Anarchist Political Statement by Antonis Stamboulou of Revolutionary Struggle
From AMW English
I want to clarify in principle that what I will say is a political statement, not an apology, as I am anarchist and do not apologize to the state power. I also do not want to ask for any mitigation and I am entitled to the law, as the dispute here is another.
In October 2014 and in the years to come, I experienced the way the state sorts its accounts with the internal enemy. The police arbitrariness and violence, the foolishness of retaliation and the hypocrisy of justice. I can assure every rebellious heart that the physical, psychological and bureaucratic violence of the repressive mechanism is incapable of disciplining even one person. Not all of this adventure, from the kidnapping and torture of hooded bugs, to the deprivation of legal rights and the violation of human rights, media cannibalism, illegal transfers, miserable prison conditions, unnecessary trials and indications convictions, to make me review at least the views I have had. On the contrary, I have believed, with indelible evidence, that the state is a legitimate criminal mechanism with principles similar to a criminal organization. Its purpose is to perpetuate, since, although it has the well-known historical role as a tool of the ruling class, it has self-existence itself. It is a living organism that enormously fits into its mechanisms the entire political spectrum of perceptions other than anarchists. It is aimed at the financial benefit of its members that no one produces anything more than services. Ensures the privileges of the rich and its members have common codes of communication the hierarchy, which means fear and submission and mutual interference in unlawful or boundary actions of legality. Usually this is what maintains the balance between the opposing interests of the various conspiracies inside it and imposes the dowry.
The power of the state is not just money and weapons but mainly the logic of sovereignty. The class conception that in the world there must be the above and below. Whether the reason is given by skin color, leaf, economic power, religion, science or species and its position in the supposedly evolutionary pyramid. The state reflects and reproduces this very philosophy. People concerned by this are you judges too. You are a caste of senior government officials who are almost reproduced from family to family. It takes a lot of imagination to sense the way of thinking of those who are neither hierarchical nor want to be or have masters or servants. Those whose values are light years away from systemic ones. This is why you have difficulty in understanding the positions of the anarchist comrades who have been involved in the trial either as accused or as witnesses of a political defense and you find them, if anything, out of the question. That’s why these words will look out of the question. But that’s what it is all about. I am indeed out of the question for you, just as you are out of the question for me because the issue is not defined by one side and it has the law with its part. It is not enough to overcome the conceptual field, but there must be acceptance of the other side in the same context. This is not the case as I treat the process as a political rather than a criminal one, and where I can apply my own terms.
You assert that you are not asking for declarations of loyalty or that you are concerned with my wishes. Would I have been condemned if I did not have these ideas, and especially if I did not insist that my authorities define my attitude towards you? The answer is no. For if, in principle, I accepted the dipole of guilt and innocence and then I tried to prove the second one, it is certain that we would speak about the same language. By accepting your own communication codes, the political and cultural gap would be bridged. You may not ask for declarations of loyalty in the same way as sixty years ago (although some of your colleagues do it), but the political attitude is a sign of guilt “though not by itself” as he admitted to your headquarters. In the first trial, the prosecutor repeatedly asked the witnesses if I insist on my anarchist views and whether they involve the use of force by trying in vain to indirectly extract a declaration of loyalty. Generally as judges, you are usually careful in your public placements so that you do not get the impression that you are judging, but it can only go on the surface and this aspect. That is, the political attitude of the accused who plays a leading role in the conviction, and let him not admit it. Also, the Criminal Code separates the so-called counter-terrorism law 187A from acts of unlawful conduct in a separate conceptual framework, in fact setting common denominator of revolutionary political views.
We observe on a global scale that the fanfare of democracy is overcome and capitalist management returns with more authoritarian frameworks. The essence of the laws to exclude the laws of combating the internal enemy will be revealed with less and less democratic make-up and unconstitutional pangs such as 187A.
I find the court rooms so unsightly and the procedures they host, especially because the latter have a key catalyst for the spectacle. A factor that I detest him as he is the best means of spreading reality. Also, I do not accept the fundamental dichotomy of innocence and guilt for the process. Having taken the place in the arena of social struggle, that is, against established structures and positions, I can not classify my deeds as legitimate or illegal, only to be fair and unfair on the basis of my anarchist principles.
