Friday, 29 March 2019

A Critical Error, or - the gun put to your head: a meeting of the council pensions' committee ...


The Man From Capita appears at the Pensions Committee: to his left, Cllr Finn


On Tuesday night, I turned up a little early at the Town Hall, and went to sit down in the foyer, before the meeting. As I did so, I noticed a small display on one side of the stairs - about Barnet Libraries. With breathtaking cheek, the council which has virtually destroyed its once magnificent, hundred year old library service had put on a half hearted exhibition of old photographs of the days when the local councillors understood the importance of access to books, and information, and supported a fully staffed, professionally run number of branches across the borough. I used to work for the service, for a few, very happy years.

In the reflection of the glass cabinet, I saw a local Tory councillor, Mark Shooter, Chair of the committee that was meeting that night, standing behind me. Without turning around I said hello, and pointed out the display. I showed him the photograph of Eileen Colwell, who had worked for the library service for decades, and was the pioneer of the internationally acclaimed children's library movement. I also spotted an early photo of a woman who had been a colleague at the end of her career, when I worked at Golders Green library, and who, like Eileen Colwell, had dedicated her life to the profession she had chosen: like many others, she saw her job as more of a vocation. Eileen Colwell worked next door, I told him, nodding in the direction of Hendon Library, unstaffed that evening; and then said I wondered what she would make of the damage he and his colleagues had done.




Eileen Colwell, Pioneer of the children's library movement, whose work is being destroyed by Barnet Tory cuts


He shrugged, and said everyone has ipads and kindles now. Then he looked at me, uncomprehending: Why do you care so much?

Why don't you? I replied. Why did you become a councillor?

He thought for a few moments and mumbled something about 'making things better'. Well, that's why I care so much: I want to make things better too. 

I was there that night on my own behalf, however: to attend the Pensions Committee, having asked to speak to it and having submitted a number of questions. 

Cllr Shooter was puzzled. Why was I bothering? The Pensions committee is normally over in half an hour. And there was a match he was missing. Oh, and he had been told to make sure I didn't talk for longer than exactly three minutes. I said I would say what I had to say, whatever.

Because I had something to say which mattered, not just to me, but to anyone working for the council, or who had worked at some point for the council, and whose pension benefits were in the hands of ... yes: Capita. My investment in the scheme was from the time in the library service, the service built by dedicated employees like Eileen Colwell, but whose dedication and work Tory councillors now hold in such low esteem. 

My employment had been for a few years, accruing a certain amount of benefits in the Local Government Pension Scheme.

Capita's administration of the council's pension scheme has been disastrous since the start: very serious issues have been identified since 2016, and are still continuing, without any near possibility of this contractual partnership ending, and the administration returning where it should be, and where it used to be run perfectly efficiently: in house. 

Earlier this week, Barnet Unison published a statement about the dire state of Capita's pension administration: as they reminded everyone, the Pensions' Regulator has already had to intervene twice in Barnet: 

In 2017:

TPR issues first fine to a public service pension scheme

“The Pensions Regulator (TPR) has fined a public service pension scheme £1,000 for failing to submit basic information required by law…………

TPR issued a scheme return notice to Barnet Council on 9 July 2016, requesting the scheme return be submitted by 12 August. The return was not received and, further communications from TPR not replied to, so the matter was referred to TPR’s Determinations Panel on 24 February 2017.”

Then in 2018

Barnet in TPR breach as Capita misses payments

“The failure to produce 447 statements constitutes a breach of law and a report is being prepared for the Pensions Regulator that will identify the relevant non-compliant employers,” the minutes read.”

And now:

The shocking news was that the critical errors had not been addressed and now the Triannual Valuation of our Pension Fund is now at risk.

In the Data Quality report it states:

“1.3 The quality of membership data is central to the valuation process. Should the quality of data not be to the standard required by Hymans Robertson then there could be delays to the valuation process. Also, inaccurate member data held could result in erroneous benefit statements being issued.


1.4 The results show a significant number of ‘critical errors’ that the administrator will be required to address before actuarial calculations can begin.”


Remember that term: 'critical errors'. I certainly can't forget it, after what happened to me at the meeting.

Two reports that were central to the meeting, one of which addressed the issue of data quality, were not published in the required time limit before the meeting. Only after a complaint to the Chief Executive were they published. They were short reports: why were they withheld on the grounds of not being ready? This is becoming something of a habit, in the case of politically sensitive meetings.

