided to go to Minsk. In a large city it is
easier to go unnoticed.

In Minsk I rented a flat from a woman who had stood on the railway
platform with the sign «flat for rent». It was much safer than trying to
go to some Minsk hotels without a passport, or to go to a rental agency.
The weekly rent was low. In Moscow I had been a realtor for some time so
I could assess the price. I had a look at the flat and decided that
suggested cost was fair. Everywhere I went I inspired confidence in the
people around me. As a bonus, the landlady left me food and a local SIM
card. My friends from one Russian town made me, by my request, a Skype
account with enough money on it. Throughout that entire period I tried
not to contact anyone, even trusted friends. Nobody knew, where and how
I was. Later I changed several accounts just in case. For all my
relatives I had already disappeared for half a month. Friends let me
know that our house in Moscow was under external observation, from the
news I learned about the roundups and all kinds of madness done by
Moscow region policemen. I first called my father, and told him
literally a couple of phrases: «I am not in Russia. I'm OK. Don't worry,
concentrate on Max.» Daddy answered: «Well done! Good that you phoned.»
Then I called my friend who was supposedly tapped. I joked with her
about my location a little for the benefit of the cops. I wanted to
intrigue them to search for me further from Moscow, in the opposite
direction of where I was. The joke turned out well, they searched for me
in all kinds of places... At that point I felt more or less confident in
myself. A last unclear thing was what to do further.

- How was it that you found yourself in Ukraine at last?

- In general, I spent some time in Internet cafes, learning useful
information and planning what to do next. It was in the very center of
Minsk. Unexpectedly, two of my closer friends from Moscow came to this
cafe. Of course, their troubles had not been as great as mine, but they
had decided to leave Moscow for the period of the roundups. It was a
very nice meeting, furthermore they had reliable friends in Minsk.
Hiding became more cheerful. Together we decided to leave for the
Ukraine. In Belarus we couldn't have a normal life. After all, the
special services in Belarus work more effectively, as opposed to the
Russian ones. You cannot do anything without a passport, and the local
people are oppressed. We decided that we should go to Crimea while it
was still warm, rest at the seaside and feign at being tourists. We went
to the border in buses. Understanding the level of control we decided to
cross the border legally, with our passports. At that point we
separated, so my friends would not run the same risk as me. We all made
it over the border by bus.

Next up we bought tickets to Eupatoria without a problem. Once there we
first went to swim in the sea. We behaved like tourists. There were no
troubles, and we just relaxed. We decided to find cheap accommodation in
the private sector. Asking the shop girls, we found different options in
several villages. One of them was called Krasnoe. We decided to go
directly there, in the village with revolutionary traditions ("Krasnoe"
means "Red" in Russian - transl.). We rented the second home of a
certain uncle Kolya. He had his own farm: goats, pigs, melons. For us
the cost of living was very low, and in addition to this he fed us fresh
milk, eggs, vegetables. However, after some time uncle Kolya understood
that we were staying suspiciously long. Usually people arrived for a
week, but we had already stayed an entire month. Apart from this we did
not drink like the usual tourists do, but instead jogged in the mornings
and exercised at the horizontal bars. We only swam, ate watermelons, and
played sports. Kazantip was nearby, and local people were used to seeing
the young tourists constantly intoxicated, and we didn't fit. Of course,
we went to some of these parties on the coast, but there we stood out as
well, by not consuming alcohol and drugs. We found out the news on the
Internet at the post office, when we went to the city for food. We tried
to find a possibility to leave for Europe, got in contact with trusted
people about different options, legal or not. But we couldn't find a
suitable one. The best option was illegal, with a fifty-fifty chance of
success, and for a rather large sum. It did not suit us.

And so the holiday season came to an end. Uncle Kolya started to tell
tales about guys who had robbed some metallurgic factory, or whatever,
and had hidden at his farm. He clearly hinted that he wanted to hear our
criminal story too. We, however, feeling our finances dwindling, started
to joke about robbing the postal service.

After about a month of rest we received exact information about our
cases from our sources; who was of greater interest and who less so. In
general, as we expected, my friends had nothing to be afraid of, only I
was wanted by the police. I was also put on the Interpol search list. We
then decided to separate. The guys returned to Moscow, where all was
calm, and I went on to Kiev.

- How did you decide to ask for refugee status in Ukraine? Didn't that
seem to be the more dangerous thing to do rather than living there
illegally?

