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The only way out is struggle. We, the working class, must organise in the teeth of all obstructions. We must build the unions that the officials manifestly can’t build by themselves. We must use our vital weapon, the strike, and if the officials won’t help, we must act without them. And we must build solidarity across borders, because only international solidarity can beat the power of global capital. Standing together, in defiance of nationalism, we will have built a movement that embodies the values of a new and better world, a movement which also has the power to create that world. We can make a revolution to overthrow capitalism and create libertarian communism, worldwide.
See also:
• "1ero de Mayo desde el sur de Bogotá" Encuentro por la Autonomía
• "[Colombia] Desde el sur y con la gente, primero de mayo combatiente" Grupo Estudiantil Anarquista
• "O 1º de Maio e a Luta contra a Reforma da Previdência: Construir uma Greve Geral desde a base para defender nas ruas a nossa aposentadoria!" Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB)
• "Η τραγωδία του Haymarket" Mother Jones (IWW)
• "Resistamos a Duque, organicemos un nuevo movimiento sindical y popular. 1ero de mayo 2019" Grupo Libertario Vía Libre
• "1 de Mayo en Argentina" Organización Resistencia Anarquista (ORA)
• "Tek Damla Yağmurla Başlar Her Fırtına – 1 Mayıs 2019" Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet (DAF)
Lo cierto es que no estamos frente un mártir ni un ejemplo digno de nada, sino ante un hecho político e histórico que nos enrostra la capacidad del poder corrupto y neoliberal de evadir responsabilidades, y que incluso puede usar una tragedia para seguir construyendo muros de protección y evasión de la verdad. Los allegados de García se empeñan en decir que solo la historia lo juzgará, como pretendiendo limpiar su nombre y darle un lugar privilegiado en la memoria nacional. Nosotros, desde los movimientos sociales y la clase trabajadora, decimos que es cierto que la historia le dará el sitial que le corresponde, pero no como hombre digno, sino como un genocida y corrupto que murió sin responder por sus culpas. El pueblo no olvida.
La más reciente contienda electoral por la cabeza del Poder Ejecutivo en Colombia tuvo un lugar central en el debate político y social del país, llegando a convertirse en el pan de cada día de la población. La generalización de las redes sociales, la vasta propaganda eleccionaria y el intenso cubrimiento informativo, pusieron a la gente a discutir de política con una intensidad especial. Finalmente, el pasado domingo 27 de mayo de 2018, se realizó la primera vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de Colombia para elegir el presidente número 60 del Estado, que definió como contendientes de una segunda vuelta a los candidatos Iván Duque y Gustavo Petro.
Como Grupo Libertario Vía Libre nos parece una tarea urgente presentar algunas líneas de análisis sobre el actual panorama electoral, con el objetivo de trazar rutas de acción común. Por tal motivo, a partir de la información sobre los resultados de esta elección contenida en el boletín 54 de pre conteo de votos emitido por la Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil, queremos adelantar las siguientes reflexiones.
Credit: eNCA / Xoli Mngambi
The labour movement has been unable to de-link itself from its archenemy: capital. As its structures bureaucratise, as its leaders become career unionists, as it opens investment companies and pays staff increasingly inequitable salaries, it increasingly mirrors the very thing it is fighting. If the South African Federation of Trade Unions is to meet its promise, it must be fundamentally different from the organisation it was born out of.
A federation will not liberate the class, nor will its affiliates; only the working class can liberate itself and it will never be able to do that as long as there is an implicit belief in a Great Leader/s; as long as the union is seen as a legal service and as long as power and money are centralised. A truly participatory, democratic trade union would be one where the locals/branches of each affiliate control the membership dues collected, where they would use their dues to do work on the ground and put some aside for provincial and national work; where the workers have direct ownership of the means of trade union production (negotiation, representation, mobilisation) and where the extremely loosely used term, democracy, translates into individual worker agency and empowerment to ensure that the base, the majority, the working class, is where true power lies, and that it uses its power to change the world for the benefit of the many.
Demonstration in Cachoeirinha
The Municipal Workers’ Union of Cachoeirinha (Sindicato dos Municipários de Cachoeirinha – SIMCA) is a union that fights for workers’ rights in class-based struggles in Brazil. Founded on June 20, 1989, it has consistently been a protagonist in struggles both initiated by the Union and by other social movements. The municipal workers of Cachoeirinha have been leaders in the organization and mobilization of these struggles, refusing to stay quiet in the face of arbitrary and authoritarian exploitation of labor, mismanagement on the part of bosses and government officials, and the injustices imposed “from above.”
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