After the complaint the reports were published, and we were told they had simply been held back due to ... 'an administrative error'. (Not a critical one). Fellow blogger John Dix, Mr Reasonable, who had put in several acute questions in regard to the reports, teased out the fact that the data report had actually been 'updated' before publication.

Of course supplementary questions were asked at the meeting: and further interesting information emerged.

Before the questions were put, however, I gave my statement to the committee. Naturally the Chair stopped me from reading the last sentence, as a few more seconds are not allowed, of course, in these circumstances. (Members of the public are only there under sufferance, and must not intrude on time better spent allotted to the pontifications of Tory councillors, consultants, and Capita officers).

I want to address the committee this evening as someone who has benefits invested in the Barnet pension scheme now so badly administered by Capita.

I hope that my own experience of the incompetence of these administrators serves to illustrate to members the real impact on former and current Barnet council workers, and their financial security.

As the reports before you demonstrate, your failure to hold Capita to account for its dire performance is not only enabling risk in terms of the scheme’s long term future, but has immediate and very serious consequences for those of us with benefits tied to this scheme. As the Hyman report clearly states:  “ inaccurate member data held could result in erroneous benefit statements being issued”. 

This is already happening.

I received my annual statement for the last financial year towards the end of last August. I had wondered why it was so late, and decided to contact the so called helpline for further information about my benefits. 

I won’t go into detail about my personal financial circumstances, but it is enough for you to know that in the course of that conversation I discovered, purely by accident, that there were serious errors in my statement. Repeated errors, in fact. 

The operators used to staff the pensions helpline refused to accept this was true, as did their senior officers, or that as a result of these errors, I had lost the opportunity to access the full range of options for my benefits, with disastrous consequences for my financial security.

Only after several more phone calls, emails, and further wrong information supplied to me over a course of months, did I discover that the operators are not qualified to discuss pension benefits, and that there are no qualified advisers available with which to address concerns.

As no one would listen to me in regard to the errors in my data, I tried writing to the Pension Board: that was a waste of time. I then contacted a government pension advisory service, who were appalled, and urged me to contact the Pensions Ombudsman. I did so, and they agreed that there were apparent serious errors in my statements, and serious failures in Capita’s handling of the matter. I was urged to go through what is supposed to be their ‘Early Resolution’ service; dealt with in a matter of weeks. This took nearly five months.

The Ombudsman dealing with my case saw told Capita very early on that they are at fault. After more delays and follow ups with no response, at last: they admitted this was true. All they had to offer in recompense, however, was a dismissive apology. 

The Ombudsman has warned them that this complaint will continue, and that it would be better to offer compensation for the serious financial impact of their errors. That was over a month ago. They have not responded. 

It is now nearly eight months since all this began. It has caused me immense worry and had very significant impact on my current financial and personal circumstances: and it seems there is nothing I can do about it. This is not acceptable.

If this has happened to me, it is probable that there are other scheme members similarly affected, who may not yet realise. For those individuals, the risks posed by incorrect annual statements, and incorrect data, are a ticking time bomb.

What is just simply impossible to understand is why you continue to tolerate such a high level of incompetence in your contractual partners’ performance?

The only explanation is that the Tory members put their own political interests before the best interests of council employees. This is simply unforgiveable: if you have any decency you will reconsider your decision not to revert immediately back to in house administration of the scheme. To leave it in the hands of Capita any longer would be in my view, nothing less than wilful negligence.

A couple of members asked questions, including Labour's Alison Moore, who knows the background to the whole saga: she asked how other scheme members, less 'tenacious' than I, would cope with finding themselves with similar errors in the administration of their pension benefits. 

I answered truthfully that it had been extremely worrying for me, at a very difficult personal time for my family. That explanation didn't satisfy one Tory councillor present, as we shall see. He wanted a higher level of proof.

As I pointed out, if this cockup has happened in my case, it may well be so for many other scheme members from the time when I worked for Barnet. Most would have no idea: I only found out by sheer chance that my annual statements had a fatally inaccurate piece of information. 

A 'critical error': a mere data quality issue to Tory councillors. 

Real life impact for those affected. 

Not what the Chair thought; he told the meeting that the data error issue had no personal effect. This simply is not true. Apart from my case, and who knows how many others with inaccurate annual statements based on data errors, Professor Alderman had offered them the example of a Barnet employee now unable to retire because Capita have told them they cannot find his records  ... This did not cause any reaction, but then - why should Tory councillors feel any sense of loyalty to former employees, rather than to private contractors?