- After arriving in Kiev I carefully got in touch with my reliable local
friends, who were ready to help. These friends knew people who are
working in the field of legal aid to refugees. I began sorting out the
details of the procedure to get refugee status. As a result, I once
again considered all my options, and made the decision to go via the
legal route. Anyway, I actually hadn't committed any crime, hadn't
killed anybody, hadn't robbed anybody. I was advised to meet and consult
with a reliable expert in the field. There aren't many similar
situations with Russian refugees in the Ukraine. My case was similar to
the ones with the National-Bolsheviks. I was advised to consider their
experience and take their mistakes into account. First I went and
addressed the UNHCR and their partner organization HIAS which allocated
me a lawyer. All these competent moves were possible thanks to the very
qualified help of my friends. These procedures are very difficult and
demand a heap of papers which are not easy to gather whilst being wanted.

The most dangerous thing was addressing the Kiev immigration services.
Despite having a legal duty to maintain confidentiality, they share the
information they receive with the criminal investigations' department.
However, I had already gone via the legal route, so I had no choice.
According to international procedure, I was obligated to ask for refugee
status in the country where I was. Of course I took precautions and did
everything as carefully as possible, consulting with the lawyer.
Everyone at the Kiev immigration services was shocked by my visit and my
story. The employees there are quite shameless idlers who aren't
prepared to do their job. Nevertheless I carefully stated everything,
and they were obliged to consider my case right away. I explained that I
had no phone number, but that I would call them periodically, to learn,
how things were progressing and being processed. It lasted four months,
all the while I was collecting documents for the UNHCR.

- Nevertheless you were still under international warrant and being
searched for, besides the fact that you were in the Ukraine without
proper documents. Were there times when you were stopped casually by
police officers? When they tried to detain you?

- I basically did whatever I could in order not to attract attention. I
grew my hair out, wore a suit with ironed out trousers and polished
shoes. I also wore glasses with zero lenses for the additional image of
intelligence. When you look like that, you won't be stopped for id
checks. Obviously you are either going to work, or coming from work.
Just in case however, I always had enough money for a pay off in case
such a situation came up. It's important to say that in Ukraine the
police is overly corrupt and that played right into my hands. There was
only one time when I broke my own rule and went out to a shop after
midnight. I wanted to buy kefir. The district was restless, and late in
the night with kefir in my hands I stirred the suspicion of patrolmen.
But I managed to tell them the exact address of the house next to mine
and pointed to it with my hand, proving that I lived there, and convince
them that I had left my passport at home.

- Were there any specific attempts to catch you? What do you know about
the steps taken by investigators? How did you assure your own safety?

- Of course, after asking for refugee status I didn't relax and lived as
I had before. I didn't tell anyone about my location, even my parents
didn't know the country and the city where I was hiding. Though my
father certainly guessed. Lots of my friends in Kiev found out that I
had been hiding in their city, only after my arrest. So I didn't relax.
On the contrary, I was always vigilant. I was watching the address which
I had left at the immigration services. Both the local Kiev police as
well as the Moscow region police showed up in the area around this
address. My Moscow sources had informed me that Moscow region police had
gone after me. And it was true. They showed up, and decided to visit the
address I had specified at the immigration services. Having guessed in
advance that such a situation was likely to take place, I had left the
address of a girl I actually knew though I never went to her flat. I
asked the girl to convince cops in such a situation that I really lived
with her in her apartment, just that I'm not there at that particular
moment.

When they came to the apartment asking her whether she knew where Denis
Solopov was living, she let them in the house and even showed them my
presumed room. Then she wrote me all about it over e-mail and said that
she had been questioned by Kiev police, but that she also recognized
Moscow cops. Though they had been silent the whole time in order not to
squeal on their Moscow accent. Then, she had looked out the window and
had seen two cars with four people each, and the small bus with curtains
at the windows.

The second time around only local police came led by the colonel.
Everything was the same, only this time they left some nonprofessional
surveillance all over the house. I was informed about that, and I
decided to go there to observe them from the house next door. Then I
called my friend and asked her to leave the house and to go to a cafe so
that the cops would reveal themselves for certain. It was amusing. To
watch those who watch.

- So you clearly understood the risk involved in going to the
immigration services. Why did you go there to get a rejection? You were
arrested there, eventually.