The tendency to explain the various aspects of my life, for example, why did I go (for the other compulsory tenure) as a soldier while I am an anarchist, or for various findings such as books with “suspicious” content (eg, anarchist, etc.) is explained by the following logic. The logic that all courts follow, which is the reversal of the base that says the accused is innocent until proven otherwise. For you and for all the caste of judges in this country, everyone is guilty and their obligation is to prove the opposite. At first I did not want to accept this game that would make me prove that your scenarios do not stand, but I was trying to fight the headquarters to make a script that stands. Of course, experience has shown that it can easily be condemned without much justification. However, unjustified conviction is a sign of unreliability of the judiciary. If information is needed to substantiate the truth, the creation of scenarios requires clues, ie interpretations. In the present case, the absence of convictions either bases the conviction as it did, creates condemnation scenarios, or abolishes the accusations. Condemning interpretations of evidence can be done by creating the corresponding impressions. This is achieved in many ways, such as with the analyzes of the Hellenic Laboratories for traces of gunpowder in a random hat which might well have been (irrelevant if it did not exist at all) and although not at all swift, according to the above trend, it would have to be justified for me not to create climate and to my impressions. That is done in these special courts leaves the analogous precedent, that is, the corresponding deposit. This is the main reason I came to the court of appeal because she was a member of the headquarters. I came to fight in dignified terms the decision that at first gave me thirteen years of imprisonment without one element. Besides, this was clear from the very beginning of the secondary proceedings, since since then, I had already served almost all of the sentence imposed on me by the Protodike. since he was a member of the headquarters. I came to fight in dignified terms the decision that at first gave me thirteen years of imprisonment without one element. Besides, this was clear from the very beginning of the secondary proceedings, since since then, I had already served almost all of the sentence imposed on me by the Protodike. since he was a member of the headquarters. I came to fight in dignified terms the decision that at first gave me thirteen years of imprisonment without one element. Besides, this was clear from the very beginning of the secondary proceedings, since since then, I had already served almost all of the sentence imposed on me by the Protodike.
The courts on the merits process cases in the production line of the justice system. The system of justice by the last jailer and cop to the highest judicial, reproduces the crime and thus the reason for its existence. Typically, however, the courts, like this one, are looking for the truth. But what is the truth, when the greatest liars here were flesh from the fate of the persecution? Police class witnesses who all assured me that I was wiping the fingerprints from the keys when they were delivered with a cloth that was never found. Police officers who even after my question refused to wear the hood for capturing, transporting and interrogating themselves. Which practice is a violation of human rights, and the following practices: the arrest without mentioning the identity of the police officers, the use of physical and psychological violence in the interrogation, the violent dna and fingerprinting, the handgun from the time of conception to the next day even after the interrogation ends within 1 × 3 square detention, refusal to provide legal aid for three days, isolation from any communication and non-disclosure of accusations can only be affirmed by the person who suffers them. But in spite of the courage to cover the wrongs, it was a God-machine that a citizen of the class witness witnessed at least two of the above practices. The police partner and owner of the garage whose keys I handed over, he assured that … he saw someone who had never seen him tied up and covered his eyes on the top floor of the bitch! This guy who disappeared into the first instance who came to the appeal court only after sanctions against him is the only person to whom the police owe the media success of my conception. That morning of October 1, the ambush was set up after his own notice for the time and the place that I would hand him a pair of keys. The ambush, which, according to the so-called anti-terrorist crayons, was well-designed days before, but the morning I was there was no soul. For what to do when two of the four police officers supposedly arrested me and who filed for trial, they were never in the arrest but came and deposited instead of the other two colleagues who for some reason did not appear. What truth do we have to say when my arrest played a key role in the “law and order” agenda of the then-pervading top-level government. The narrative of events is never objective, but coming in the second year, if anything is influenced by various forces. In this case, the narrative of events in terms of the mechanisms was not only influenced by the then political climate but served the strategy of terror. if at all affected by various forces. In this case, the narrative of events in terms of the mechanisms was not only influenced by the then political climate but served the strategy of terror. if at all affected by various forces. In this case, the narrative of events in terms of the mechanisms was not only influenced by the then political climate but served the strategy of terror.
The truth is that exemption laws exist to condemn resistance regimes. For the convictions of the racial part of the social base, mixed jurist courts were abolished and these were made here in a prison area. Your special laws speak of terrorism. The truth is that I condemn terrorism. In fact, being a member of the terrorist organization called the SA (Armed Forces) for a few months, I certify the violent methods it reproduces in order to terrorize populations. The only encouraging thing is that the cowardice of their executives is unlimited, their patriotic vigor minimal and that in their lines there are soldiers who will not kill any boss. The truth is that sentences in specialized court rooms are made with political motives, on both sides.