Also not true is the claim, as reported here, in the local Times, by the Chair, that their hands are tied when faced with such levels of poor performance by Capita:

He said pension administration was “part of an overall contract (with Capita) for the whole council”, adding “we can’t pick and choose”.

Picking and choosing was supposed to be precisely the point of the 'review' or, what was it - the 'realignment' - of the contracts agreed a few months ago by Barnet Tories, when they were forced to admit the extent of failure of the contractual partnership. 

That was before the secret deal made when the head of Capita came to visit, and a paltry £4 million was offered as 'compensation'. Since then, there has been a delay in the review, moving further and further out of focus, and in the meanwhile, our local services remain in their hands, providing their shareholders with profits. 

When I had submitted my questions, I was contacted by the council's Section 151 officer. He was querying the question about checking annual statements for accuracy, for example in age of qualification errors. He clearly had no idea that this could happen, which proved that commissioning officers had not instigated any investigation into this risk. Yet the response to my question now claimed 'a special exercise is in progress' to test this. 

When was this put into action, I asked? Recently. How recently? Was it yesterday, after I submitted the question? He couldn't comment. In other words, yes it was, I concluded. 

The rest of their responses, and indeed the rest of the discussion that meeting - before I walked out - was on the line of, oh well yes, there have been serious problems, but who cares, some improvement in three years has been made, we're not bothered about the impact, and so what if we are sanctioned yet again by the regulator.

The question has to be put, very loudly, as we did so many times at the meeting, to no avail: why it is that Barnet's Conservative councillors are so deeply committed to facilitating the continuing failures in contractual obligations by Capita. 

We've seen it all: failure, cockups, fraud, and all at eyewateringly high level of cost, in total contradiction of the stated reason for outsourcing: the old lie of 'better services for less money'.

Not everyone at the table, or called to the table, was quite so easily satisfied with Capita's administration of the pension scheme: Tory councillor Simberg referred with horror to 'crazy, diabolical errors', and the Labour members pulled apart various concerns which appeared to be of little interest to the other Tories, that is to say the Chair and - Councillor Anthony Finn. 

One of their questions was how much the independent consultant who was being paid to advise on the data issue was receiving for his troubles, and - who bore the cost? Mr Bartle, the Section 151 officer, was obliged to admit that, guess what, the pension scheme is paying - for sorting out the cock up caused by ... the contractors ... They would not disclose the cost, because tssk: this is personal data (remember that point: the personal data of highly paid consultants are wrapped in secrecy, when there is a risk of political embarrassment for the council, but my personal data should be revealed at the committee table). 

Mr Reasonable pointed out no, in fact the information will be in accounts in the public domain, of course.



The consultants brought in - at scheme members' expense - to advise on the data error issue address the committee

Oh: and then came something of a bombshell - albeit one which caused the Tory members merely to put on their helmets and carry on regardless.

Also present at the table was the Chair of the Pensions Board, Professor Geoffrey Alderman. He pointed out that the Board 'hovered over the heads' of the committee, and read out a statement that he had had minuted at a Board meeting in which he said he was 'appalled' by this state of affairs, ie the data quality error issue. 'Appalled', he repeated. 

Noted. One of the consultants at the table, a sad eyed man who looked like Stan Laurel waiting for a bucket of whitewash to fall on his head - another fine mess - gave a sideways look. Otherwise: nothing happened, no reaction. Move on.

Hidden in the public seating was The Man From Capita: a man called Michael Green ,who according to his Linkedin profile rejoices in the title of 'Public Sector Account Director, Capita HR Solutions'. Not sure what the Problem was, if this is the Solution for Barnet: but still.

He emerged now, called to the table, sitting back with determined ease, and making it clear that Capita was not taking the blame for all of this. It was the employers' fault, if data was wrong, it seemed. Still: and here he surprised us all, turning round to address me - he was going to look into my case, to see what had happened.

Good, I said, whilst resolving not to raise my expectations, after eight months of nothing but obstruction from Capita, and being very probably the last woman on God's earth for whom they would want to put right any injustice. Still: let's see, shall we? 

Then things took a rather more sinister turn.

Tory councillor Anthony Finn had a question for the consultant. About the term 'critical errors'.

How critical, he asked, dismissively, is 'critical'? 

He then jabbered on about the definition of the word, implying it wasn't really serious, that it was just a meaningless phrase, that these 'errors' were of no consequence. In a dig at me, he referred to the date of birth being slightly wrong, as if that were the case in my 'critical error'.