Yes, I went there even though I knew I would get a rejection. Regarding
the risk of getting arrested, it was fifty/fifty. Still, there was the
hope that the Ukrainian cops would simply decide not to mess with a
scandal waiting to happen. However, when I walked out the door, having
gotten the rejection, I realized immediately that they had surrounded
the building from all sides. I didn't have any desire to run away, so I
decided to stay calm. One of them, in a gray hood, approached me,
presented himself and asked for my documents. Immediately, some more of
them came close to me. They came out of two cars. Then even more of them
appeared. There were lots of them and all were in civilian clothes. I
was even pleased by such serious concern. Some of the young ones, as
always, had started to show off, trying to break my arms. They put me in
handcuffs, put me in the car, and sat down close to me, one on each
side. Well, as it usually goes, they started to ask the standard
ridiculous questions: «What did you really do? Why were you so high on
an international wanted list if it was just about hooliganism?» They
took photographs for themselves with their phones.

I actually even felt a kind of relief. Now, I no longer depended on
myself. The measures that I had taken in advance, now had to work for
me. The main thing was to inform my lawyer of what was happening as soon
as possible. I even fell asleep in the car on the way to the police
station. There, they took my fingerprints, photographed me and filled
out some forms. For sure their Russian was really bad, even worse, than
the Russian of our police force. I had to try hard to complete
everything fast and without any mistakes.

You remember what happened next. I was sent to the office of the deputy
chief of the investigatons' department of Solomensky ROVD. He asked me
some questions and told me he didn't wish me any harm. He told me
there'd been rumors that I might be killed while in prison. «You
disturbed someone very important». Well, there had been quite some
rumors going around about me. Eventually all of them left and I was
alone in the office. At that moment the door slammed, and it broke.
While they had a meeting about the door lock and were swearing, accusing
me that I'd slammed the door intentionally, I used their computer and
found out that it was connected to the Internet. I then went on Facebook
and informed you and several other friends about the situation. This
information reached the lawyer immediately. He arrived quickly and began
working on the necessary documents. I did nothing.



-Tell us your impression of the first days in prison. What do the
convicts of Lukjanovskaya prison look like?

-A police paddy wagon arrived to the office and I was transferred to the
temporary detention facility. It appeared quite flashy: it was clean,
bright, with hot water, edible meals and clean linen, almost like a spa
resort. Later I learned that it had been built especially to show off in
front of Europeans. There I met different criminals: one murderer, a con
artist and a professional athlete, who was seriously beaten up by the
police, I don't remember for what. Then I was transferred again to
Lukjanovka. There were a lot of people, we talked a little, I became
acquainted with some of them. At first they separated ex-police officers
from us and the snitches, searched everyone and eventually put us in
quarantine. It was a big room for forty people, mostly first-time
convicts. Conditions were awful there: dirty, humid, most packages never
reached people. Everyone had to sit there for several days. It was quite
cold, but the plank iron beds had no mattresses on them. I caught a
serious flu, was lying there with a high temperature. But I also became
acquainted with a lot of people.

The overwhelming majority had been sentenced for nonsense. There were a
lot of addicts, mostly methamphetamine addicts, not heroin. They
gathered in groups to discuss their experiments on how and what to cook
into drugs. To tell the truth, I was enraged by these conversations. But
most of the convicts were not even addicts but just poor guys. Small
robberies, ridiculous hundred grivnas thefts from supermarkets, well,
different drunken assaults and murders. A perfect example was a homeless
guy who'd broken off a huge litter-bin and dragged it to scrap metal
yard for several kopecks. For such things they put people in prison too.
I suppose it's being done this way to make sure the prisons are always full.

There were also very interesting people. It's interesting to talk about
many of them. My first cell was filled with con artists sentenced for
economic crimes. That cell was considered very civilized. In general,
there were quite a lot of interesting people. Then a guard came, I still
remember his surname, Berezovsky. He called me and said: «I have to
transport you to a special block». I didn't want to go, though I knew
that the special block is quite normal too, and in general there were
vip-convicts. But anyway I didn't want to move, because I was already
acquainted with everyone. One of them was a tattooer from Zhukovsky,
Russia. I told him that I draw too. Together we drew sketches on
bed-sheets with a gel pen. In the evening a guard came and told me I was
going to move.

I came into a new cell. The room was small (three places), clean, very
tidy, there was a refrigerator. There was one quiet old intelligent guy
making a salad. He immediately started to talk to me on a first-name
basis. He introduced himself: "Valery Vladimirovich". We greeted each
other. I told him that I was awaiting extradition to Russia according to
the article on "hooliganism", but that in fact it was a political case.
He named his articles: «excess of official powers» and «misappropriation
of state property».