The truth that has to be said in this court is the revolutionary truth. Especially in the last ten years, with a vehicle debt, the dictatorship of the markets has worked in the country, an assault that has been experienced by many peoples around the globe. Over the past decade, the Greek state and local capital, in conjunction with international predators that have been constituted mainly from the West, accumulate the wealth that exists in the form of savings or property on the social basis. Most importantly, they are adapting legislation to new data in order to better efface the wealth produced. At the same time, they want to be deprived of the ability of the social base to have the least power over production and consumption, through the digitization of money and its control by financial institutions.
In the case of Greece, the classic project was implemented, presenting a wretched lazy people, guilty, who must pay his life’s desire for life, sacrifice and mortgage the future of the new generation. The cost of neoliberal policies, thousands of suicides, increased mental disorders and a living standard that touches what the system itself defines as extreme poverty. Young people with desolate dreams systematically bombarded by the media with racism, sexism, consumerism and personalism in order to save a group, some homeland, some miserable routine. In order to save a system that whenever it sinks, the humanity of bourgeois democracy, along with its people, flies in the fire of war. To continue to open the gap of inequality.
The European culture from which the so-called democratic ideals originate is built on the blood of the local proletarians and the violence of colonialism. Sensitive philanthropists in the morning and racist militants at night Europeans preserve their prosperity by condemning entire countries to hunger and poverty. Whole continents such as Latin America, Africa and many Asian countries are used as toxic waste dumps or a source of raw materials to fuel Western consumerism. The class system has prevailed worldwide by costing everything. The life of the proletarian is less valuable than that of the boss.
However, despite the neoliberal propaganda, the weed of resistance continues and grows in the storm of the times, signaling alternative ways of organizing social life. Indicative is that in the early years of austerity policies many people were excluded from the right to care. In response to fatalities, self-organized health structures, made by those who have replaced the motivation of profit with the value of solidarity, showed the way. Every critical fact that breaks regularity promotes new solutions, and when there is a movement that co-shapes them, it inevitably transmits some of its characteristics. At the beginning of the austerity policies, many neighborhoods were emblazoned with structures, hangouts and assemblies of residents, squats and collective kitchens. With structures designed to meet human needs, whether these concern clothing, housing, education. A parallel economy is formed, on different terms than those imposed by the system. These structures, in spite of their embryonic form, have, among other things, the result of maintaining a basic element of human existence, that of the social being, which is undermined by the systemic originality of the individual. An unemployed person as a unit is very easy to exclude and his social life is disrupted. Collectivisation, on the contrary, ensures the continuation of social life and this is a tangible result of solidarity on the social basis. These structures, in spite of their embryonic form, have, among other things, the result of maintaining a basic element of human existence, that of the social being, which is undermined by the systemic originality of the individual. An unemployed person as a unit is very easy to exclude and his social life is disrupted. Collectivisation, on the contrary, ensures the continuation of social life and this is a tangible result of solidarity on the social basis. These structures, in spite of their embryonic form, have, among other things, the result of maintaining a basic element of human existence, that of the social being, which is undermined by the systemic originality of the individual. An unemployed person as a unit is very easy to exclude and his social life is disrupted. Collectivisation, on the contrary, ensures the continuation of social life and this is a tangible result of solidarity on the social basis.
Resistance to the capitulation of the state and the state has seen glorious days in the early years of the memorandum with hundreds of thousands of people fighting on the road with the forces of repression. The long history of resistance connects the struggles and puts all the means of struggle in the spotlight. Stones and Molotov were the means people used on the road as many times as they waved to invade parliament. In those days when police violence led to a dead chemical and hundreds of injured, many with permanent injuries, the world was ready to accept on a broad basis and armed means of resistance. Besides, and in accordance with Article 120 of the Constitution you supposedly serve, you do not have to be a rebel to resist “any means” as the article above says in its violation. This argument was borne out by the petty bourgeois political forces that had come down the road to legalize and put on their agenda the unprecedented popular anti-blame. The truth is that resistance to state terrorism and capitalist exploitation can not separate the means of overthrowing into armed and unarmed weapons. This separation is done by the state to ensure the monopoly of violence. In the world revolutionary history, the movements have always faced the state enforcement. Especially in this country, the armed struggle remains perfectly legitimate in the eyes of a large part of the social base, which as terrorism recognizes the queues in OAED and the anxiety of survival rather than the targeted actions against state and capitalist goals.