The consultant, whoever he was - there was no name on the table - who had navigated the course of the meeting with the usual sort of corporate speak, 'we're seeing that back at the ranch', 'perfect storm' of pension catastrophe etc, now redeemed himself, visibly bristling at the suggestion of overstatement, and he replied to the effect that Councillor Finn was indulging in pointless argument over semantics. These errors were and are serious.

That was not what Finn wanted to hear. 

And then, for no reason, as I sat behind him, without even looking at my direction, he launched into a thinly disguised personal attack. You can hear what happened, in the audio recording: around 65 minutes onwards. 

What he said was this - but reading a transcript gives no idea of the sarcastic, offensive tone of what he said, or its effect: 

Given that it's critical, obviously Ms Musgrove thinks what’s happened to her has been a critical situation ... she has suffered 'terribly' ... BUT It’s a pity she went to the lengths ... only (not) to discuss the individual case,  but you are going to reply to her ... so perhaps with Ms Musgrove’s permission you can also tell us how critical ... what was the actual facts of the case ... 

I gasped in horror - he was actually demanding that the Chair reveal my personal details, my financial situation,  the context of what had happened, and simply because he did not believe the real difficulties caused by the 'critical error' on my annual statements? Errors which had already been recognised as very serious by the Ombudsman?

I could have explained, as I will here, as it is my choice to do so,  that Capita's repeated 'critical error' on my annual statements has meant I have now lost the option to transfer my benefits out of their fumbling hands, to another, draw down scheme, so as to access the capital, and why I wanted, needed, to do that  - but I did not want to be bullied into exposing any more of my personal case than I already had, in public, and in such an environment.

But worse was to come: he was insisting he needed to know how bad the errors were in my statements, how 'critical': what his definition of critical was, he explained as follows -

whether Ms Musgrove says  it’s critically in her sense of, which is the gun put to your head and you’ve been shot in a minute ... that’s critical ...

He seemed to be suggesting that as I had not shot myself, or taken similarly desperate action, the errors in my statements were clearly not 'critical'. 

The room erupted in uproar. 

In all the years I have watched and listened to members at council meetings, I have never heard or seen anything like this, directed at me, or anyone else. Was he really suggesting that because I had not resorted to such a step, I was lying about the seriousness of the pension cockup, and its impact on my life? 

I grabbed my things, and rushed out, on the verge of tears.

To his credit, the Chair told Finn to stop, and as I heard later, Alison Moore yelled at him that his behaviour was outrageous, and he had gone too far. 

And the (female) Director of Resources rushed out after me, to see if I was alright, which was very kind, followed by John Dix. 

Needless to say, I have received no apology from either Finn, or the Chair. 

Jibes about shooting yourself are apparently a normal part of scrutiny, in Tory Barnet.

The meeting carried on, the business was concluded, Capita remain in place, Tory councillors in their safe seats remain in place, and - the rest of us? We have to sit and watch them do what they like with this borough. 

Of course Finn may have been feeling somewhat touchy because he was Chair of the committee that was tasked with scrutinising contract performance. 

He is now Chair of Audit.

As Geoffrey Alderman, Chair of the Pensions Board, commented at this meeting: without accurate data, you cannot have an accurate audit process. 

As I tried to explain to Cllr Shooter, and Professor Alderman, as we chatted before the meeting - I find it harder and harder to write for this blog. 

Partly because of time, and commitment to my own work: but largely because I now feel so sickened by the state of things, in this foetid political landscape. 

This borough really is now a 'rotten borough' - not in terms of brown envelopes, or personal financial corruption, but because of a systemic failure in safeguards for the democratic process, and a bulging deficit in ethical standards. 

Because of the obstruction of transparency, and accountability; and because of the indefatigable march onwards of a corporate, materialist culture - one that is defended over and beyond the point of madness by the Tory group, in an administration seemingly dedicated to the inversion of all the values defined by the Nolan principles - and with a total absence in leadership, in vision: and in compassion.

Here is Broken Barnet, in one meeting, on one evening, in one room of your Town Hall. 

And there is nothing you can do about it. 

Except this, if you are a Barnet employee, past or former: check your last annual pension statements, contact Capita and insist they confirm in writing your estimated benefits, your age of qualification, and all other personal details. If you have any doubt about your entitlements, speak to Unison.

Wednesday, 6 February 2019

The Tail Wagging the Dog: Capita and Barnet - a joint post.



The Tail Wagging the Dog: Capita and Barnet


Barnet's Conservative led administration has never been so divided.