I thought that the colonel was probably quite important, and later I saw
on TV that he was the vice Minister of Defense Ivaschenko. I told him
about Khimki. Now we understood that neither of us was a liar. We
communicated normally though we were people of different age and social
status. He taught me how to play chess. I left him my drawings. The
worst thing in the special block is the lack of communication.
Communication with relatives is only possible through the lawyer.

-Who else would you like to talk about from the special block?

I met a lot of different people in the special bock of the prison. For
example, I met the director of "Kievgorstroj-2" Sergey Ivanovich Kushch,
who supervised over many building projects. I presented him one of my
paintings on his Birthday. One week prior to my release, Sergey Kostakov
was also released. He was sentenced for disorder during the «Tax Maidan»
in Kiev. He wasn't in the special block, but close to us. I got
acquainted with him, while we were being taken to court. A lot of people
supported him, including 20 deputies. He had heard about Khimki as well,
when it had been shown on TV among other current events. Not as detailed
as in Russia, of course, but Ukrainian people knew about the situation.
Kostakov is a very calm person. I also often saw a fat amusing American
Fletcher, the millionaire who created a financial pyramid. He didn't
speak to anyone, but I saw him frequently. In general, the elite walks
in the prison-yard. In comparison to the regular prison standards, our
sports court was really huge.

-What is your impression of the political situation in Ukraine after
talking to some of the main characters in various scandals?

-Most information I just heard from ordinary convicts. In general, in
prison, Yanukovych is considered an unworthy president. He was a «goat»,
and he was sentenced for having almost raped someone. It is said that
the real power in Ukraine is with the Donetsk clan and he is just one of
their puppets. When he came to power even drivers in the government
garage, old professionals, had been replaced by Donetsk drivers. There
are a lot of stories about takeovers of small and medium businesses by
Donetsk clan members.

-Tell us the story of your sentence in the segregation cell. What were
you locked up there for on the 9th of May? And don't forget to tell
about how you painted it.

-Well, it was the 9th of May. A holiday. Suddenly the guard comes in the
cell: «Gather your things for the segregation cell». «What for?» I asked
him. «It's none of my business. My business is to take you there. Ask
officials about the reason».

I gathered my things, and then I was taken away. Everyone who was to be
closed up in the punishment cell was gathered up. Then they took me for
a search. There they took everything we had. We weren't allowed to take
anything: neither cigarettes, nor books. We were then taken to warden.
The chief warden and his deputies were there. There was a queue for the
segregation cell. One of his deputies asked me:

- Do you know, what you are being punished for?

- No.

- How? Your phone was taken from you in the cell.

And he told me the date.

- We hadn't been searched on that day, and no phones had been taken from
us. Show me the report.

- Here's the report, sign it. And he gave me the paper.

- I won't sign.

- You will regret it. Ten days of segregation cell.

The warden was looking at it silently. Then he said:

- What cell are you from?

- The fifteenth.

- Who else is there?

- Ivaschenko.

- To figure it out, - he told the deputy.

Convicts advised me not to argue. If I argued I would get the maximum
sentence. Suddenly, before transferring us to the segregation cells, the
guard entered and said: «Solopov, go home» (in the direction of my
cell). It appeared, that I was to return to my cell because I hadn't
signed that report. The next day the prison warden called me and kindly
told me in private: «Well, I have decided not to punish you severely.
I'll punish you with a sentence in the segregation cell. Just two days
in order that you understand what it's like». So they punished me. I
still don't know what for. Later they even apologized.

Well, the segregation cell had naked concrete walls, a concrete bowl and
a hole in the floor as a toilet. The most pleasant thing was the wooden
floor, because the cot was screwed to the wall during the whole day, so
you couldn't sit on it. There was nothing to do in general. You couldn't
have a normal meal. Meal in segregation is a mixed fodder that you can
only eat if you're starving. The only edible thing was bread, and only
with tea.

Being bored, I broken off some kind of stalactites from plaster, and it
became a piece of chalk for me. Besides that I took a piece of crude
crumbly black concrete. I had two colors. Using them I drew a sofa on
the wall, where there was the cot, two pictures in frames and on the
blank wall a slightly opened door. I tried hard and the result was not
so bad. I worked conscientiously on the perspective. The next day
security guards were delighted and they took pictures on their mobile
phones. They verbally abused me, as was their duty, but in fact they
called everyone to come and have a look.

- You mentioned your paintings. How many works did you create while you
were in prison?