Revolution is now a necessity, at a time when technology has surpassed its ability to facilitate human survival reaching levels that could threaten the survival of the whole planet. A tax system, in addition to the oppression of society, also means irreversible damage to the natural environment. Intervention in genetic material of flora and fauna with the sole aim of reducing production costs is now a common practice with the argument being the alleged fight against malnutrition. Nevertheless, hunger continues to kill despite the fact that the market is flooded with mutated soybean and corn, because the problem is not the amount of food but the poverty that is the result of exploitation and ownership of the means of production by a few. Access to food was not solved by GM foods as it was not solved by the prevalence of monocultures and the mass use of pesticides, herbicides, insecticides and chemical fertilizers. And then the argument was the same. However, the only contribution of the capitalist development of agricultural production is the dependence of the producers from the companies, the destruction of the aquifer and, above all, the disappearance of biodiversity. The production of greenhouse gases rapidly transforms the climate of the earth and sparks further reactions that bring unfamiliar results. Deforestation, beyond its contribution to climate change, is an enormous waste of the planet’s resources by gradually transforming it into a desert since the earth’s green lungs are sacrificed to become pastures destined for the production of feed for the meat addicted Western society. At the same time millions of people continue to be malnourished. The same work is being played on a small scale in that country. Large companies exploit natural resources by destroying the lives of native populations and turning into skull place huge areas. Populations resist the development plans by any means from the Amazon to the Squires and many times the races raise both the cost of investment and the barrier to destructive growth. The same work is being played on a small scale in that country. Large companies exploit natural resources by destroying the lives of native populations and turning into skull place huge areas. Populations resist the development plans by any means from the Amazon to the Squires and many times the races raise both the cost of investment and the barrier to destructive growth. The same work is being played on a small scale in that country. Large companies exploit natural resources by destroying the lives of native populations and turning into skull place huge areas. Populations resist the development plans by any means from the Amazon to the Squires and many times the races raise both the cost of investment and the barrier to destructive growth.
In order to ensure the smooth exploitation of man by man and for the smooth exploitation of nature, sacred goals for profitability, there are the laws of the state. These laws you defend yourself as judges, and no matter how strange you are, you are jointly responsible for crime. As profitability advances, the wounds in the social body and the environment deepen, transforming the Earth into an inhospitable place. Either an accident such as what is still going on in Fukosima, where eight years later it still contaminates the ocean with radioactivity or war, the nuclear disaster is lurking.
If there is some force that can derail statehood and capitalism, it is the global social revolution. This system, whose main value and motivation is profitable, is so self-defeating that we ought, on the one hand, to be separated as much as we can in terms of value and daily from ourselves, and on the other, to destroy it as early as possible.
In closing my position, I find it more important than the degradation of the indictment itself, to show the different view on the process itself and above all the state structure on which it relies and which it reproduces. The cost of choosing to walk in this way I knew that I would have paid it since the beginning of the first trial, as I knew very well from my teenage years, when I began to participate in the social struggle, that the resistance to the system would cost you are defending yourself. For those who have chosen to be rebellious, the cost at a personal level knows that it can become unbearable, but it is worth a thousand times more than a deformed existence disciplined in the rules of the class game.
The fighters are proud of what is either inside or outside the prison and this can not be stolen by repression as hard as it may be, only disappointment and resignation. But no matter how frustrated by the reality of obstacles to the expectations and the revolutionary vision, it can only revive the hopes of the law of the case and the necessity for a different life. The smiles of your neighbors, the companions’ hugs, the slogans on the streets that remain despite the years you were in prison, the clear looks, the solidarity and the human relations away from the spectacle and the power heal every wound.
The honor of belonging to the global family of the known and unknown who fight the state and class system by keeping their values untouchable is indescribable. And by itself this is a reason for being.
Down Under the State - Long live Anarchy
Found https://mpalothia.net/
Comments
anon (not verified)
Sat, 03/09/2019 - 03:00
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This translation is terrible.
This translation is terrible.
anon (not verified)
Sat, 03/09/2019 - 03:16
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It seemed alright to me, the
It seemed alright to me, the translation may not have some nuanced terminology of the Greek original, but it does tne job me thinks.
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