Since the local elections last May, new members of the Tory group have been confronted with the legacy of their longer serving colleagues’ failure in office: the crisis over the Capita contracts, a massive budget deficit, and the exposure of fraud by a Capita manager, enabled by a failure to put in place any adequate system of financial controls.

Members of the previous administration appear not to have grasped the seriousness of the situation, or at least are reluctant to acknowledge the extent of the problems facing this borough. 

After receiving payment of a paltry £4 million from Capita in ‘compensation’, Tory councillors have now voted to delay any immediate severance of ties, in favour of a long drawn out process of assessment, during which time Capita will continue its contractual partnership with this borough, and our services will continue to be left in their control. 

We believe this is quite wrong, and so, it seems, do some Tory members.

At last week's Audit meeting, for example, it was revealed that BDO, the authority's external auditors, are now obliged to visit Capita's offices in Darlington, where their administration of Barnet's Local Government Pension Scheme is based. This extra work will incur an additional charge on top of the audit fee. Capita continue to administer this scheme, despite very serious concerns about standards of performance. 

Also at last week's Audit meeting, there was discussion about why new systems that should have been implemented following the £2 million fraud by a Capita employee were not in use. 

Grant Thornton, Internal Audit, Senior Council Officers and Capita’s Partnership Manager in Barnet had all agreed these control systems should be implemented immediately. A Capita employee, however, based in Chichester, where these payments are handled, had taken it upon themselves not to implement this critical system, a failing only identified when Internal Audit carried out a follow up check. 

At least one of the Tory members had grave misgivings about the continuing partnership with Capita. 

Councillor for Hale, Laithe Jajeh, said at the meeting, “I find it really worrying that someone from Capita (can do this)..it’s almost the tail wagging the dog …’ He also commented on twitter that assurance from Capita on implementation of Grant Thorntons’ recommendations was ‘not reassuring whatsoever …’ 

He added that Capita’s performance was not good enough and that he was not confident that promised dates for completion would be met.

At a further point in the audit meeting it was identified that 51% of the internal audit recommendations were not completed, the majority of which were the responsibility of Capita. Labour councillor Alison Moore suggested that such a high level of actions not implemented was a sign of an unhealthy organisation. The Head of Assurance said it was a very serious matter from the officers’ perspective. 

The Committee Chairman wanted to take a ‘positive’ view of the situation and suggested that we do not look at criticisms. There was a clear consensus, however, that Councillors, both Conservative and Labour, were not satisfied. 

At last there is an acknowledgement, at least from councillors who were not involved with the original outsourcing exercise, that the partnership with Capita may not be the great panacea we were promised, under the lure of ‘Better services for less money’.

We are facing a review of the contract in February, yet there is a very real concern that decisions have already been made. 

The dispersed structure of the contract, with Capita offices situated all around the country, makes it hard to implement change, hard to control, and hard to monitor. Different reporting lines in different organisations mean that it is difficult to pin down responsibility for actions or inaction. This exacerbates and complicates the failure in accountability between the management of local services, and the local community itself.

We call upon the council to make the outsourcing review as open and unbiased as possible, held in public, with full and meaningful consultation with residents - and with key roles for some of the new Conservative members such as Cllr Jajeh, and Cllr Prager, who seem to have a more clear sighted view of Capita’s performance - and we urge all members to look at how quickly services can be brought back to Barnet, where they can be properly managed, monitored and controlled. 

Derek Dishman
John Dix
Theresa Musgrove
Roger Tichborne




Friday, 1 February 2019

The Right Thing to Do: or - Heading off the Public Noise - Barnet Tories and a £22 million loan to Saracens


An example of the grudgingly released, and still redacted, Barnet/Saracens correspondence


Well, then. Time for a return to a story we followed last year, in the midst of Tory Barnet's financial meltdown: a curious tale whose unpicking, via the submission of Freedom of Information requests, has been slow, laborious - and blocked at every point by the council, despite, as you will see, this matter being very definitely a matter of public interest.

Is still being blocked by the council: but it has just been confirmed that the Information Commissioner is now formally investigating why that is the case ...

Yes: a return to the story of the £22 million loan to Saracens Rugby Club, a privately owned company, for whom we must act as brokers, we are told, so as to assist them find the cash to build a new grandstand at their ground. 

I say their ground: of course this is ours, a publicly owned stadium at Copthall, now renamed 'Allianz Park', which the club has the use of, for free - on the basis of a nominal, peppercorn rent. 