- Besides the picture I gave you from prison, where I drew the cell, I
worked on some other pieces. I gave "Ronald-balanderand" (“balanda” is a
Russian prison slang for “meal” and “balander” is a prisoner who
delivers “balanda” - transl.) to Sergey Ivanovic Kushch from
"Kievgorstroj". It was of Ronald McDonald carrying a meal like a
prisoner. But I didn't explain all the meanings I had put into that
painting. He with his cell mate, the head of some village council, often
philosophized about this work during their walks. I also made one work
around the situation in Libya and Gaddafi. I made one about refugees.
All my works had some social relevance, connected to my actual
circumstances, but I don't want to describe them in words. I hope, they
will be available to a larger public in some time.

- You're a participant in the 4th Moscow Biennale of Contemporary Art.
Are we going to see your exposition in Moscow?

- Yes, definitely. I will do my best to make it happen. I hope, it will
be possible to show some of the paintings I made in the remand prison.
Thanks, by the way, to all who made an effort to exhibit my works in
Moscow and Kiev while I was imprisoned. I am ready to create more varied
and especially controversial works. In fact, the idea of having my own
exhibition came up in my head while I was hiding and there was something
on TV about an attack on an art gallery. It was situated in the old
building of the Khimki administration and, as was explained by one of
Khimki officials, was in fact the actual target of the antifa attack -
OS. I then decided to draw some pictures on canvases (before my arrest I
had finished only one) and with the help of my friends make an
exhibition in Moscow. It would be cool: I'm in the international search,
and there is my exhibition in Moscow. I also had an idea to arrange an
auction after the exhibition, and donate the money to the Khimki art
gallery.

- You're a professional jeweler. Your status in a new country would
allow you to get an additional education, there is a jewelery industry
in the Netherlands. Are you going to work as a jeweler?

- Yes, I will try. I hope, I will have the possibility to find a job,
allowing me not only to earn enough money to live happily, but also to
help provide my parents a better life.

- You're moving to a prosperous European country, where you will have
social security and will be able to get a free education and the chance
to work. Are you satisfied with the role of emigrant?

- No, the life of an emigrant doesn't suit me. Thanks, of course, to the
Netherlands for the residence permit, but this country is unfamiliar to
me, with its specific rules. I'm a Russian person, grew up in my
country, with its own culture, and at the first possibility I will
return home. The conflict with the state doesn't cancel out that it's my
homeland. And, being abroad, I want to influence life in my country. I
have left only to go back. I'm not a dissident, dreaming to run away.

- After a year, what do you think? What consequences did the events in
Khimki have on you, your relatives and friends?

- Well, on the one hand, many have suffered from the reprisal actions of
the Moscow region police. On the other hand, it was the real revolt of
thinking youth. It was not an oppositional action, not a banal protest.
It was a revolt against Evil, against the people who symbolize true
extremism across all Russia.

I'm often being asked such a simple question: «Would you have behaved
the same way a year ago if you had known about consequences?». My answer
is: «Definitely». Yes, all of us have suffered from the consequences.
But we have proved that ordinary kids if they are ready to unite, are
capable to put fear into shit-eating officials. In present day Russia
this is worth its weight in gold.

- What would you tell the investigators who worked on your case?

- Of course I could say: «Haha, you're losers, I got out of prison and
bypassed you». But I don't want to say that. Who are these
investigators? They are subordinates who are generally too frightened to
admit that they are the slaves of their bosses, deceiving themselves
that things are otherwise. Many of them understand that they're forced
to be engaged in this mess and make up extremism. Perhaps there are also
sincerely ridiculous people who believe in what they do. These fools do
not see the extremists in officials and instead search for them in
housing districts. I also want to tell such guys that when they catch
thinking people, it would be desirable, if they too reflected on this.
And I want to wish them to have respect for themselves. Of course if
they have any code of honor at all, if not the officers' code, then at
least the basic human code of honor.

- Do you have anything to add?

- Thanks to everyone for whom my destiny wasn't indifferent. Thanks to
all the people who helped me and my relatives. These are hundreds, if
not thousands people in different cities and countries. I have met many
of them while I was hiding and when I was in prison, some I'd known
earlier, and many of them I haven't met to this day. They are people
with different views, often even opposing views, with different
destinies and positions in society, but I am sincerely grateful to each
one of them. And I hope that with each story such as this one these good
people will believe more in their strength.

http://inter.antifa.ru/page/denis-solopov-cross-the-border-before-its-not-too-late#cut

(through
https://avtonom.org/en/news/cross-border-its-not-too-late-escape-story-denis-solopov-his-own-words)