At a time when the Tory council faces the consequences of its financial folly in so heavily investing in the Capita contracts, throws bucketloads of money from its reserves at the whopping budget deficit, attempts to install, rather too late, some system of financial control in the aftermath of the massive fraud perpetrated by a Capita manager, what do you think was its priority? 

Pushing through approval to fund Saracen's expansion plans. 

Why? 

This is a question no one has been able to answer satisfactorily.

We are now committed, thanks to the efforts of the Tory members and senior officers who have arranged this deal, to borrow money on Saracens' behalf from the Public Works Loan Board, an archaic and obscure Treasury department - rumoured to consist of only four civil servants - and which sounds like a sub-committee of Dickens's Circumlocution Office. 

Created in the eighteenth century, and flourishing in the next, this Board was meant to provide funding for much needed projects then creating the basic framework of a new social infrastructure: funding for schools, clean water, sewers. It is meant to have been abolished, but these plans have been shoved to the back of the legislative queue, due to Brexit.

Not in the wildest dreams of the Victorian clerks of the Public Works Loan Board, sitting mutely at their ledgers, signing off bills for these noble aspirations, could there have been a glimmer of an idea that one day in the future, their future colleagues would be handing over millions of pounds of public money in order to subsidise the commercial activities of private companies: but that, effectively, is what is happening here, in Broken Barnet.



A hard day's work, at the Public Works Loan Board:


Our council demands the money from the Board. The Board hands the money over to our council. The council gives the cash to Saracens. Saracens is meant to pay it back, over thirty years. If they stop paying? We carry the debt. 

Does this benefit the borough in any way? Not much: certainly not in any way substantial enough to justify such a risky venture, you might think. A small amount of interest, if payments are maintained. 

Saracens is not a major employer, and, unlike Barnet FC, now driven out of its home territory, has no long history of association with the borough; its community work is hardly irreplaceable. One councillor involved with local charity groups told me that they cannot afford the rates charged by Saracens for use of their rooms. And it seems that even the use by the council of the stadium it owns for election night counts comes at a price. 

What price democracy, in the London Borough of Barnet? 

Quite steep, as it turns out.

So: why then, you may ask, have Tory members and senior officers gone to so much trouble, and spent so much time, funded by Barnet taxpayers, on promoting this loan? 

We don't know.

Why does Saracens not arrange its own commercial loan? 

It seems it can't, or won't, hence the generous offer from us to step in.

Why does Saracens not bear the risk of failure, should the loan repayments, over such a long period, not be honoured?

No apparent answer to that one, when public money is at stake, whether via the PWLB, or Barnet residents and taxpayers.

And all very reasonable questions. But there has been a concerted effort by the council to defy the duty of transparency and accountability to residents and taxpayers in the course of this curious arrangement.

A Freedom of Information request for all correspondence relating to the agreement that led to this deal has been consistently fought since last July, on the basis of various excuses, largely claimed as time spent considering the public interest implications: taken past the time of the committee which approved the loan, for no good reason, as the belated disclosure of material would suggest.

Please tell me when the proposed loan to Saracens was first suggested to the
council, and by whom.

Please give me all copies of all correspondence between council or Capita
representatives and all representatives relating to this proposal.

Please include all internal discussions between officers regarding the loan.

Please include all correspondence by any Conservative councillors regarding
the loan..

Quite clearly this is an issue of considerable public interest, and would be at any time, but at a time of unprecedented financial difficulty, it is even more so. 

Only after six months of challenge has some of the most telling material been released: months after the approval, and only after the ICO had become involved. 

Not all material has been published, including emails from the Leader of the Council. This is despite the Leader apparently not knowing, last year, that his emails had been withheld, and indicating to me at a committee meeting that he had no objection. A senior officer who has been involved in the negotiations also present at this meeting had to tell him that the emails had not been released. He had no idea. Whose decision was it, in that case?

Now we can at least see some of the correspondence that took place. And one can understand why they were so reluctant for this to be disclosed. 

The documents disclosed under FOIA are in the public domain now, however, and available to read below, but there are an absurd number of redactions ... and blank pages ...

Scroll down to the bottom and read from the end, (with some variation in chronological order):







Not only are the emails are littered with redactions - quite wrongly, I would suggest, in many cases - there is a confusing inconsistency in the choice of names blacked out.

Such anonymity is not appropriate if the individual concerned holds a senior position within any body in question and quite clearly in the context of the discussions here, that must be the case. 

Redactions may not be used simply to cover the identity of an individual who is a senior executive, simply because that disclosure might be embarrassing or controversial.


The key figures here, as revealed by the inconsistent redactions, are Cath Shaw, the Deputy Chief Executive, Wayne Butcher, Associate Director at Grant Thornton, (who were charged with producing a (still exempted) report covering 'due diligence' of Saracens' role in the arrangement), Mitesh Velani, CEO for Saracens. There are references to Stephen Mc Donald, Director of Capita Re, and a walk on part played by bemused Tory 'Leader', Cllr Richard Cornelius. Poor Kevin Bartle, Chief Finance Officer, and Section 151 officer, is piggy in the middle.

What does emerge from this correspondence is that the proposal for the £22 million loan to Saracens has been strongly supported and promoted by a small group of senior officers, and a significant amount of time and resources used to make sure this deal is made politically acceptable. Were they asked to do this by a Tory member? If so, why, and why at this time? 

One rather odd feature of this is the involvement of the absurdly titled 'Director of Place', for Capita Re, the Joint Venture that the previous senior management team decided to pursue, before the contracts began, a decision taken without the knowledge or participation of the Tory Leader, Richard Cornelius.

What, you might reasonably ask, are the Director of Capita Re and the Deputy Chief Executive doing, spending so much time, paid for by Barnet tax payers, organising a £22 million loan for a private rugby club? And at this time, of all moments in the dark history of Broken Barnet? Did the Tory administration have nothing better to occupy their interest?

Were there no more pressing issues in Broken Barnet to deal with, at the time? Well, yes there were.

In fact there has never been a time in which the state of the borough has been in a state of crisis more extreme than the one we are now seeing.

At this point, all was falling apart: the Capita contracts - due to be 'realigned' - and the huge budget deficit, temporarily plugged by bunging up the hole with money ransacked from our reserves. The knock on effect of the giant fraud by a Capita manager, and the catastrophic failure in financial control that this exposed. Within a short time we were also engrossed in Bingate, Brexit, and impending cuts to vital services - this is the reality we face, and nothing could be more serious, yet we had time to look down the back of the sofa for £22 million in spare change to lend a rugby club, did we?

Why does the Saracens loan concern senior planning officers, including the Commissioning lead for planning?  All mentioned in the emails, as you will see. At a time when resident dissatisfaction with planning and enforcement - all the remit of the Director of Capita Re - is at an all time high, this seems an inappropriate focus of attention.

There are no doubt perfectly valid reasons for the senior officers' roles in overseeing this process: but we hope that Tory members can explain what those reasons are.

Does Capita receive any contractual gainshare payment or fees from brokering this loan? We would probably not know, as so much of the contracts and its variations are shrouded in secrecy.

Should any senior officers or contractual partners, be putting so much effort into facilitating this project?  Would residents not reasonably expect, at such a time of crisis, that the council and their Capita partners, concentrated on the immediate challenges staring us in the face? Where is the political leadership from the Tory group, so easily persuaded to agree this loan?

Well then.

Here are some choice selections from the FOI material.

Let's start with one email that has the date redacted - it is hard to be certain, but the sequence suggests it is from October 2017, from the deputy CEO to the Tory 'Leader':



So a funding OR financing partner. Sounds like we were lucky not to be asked for the cash outright. Oh, but it must make commercial sense. And they were going to be hard nosed, not fall over and do as asked. Until the Tories fell over and did as asked, with lovely wet noses, and a lot of tail wagging. 

Again, to the Dear 'Leader':





Oh dear. It wouldn't have appeared superficially credible to suggest a commercial loan to a loss-making business

What a shame. Hang on though - Saracens have been convincing as to the reasons why all professional rugby  clubs operate at a loss

Mmm: and Stephen (remember, Director of Capita Re ....) well: his advice is that he thinks this is still the right thing to do ... 

The right thing to do.

Even so, getting this past the empty headed Members may not be - ha ha - the 'formality' we first thought ... The formality! 

There, readers, you have the democratic process of Broken Barnet laid bare.

If the loan goes ahead, our costs will be covered by Saracens (awfully generous), but if it doesn't go ahead ... it will be 'sunk cost' - ie at the expense of the taxpayers of Broken Barnet. Ah. 

And - payment for initial work on this deal , it is suggested, should come from the revenue element of the Infrastructure Reserve. 

Not sure what the Infrastructure Reserve is usually raided for, but one imagines it would have to be for vital projects necessary to the borough. Probably not intended for speculative expenditure of this nature, regarding a loan to a private company.

Read from the bottom up: 



Mr Bartle spells it out. 