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Friday, September 23, 2011

Petition in defense of Belarus imprisoned anarchists

Sept. 21, 2011 Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow

The last European dictator is now trading people's freedom for loans
from the west. He has now set 24 political prisoners free. Please find
below links to the petition to liberate Belorussian anarchists. The
petition has also been signed by members of several political parties
and organisations in Belarus and abroad:

Alexandr Feduta, journalist

One of the first to sign was journalist Alexandr Feduta, former cellmate
of anarchist Igor Olinevich in KGB pre-trial detention prison. I shared
a cell for one month with Igor Olinevich and have signed this petition
with full conscience because I know: this guy has received eight years
in prison for nothing, just because he hasn't surrendered and didn't
admit fault", - admitted Alexandr Feduta in his blog.

Anatoly Lebedko, Chairman of United Civil party (Belarus) said
"As to Igor and others, it is a case with underlying political reason.
Authorities needed to show a successful fight with "local terrorism".
It's very easy to show that in conditions of absence of an independent
judicial system. Besides I have spent more than a month with Igor in one
cell, and have concluded my own opinions about him, as a person and a
citizen. United Civil Party considers that in the conditions of absence
of an independent judicial system, in a situation of ceaseless hunting
for dissidents, the detainees of the "arson case" could and should be
considered political prisoners".

Sergey Martselev, former leader of Nikolay Statkievich's electoral
headquarters
"I have spent a month in one cell with Igor Olinevich. He is courageous
and person of principles, charges against of him are based on false
denunciations, therefore I want to join the petition in his defence," -
noted Sergey Martselev.

Igor Lyalkov, first deputy chairman of the party BNF
"Anarchists - political prisoners, without their liberation the dialogue
with Lukashenko is impossible. It is the position of Party BNF and of
all reasonable people," - considers the first deputy chairman of the
party BNF Igor Lyalkov.

Andrzej Pochobut, journalist of Polish newspaper GazetaWyborcza
"I've also signed this petition. After litigation and statements of
witnesses about the pressure upon them there was a steady sensation that
Nikolay Dedok, Alexandr Frantskevich and Igor Olinevich were simply
appointed guilty, and "the most humane court in the world" has banally
executed the order of special forces." - journalist Andrzej Pochobut,
political prisoner condemned in July 2011 for 3 years conditionally
under the article 367 of Criminal Code "Slander of the President".

Kiryll Atamanchik, coordinator of youth initiative StudAlliance
"It's insulting to see such situation in the country. People are getting
thrown into prison on forged cases, their friends and relatives are
threatened. Just like in a country with occupational martial law. Horror
... With Nikolay Dedok I've been in correspondence through LJ. It was
interesting to always have constructive discussions with him. It's very
nice when young men in any country have such civic consciousness and
it's twice more pleasant that there are such people in Belarus where it
is so necessary. The student's community of EHU from the very beginning
consistently supported Nikolay Dedok's liberation. Litigation which
sentenced Nikolay for four and a half years of prison was ridiculous.
The Law in Belarus was soaked with mud and thrown in the trash. I, my
friends, and also my colleagues, we will all make efforts to make it as
soon as possible for Nikolay to leave the cells of that establishment
where there should be those who judged it ", - the publicist and the
coordinator of youth initiative StudAlliance Cyril Atamanchik said.

Nikita Lihovid, ex-political prisoner
"They are condemned for political reasons. Personally for me, they are
political prisoners, therefore their liberation should be demanded
together with defendants of the December 19th case and on the
Lobov-Dashkevich case. All of them together are political prisoners," -
says ex- political prisoner Nikita Lihovid who has spent 81 days in a
penal insulator of the Novopolotsk colony.

Pavel Vinogradov, ex-political prisoner
"With Alexander Frantskevich I have spent some months in a pre-trial
detention center, and then other 3 months in "The Wolf Holes Prison".
Where of course we were also in contact, though we were in different
groups. On 9th of September Mirzayanov and Lobov and I were all
suggested to sign the petition for pardon, but he has refused (as well
as all of us). I think that all of them should be set free (anarchists -
ed.), as I'm aware of the pressure upon them during the investigation
and how the court proceedings took place "," - the former political
prisoner Pavel Vinogradov admits.