The shareholders/board won't stand behind the deal themselves, so they are asking Barnet residents to do it instead. And the Tory leader starts to wobble. What a shame he did not follow his instinctive reaction, and drop the idea. Why didn't he? What persuaded him to ignore any misgivings, and take on such a high risk venture? 

We move on to the investigations and report carried out by Grant Thornton - which we are not allowed to see. Can't think why.

Saracens are not happy with the initial version, according to an email on 6th April, sent by their CEO. The summary contained a number of inaccuracies, he complains. By the 16th April, more dissatisfaction is expressed; Barnet's deputy CEO, Cath Shaw, confides in GT that Saracens think the report 'creates a misleading picture' ...



A sound commercial proposition. Hmm.

On 9th May we catch up on the plans now that the outcome of the election is clear: to the club's CEO, from our deputy CEO:



Oh: 

'the Leader was personally keen on a shareholder guarantee - I absolutely understand this is off the table, but if he continues to push it I wonder if we might suggest a meeting with Nigel Wray?


'if he continues to push it ...'

If the Leader of the Council expresses concerns about Barnet tax payers taking the risk, rather than the shareholders, ie the wealthy owner of Saracens, taking the risk of the loan for their new stand ...?

On the 30th May, we see our Deputy CEO, addressing a long black line of redacted names, asking: Is there a standard list of reasons for making a report exempt?

(According to Mrs Angry's Standard List of Reasons for Making A Report Exempt, from the same manual as: Freedom of Information Requests, How to Obstruct, Whilst Pretending You are Considering the Public Interest  Issue Over a Six Month Period': there is listed only one Reason - to prevent embarrassing material entering the public domain, but of course ... there may be a hundred and one others ...)


On to 11th June: this is illuminating - to 'redacted' again: (why?) & Mr Bartle:




Saracens need to 'get comfortable' with what they are funding, in regard to due diligence work on, erm: themselves. 

Of course they do. Sit back. Here's a cushion. Cup of tea?

By the 25th June, we learn that the Leader has met with the Saracens owner 'who has indicated a willingness to consider the types of additional security set out in the Grant Thornton Report'. Good oh.




Part of that security, of course, is the lease on the stadium that ... we already own, and that is hard to use for any other purpose.

Ah, and then, on the 10th July: to the Leader and - 'redacted', a reference to changes to a public report going to P&R committee: oh, including a mention of awkward points raised by blogger Mr Reasonable (John Dix) in regard to problems with similar deals at Coventry & Northampton; an acknowledgement that Saracens' £45m debt 'has been restructured to create a positive position' ... and: an undertaking to make it more explicit that Saracens' loan will be funded by 'PWLB on-funding', council costs covered, and 'risks mitigated',  to - haha - to head off some of the 'public noise'.

To head off some of the public noise?

That went well, didn't it?

As we know, the 'Leader' clearly was persuaded, somehow, to drop any objection to this deal, and then he and his Tory chums staunchly defended the proposal, even after every reasonable argument raised over concerns about the risk of failure, and the consequences for Barnet taxpayers.

You can't blame Saracens for asking for the loan, I suppose: if you don't ask, you don't get, do you, readers? And undertaking that sort of gambit is exactly how entrepreneurs and successful companies thrive, although in this case, surely Saracens must have been rather astonished to find the council, its officers and members so happy to oblige? 

This is ultimately entirely the responsibility of the Tory administration, the Tory Leader Richard Cornelius, and all his colleagues, for approving the deal, despite serious - and perfectly valid - misgivings. 

But then this is how they do things: taking gambles with public money without due consideration - and in this case, you won't see any of them for dust, should the proverbial stuff hit the fan. 

Barnet Tories are remarkably foolhardy when it comes to chucking money at massive projects like the ten year outsourcing deal with Capita, but usually studiously parsimonious when it comes to all else, and certainly ideologically opposed to the very notion of public subsidy,  supporting the needs of vulnerable residents, or those dependent on social care, or social housing. 

In other boroughs, all around the country, application to the Public Works Loan Board is usually made in order to support such needs; for housing, community centres; education. 

Not here: here we make use of this facility for the benefit of private enterprises unwilling to bear the risk of their own development plans. 

Instead of building new homes for social housing, we decant our poor into the backyards of other authorities, even if it means making other families homeless. 

We don't need community centres, when we do not recognise the value of community, do we? And new schools are something we want to be provided by private funding, in the new market place of education. 

New stands for rugby clubs though: a high priority.

Does any of this make sense? No. 

Is this the end of the story? 

I suspect it is not. 

Stay tuned.