The petition has also been signed by members of several political
parties and organisations in Belarus and abroad:.
Nikolai Khalezin, Art Director at Belarus Free Theatre.
Aleh Novikau, chairman of Belorussian "Green" party.
Yury Glushakov, deputy chairman of Belorussian "Green" party.
Ales Mihalevic, ex-candidate for the presidential post and nowadays
political emigrant
Alexey Shidlovsky, one of the first Belorussian political prisoners,
political emigrant
Irina Khalip, journalist and editor, wife of the ex-candidate Andrey
Sannikov

Russian http://www.petitiononline.com/6polit/petition.html
English
http://www.gopetition.com/petitions/in-defense-of-belarus-imprisoned-anarchists.html
Brief review of the process of Belarusian anarchists
http://spring96.org/en/news/43788

source:
http://avtonom.org/en/news/petition-defense-belarus-imprisoned-anarchists

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Saturday, July 16, 2011

Rinat Sultanov is being transferred

July 15, 2011

Rinat Sultanov - anarchist anti-fascist and RASH-skinhead from Saint
Petersburg of Russia, who was sentenced to two years in prison for a
fight with Nazis, which took place 4th of November 2008, is being
transferred. During transfer, which may take more than a month, his
whereabouts are unknown. Please remove Rinat's address from prisoner
lists until his new prison address is known.

Source: http://avtonom.org/en/news/rinat-sultanov-being-transferred

Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Monday, July 04, 2011

One “Khimki hostage” acquired, another one got 2 years suspended

24th of June, judge of the Khimki city court of Moscow region of
Russia, Neonila Zepalova, sentenced “Khimki hostages”, anti-fascist
activists Alexei Gaskarov and Maxim Solopov, who were accused of
organisation of a radical demonstration against construction of the
Moscow-St. Petersburg toll highway, which took place in Moscow Suburb of
Khimki 28th of July.< Alexei Gaskarov, who came to action 28th of July
2010 as a correspondent of the Institute of Common Actions, was acquired
and cleared of all charges. Another defendant, anti-fascist Maxim
Solopov, was sentenced for “hooliganism” (statute 213, paragraph 2 of
Russian criminal codex) for two years suspended sentence, with a
probation period of two years. Jud ge declared, that Solopov was
shooting to air from a traumatic pistol, and threw city administration
with objects. In her conclusion, judge referred to testimony of
witnesses Krivoshanova and Khramova. Krivoshanova rejected the testimony
she provided during the investiogation, and also filled a formal
complaint at the prosecutor's office due to psychological pressure that
was applied against her during the interrogations. But besides this,
judge considered her previous testimony eligible, as prosecutor's office
decided not to open a criminal case against investigators.


As for the witnesses of the prosecution, Khramov and his friend Pitel,
they are not inhabitants of the Khimki, but from Mytischi region of
Moscow. Allegedly they came to Khimki to meet some girls, whom they
could not describe during the court session. And they, as well as
witness of the prosecution Parshin, have a criminal record, and
cooperating with police is in their own interests. Khramov and Pitel
claimed, that they could remember very well the faces of the accused
(although Pitel give confusing testimony, as he was unable to remember
which of the accused took off a mask next to him), but neither of them
could remember how the defendants were dressed.

Testimony of Pitel and Khramov, given during the preliminary
investigation, was identical and apparently copied from a common source.
During court hearing, Khramov said that it was around 30 or 40 persons
participating to action of 28th of July, whereas Pitel was talking about
several hundred. Pitel and Khramov claimed that they followed events
around “Table of honour” not far from the city administration, but in
photographs and video footage where this spot is included, Pitel and
Khramov are not present.

Conclusion of the court is also referring to certain video footage from
the action, where one may see a person, which is allegedly dressed as
Maxim Solopov. As Maxim Solopov argued during the process, this footage
never went through the required process of recognition of the persons
present in the footage.

Judge considered unsubstantiated claim of the prosecution, that there
was an organised group, which organised the action at the city
administration.

Maxim Solopov wants to appeal against his sentence, and Alexey Gaskarov
will be pressing for rehabilitation, and a monetary compensation for the
three months he spent in remand prison.

2th of March of 2011, another Russian anti-fascist Denis Solopov,
brother of Maxim Solopov, was arrested in Kiev, and is currently
remanded there.

4th of April, in a closed hearing in local court of Shevchenko region of
Kiev, Denis Solopov was detained during the hearing on extradiction.
This means, that Denis will be imprisoned while prosecutor general of
Ukraine is making a decision on his extradiction. According to lawyer of
Solopov, judge did not took into consideration the fact, that already
before his arrest, Denis was given a status of mandatory refugee by Kiev
presentation of UNCHR, and also that he has contested the decision of
migration service of Kiev not to give him a refugee status in Ukraine.
31st of May Shevchenkovsky court prolonged arrest of Denis for two more
months. 22nd of Juny in Moscow, in memorial center of Andrei Sakharov,
an exhibition of artwork of Denis Solopov was opened.

Additional information:
Campaign to Free Khimki Hostages
+7-915-053-59-12
http://khimkibattle.org/
info@khimkibattle.org

Source:
http://avtonom.org/en/news/one-khimki-hostage-acquired-another-one-got-2-years-suspended-sentence

Spanish:
http://avtonom.org/es/news/uno-de-los-presos-de-jimki-ha-sido-declarado-inocente-el-otro-ha-recibido-dos-anos-de-libertad-

French:
http://avtonom.org/fr/news/un-otage-de-khimki-est-acquitte-l-autre-est-condamne-2-ans-avec-surcis

German:
http://khimkibattle.org/?p=2528&lang=de


Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
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http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia

Wednesday, February 23, 2011

Anarchists from Barnaul, Russia need your help!

Anarchist Black Cross Moscow Feb. 23, 2011

On night of February 1st, anarchists of Barnaul (Altai region) undertook
a graffiti-action which ridiculed the members of today’s Russian
“political elite” and compared them with parasites. It did not took long
for state repressive apparatus to react. On the next day the officers of
so-called anti-extremist police (CPE) broke into the houses of two
libertarian activists – Sergey Sandin and Daniil Malishkin.

The guys were took to the police station and held there over 24 hours
without any food, water and sleep. During this time the activists were
exerted pressure (including physical one) for them to admit their guilt
and disclose an information about other anarchists and anti-fascists. As
a result of this pressure Sergey Sandin had an attack of asthma (the
detailed story of Danil Malishkin's arrest arrest is here in Russian
language and here autotranslated).

Later, the policemen searched homes of activists (searches were
conducted with crude procedural violations), and took away some personal
belongings of the activists (including such usual things as teacup,
marker pens, sticky tape and so on), three computers and office equipment.

On February, 14 anarchist and antifascist Vitaliy Leonov was captured
near his work and got to the police station. Now he is the third suspect
in this case.

Although material loss from the graffiti-action was minor (about 25 EUR
for “damaged banner”), and there wasn’t any evidence of the guys’
involvement in illegal activity, the anti-extremist police processed a
criminal case against them. Now our friends are charged with
“hooliganism, committed by a group of people for political reasons”.
Maximum punishment on this accusation is seven years of imprisonment.

In this moment Daniil, Sergey and Vitali need money for lawyers (about
3000 euros all together). This sum is overwhelming for them, because two
of them are still students and their families are not rich.

To get more information you can contact these e-mails and the guys will
answer you themselves:

Daniil Malishkin bonk46@gmail.com

Sergey Sandin enottwentytwo@gmail.com

Vitaliy Leonov leonow85@gmail.com

Just a month ago they organized a hardcore punk concert in order to
collect money for orphanage. And now we ask you for a help, because
anyone of us can find oneself under repressions.

Transfers for Barnaul anarchists under investigation:

Web Money
R883295499137 (RUB)
Z102747368586 (USD)
E329649787161 (EUR)

Yandex Money

41001276209779

Alfa-Bank (euro accounts – only for euros!)
Beneficiaru s bank Alfa-bank, Moscow, Russia

S.W.I.F.T. ALFARUMM

Beneficiaru ms. Gain Olga Aleksandrovna

Account number 40817978308960001123

Correspondent bank of beneficiaru s bank COMMERZBANK AG, Frankfurt am Main

S.W.I.F.T. COBADEFF

Acc. With corresp / Bank № 400886894501 EUR

Alfa-Bank (USD)

Beneficiaru s bank Alfa-bank, Moscow, Russia

S.W.I.F.T. ALFARUMM

Beneficiaru ms. Gain Olga Aleksandrovna

Account number 40817840308960001497

Correspondent bank of beneficiaru s bank WELLS FARGO BANK N.A.

S.W.I.F.T. PNBPUS3NNYC

Acc. With corresp / Bank № 2000193651652 USD

You can also help DANIIL, SERGEY and VITALIY by dissemination of this
information.

Thank you!

SOLIDARITY IS OUR WEAPON!


http://anarhobarnaul.org/barnaulskim-anarxistam-nuzhna-pomoshh/ - here
you can find this information in Russian, English and French languages.


For working links, check version at
http://avtonom.org/en/node/14981

Forwarded by Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow

Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia