http://virginiaprisonstrike.blogspot.ca/2013/04/hunger-strike-begins-at-wallens-ridge.html
The Politics of Security
a presentation by J. Sakai
Monday, May 27th, 6:30 pm
@ QPIRG Concordia
1500 de Maisonneuve O., suite 204
(metro Guy-Concordia)
The recent f.b.i. and grand jury repression against anarchists in the Northwest USA, as well as the continued police repression of the Anti-Globalization resistance, has reawakened questions about movement security. There are many misunderstandings about what security is. From the belief that it is an area of cloak and dagger manuevers to the impression that security is about lists of rules that must be obeyed. This is an area where knowledge is traditionally not written up, but passed along by word of mouth. What this workshop is meant to do is to explore the underlying politics of security as an area of struggle. Discussing basic understandings that can be applied in different situations in non-authoritarian and diverse ways.
Wheelchair accessible
Whisper translation into French will be available
For more information: info@kersplebedeb.com
The following is Geronimo ji Jaga’s intervention at a September 14, 2000 forum that Rep. Cynthia McKinney (D-GA) hosted during the Congressional Black Caucus’s legislative weekend in Washington, DC. It was initially included in a pamphlet published in 2001 by the Human Rights Research Fund (founded by activist attorneys Kathleen Cleaver and Natsu Saito) in collaboration with Release 2001, which was subsequently reprinted in full in the book Let Freedom Ring, available from Kersplebedeb Left-Wing Books.
This panel has established important truths already today, but there is one thing that has been omitted: the activists of the ’60s who were killed by cointelpro. What it boils down to is murder. That is something that we have been trying to get established since I have been out of prison. We are trying to get hearings into actual murder cases. And here’s how it would work. When you would have everyone together, like we are all together right herd, we all say, “Okay, we are all going to not disrespect each other,” and everybody agrees. But then the fbi sends someone in who stirs things up, tells lies and causes us to begin to disrespect each other. So one may begin to disrespect another one, and then another one stabs him and he is dead, and then you have the murderers in the background boasting and bragging about it. cointelpro came in so many forms. But the first thing I would think of is these murders. When you have beautiful sisters and brothers such as Fred Hampton, who was shot and killed; you have Robert Wells, put in a sleeping bag and thrown off a freeway, killed in New York City, still unsolved. All of these cases I am talking about are clear cointelpro murders. Fred Bennett, who was killed in San Francisco. Franco Diggs. John Huggins. Bunchy Carter.
They Were Victims. They Were Murdered.
All of the names I have mentioned are victims of cointelpro. They were murdered. Their murderers have never been brought to justice. So this is where we need to begin. We are dealing with straight-up murderers who turn around and call me a murderer and put me in prison for 27 years, when I murdered no one. These murderers are running around. They still are practicing their art of murder, outright murder. [Audience begins to call out names.] John Clark. Watature Pope.
These brothers and sisters were murdered. Mark Clark. Twyman Meyers.
[Geronimo: Come on with some more.]
John Africa. Kombora. Komboze. Tracy. Kayatta. Ralph Featherstone.
That’s very true. There is Malik el Shabazz. And we can continue to call names. This is how important and serious this is to us.
These brothers and sisters we have mentioned, they were family members. They were mothers, they were fathers, they were sisters, they were brothers. And they are dead. They were murdered. It was done by the U.S. government. They have admitted it.
You have brothers like Mutulu—and myself when I was in, and others—who call ourselves prisoners of war. We say political prisoners, okay. And you try to understand, what are you talking about? This war continues. It is an actual war against our people. And it should be handled just as they handled the trials in Nuremburg.
So I want to urge everyone to support and put muscle behind this effort that will expose the true murderers and let the victims out. What is Sundiata Acoli doing in prison? Ruchell Magee. Yogi Pinell. Chip Fitzgerald. There are so many.
We can’t allow that to happen. These hearings will make it very clear, and then these brothers and sisters will be released out of these prisons.
cointelpro didn’t stop at the Black liberation movement—we all should study this—but it went into every movement that was involved in liberation. This is why Laura Whitehorn spent so much time in prison; why Marilyn Buck and Susan Rosenberg and so many who are victims of cointelpro continue to languish.
http://blogs.villagevoice.com/runninscared/2013/04/daniel_mcgowan.php
An excerpt from Loic Wacquant’s Punishing the Poor: The Neoliberal Government of Social Insecurity (Duke University Press 2009), pages 59-73:
The Gaols of the Subproletariat: An Experimental Verification
It suffices, to discern the extrapenological functions served by the outsized extension of the US carceral apparatus even as crime plummeted for over a decade, to sketch in broad strokes the sociological profile of the “clientele” it accommodates at its entry point. Whence it turns out that the half-million detainees who glut the country’s 3,300-odd jails on anyone day–and the fourteen million bodies that pass through their gates in the course of a typical year–are essentially drawn from the most marginalized fractions of the working class, and especially from the subproletarian families of color in the segregated cities ravaged by the conjoint transformation of wage labor and social protection.(( The statistics in this section are taken from a survey, conducted by the federal Department of)ustice from October 1995 to March 1996, of a representative sample of 6,ooo detainees in 431 county jails. Caroline Wolf Harlow, Profile of Inmates 1996 (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of justice Statistics, 1998). For comparisons over time, these earlier studies were relied upon: Profile of jail Inmates, 1989 and Profile of jail Inmates: Socio-Demographic Findings from the 1978 Survey of Inmates of Local jails (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1991 and 1980, respectively), while various Census Bureau publications were used for comparisons with the national population. Statistical data of this kind have a high coefficient of uncertainty owing to the conditions under which the interviews are conducted, the characteristics of the population questioned, the sensitivity of some of the items asked, and a lack of precision in the coding of responses. However, the orders of magnitude they establish in the respects that interest us here are sufficiently clear that we can tre,p.t them as reliable, especially since other, local investigations suggest that this study tends to underestimate the material insecurity and sociocultural destitution of the carceral population.)) Thus, recovering its historical mission of origin, incarceration serves above all to regulate, if not to perpetuate, poverty and to warehouse the human rejects of the market. In this regard, the gargantuan operation of punishment houses converges with and complements the aggressive rolling out of workfare programs.
Indeed, six in ten occupants of county jails are black or Latino (41 percent and 19 percent, respectively), as against 48 percent in 1978, whereas these two communities put together represent barely one-fifth of the national population. Just under one-half held a full-time job at the time of arrest (49 percent), while 15 percent worked “part-time or occasionally” and the remainder were looking for work (20 percent) or economically inactive (16 percent). This astronomical jobless rate is hardly surprising considering the educational level of this population: one-half had not graduated from high school, even though this requires no examination, and barely 13 percent said that they had pursued vocational, technical, or academic postsecondary education (compared to one-half of this age category in the country as a whole).
As a result of their marginal position on the deskilled labor market, two-thirds of detainees lived in a household with under $1,000 in income per month (and 45 percent in households with under $600), corresponding to less than half the official poverty line for a family of three that year–although two-thirds said that they had received wages. This indicates that the vast majority of the occupants of county jails do come from the ranks of the “working poor,” that fraction of the working class that does not manage to escape poverty although they work, but who are largely ineligible for social protection because they work at poverty-level jobs.((On the one hand, these jobs generally provide neither medical insurance nor social coverage (which depends on the goodwill of the employer). On the other, having a job, and thus an income, however meager, disqualifies them from public assistance and medical coverage for indigent households (public benefits which, in any case, are now very hard to obtain and provide only for strictly limited periods, as we shall document in the next chapter).)) Thus, despite their penury, barely 14 percent received public aid (payments to single parents, food stamps, food assistance for children) on the eve of their arraignment. If we include the 7 percent receiving disability or retirement benefits and the 3 percent on the unemployment rolls, it turns out that less than one-quarter of jail detainees received some government support. The twofold exclusion from stable wage work and public assistance that affects widening sections of the American proletariat explains the lengthening of careers in the illegal economy, and thus the pronounced aging of the jail population: in 1996 one detainee in three was older than 35, twice as many as in 1978. This aging directly parallels that of persistent offenders and the entrenching of criminal commerce in the inner city, where established street gangs have taken an entrepreneurial turn and included more members in their thirties and forties as opportunities in the regular economy dried up.
The material insecurity of detainees in American jails is matched only by their social denudement: only 40 percent grew up with both parents (as against a national average of 77 percent) and fully 14 percent spent their childhood in an orphanage or group home. Nearly half were raised in households receiving public assistance, and over one-quarter grew up living in public housing-the most reviled sector of the urban housing market due to its extreme dilapidation, dangerousness, and the double class and caste segregation that stamps it. Moreover, more than one-third of jail inmates confided to having a parent or guardian who is an alcoholic (30 percent) or drug addict (8 percent). Confirming the fragility of their social ties, a bare 16 percent of them were married, compared to 58 percent for men in their age bracket nationwide.
Besides, incarceration is quite familiar to detainees in the strict sense that more than half of them have or had a close relative in prison (a brother, 30 percent; their father, 16 percent; a sister or mother, 10 percent). The same goes for physical violence and especially gun-related violence. One in nine men and one in three women said that they had suffered physical or sexual abuse during their childhood; three percent of men and one woman in three reported being raped as adults. Everything suggests that these percentages are low estimates, especially for the men, since most inmates have already done time behind bars and homosexual rape is quite common in American houses of detention, where it is estimated that as many as one inmate in four is subject to serious sexual abuse every year. According to a 1994 survey carried out by the head physician at the Cook County Department of Corrections, half of the men admitted to Chicago’s jail had previously been hospitalized as a result of an assault and one in four had been wounded by gunshots at least once. In addition, 60 percent of shooting victims had personally witnessed shootings during their childhood.
A germane study of detainees entering the jails of Washington, D.C., in 1997 found that one in four had suffered serious injuries unrelated to their incarceration. In-depth interviews with a subsample of these men found that 83 percent had been at the scene of a shooting incident; 46 percent had had a family member killed with a gun (in most cases during a robbery, assault, or crossfire); and 40 percent still carried some disability related to an earlier gunshot wound.
Material insecurity, cultural deprivation, social denudement, physical violence–the deplorable health of the denizens of America’s jails is in tune with their degraded class position and condition: more than one-third (37 percent, compared to one-fifth of the general population) report that they suffer from physical, psychic, or emotional problems serious enough to curtail their ability to work. This diagnosis is confirmed by the fact that half of the new entrants into the carceral system had to receive treatment upon admission, aside from the superficial medical examination to which all “fish” are subjected during the procedures initiating them to their detainee status.((The mass processing of detainees at the Los Angeles County jail is depicted in the two ethnographic vignettes of jail intake (drawn from fieldwork carried out in the summer of 1998) offered in chapters 4 and 5 (pages 146-50 and 186-91) [of Punishing the Poor: The Neoliberal Government of Social Insecurity by Loic Wacquant, Duke University Press 2009].)) (To this percentage one can add the 13 percent of jail inmates injured while behind bars as a result of assaults, riots, and accidents.) And detainees are not only more likely to be in ill health upon being put under lock; they are also at inordinately high risk of becoming ill while there, as America’s jails and prisons have become gigantic incubators for infectious diseases, with prevalence rates of the major afflictions far exceeding those of the general population. It is estimated that 20 to 26 percent of all persons infected with HIV-AIDS in the United States, 29 to 43 percent of those detected with the hepatitis C virus, and 40 percent of all those struck by tuberculosis in 1997 had passed through a correctional facility.
It is moreover well established that American jails have become the shelters of first resort for the mentally ill who were thrown onto the streets by hospitals in the wake of the massive “deinstitutionalization” campaign of the 1960s and 1970s and for those who simply cannot access a grossly defective public health system. It is hardly surprising then that over one-quarter of jail inmates have been treated for mental health problems, while 10 percent have been previously admitted to a psychiatric facility.((The proportion of inmates identified as suffering from mental afflictions during admission is deliberately lowered in keeping with the lack of resources available to treat them. As one psychiatrist working at the clinic of the Twin Towers, the reception center of the Los Angeles jail system, explained to me: “We have an instrument [a psychological test] that gives us 6 to 10 percent of serious cases, but the percentage diagnosed really depends on how many beds we have. If we had the room and the staff, we could easily up that figure to 15, 20, or 30 percent.”)) This is consistent with clinical studies conducted by medical researchers reporting that 6 to 15 percent of the clientele of city and county jails suffer from severe mental illness (rates for convicts in prison range from 10 to 15 percent), and this rate has increased over the past two decades as a result of the downsizing of the medical sector of the state, more rigid criteria for civil commitments, and increasingly negative attitudes among the public and the police. The disproportionate rate of street arrests of mentally ill persons combines in turn with the explosive growth of computerized criminal records [...] to fortify the tendency of the authorities to divert their treatment from the public health to the penal wing of the Leviathan.
As they come almost exclusively from the most precarious strata of the urban proletariat, the denizens of American jails are also, by (socio)logical implication, “regulars” of the carceral system: 59 percent have already experienced detention, and 14 percent were previously put on probation, leaving just under one-quarter who are “novices” to the jailhouse. For, as shall be discussed shortly, the carceral institution has grown more autophagous. This is attested by the rising share of inmates who have been repeatedly convicted: fewer than one detainee in four had served three custodial sentences in 1989; seven years later, that figure reached one-third. Finally, it is significant that 8o percent of those sentenced to at least one year of prison time were defended–if one can call it that–by public defenders. Only half of the detainees shorn of the means to hire their own lawyer were able to speak with counsel within two weeks of being locked up. In fact, it is routine for public defenders to meet their clients for the first time a few minutes before they hastily appear together before a judge, since state-appointed lawyers are typically in charge of hundreds of cases at a time. Thus in Connecticut members of the public attorney’s office, who officiate in three-quarters of the state’s felony trials, each handle an average of 1,045 cases in the course of a year. As in many other jurisdictions, they have filed suit against the agency that employs them in order to compel the state to disburse the funds needed to meet its constitutional mandate to provide all the accused with minimal means of defense in criminal court. Over the past decade, the costs of indigent defense services have ballooned out of control, exacerbating the chronic crisis of legal services for the poor, due not only to the multiplication of punitive statutes such as mandatory minimum sentences and long narcotics related sanctions, but also to “an overall increase in criminal filings and a larger percentage of defendants found to be indigent.”
Convicted of the 1983 U.S. Capitol Bombing, and “conspiring to influence, change, and protest policies and practices of the United States government through violent and illegal means”, Laura Whitehorn, an out lesbian and one of six defendants in the Resistance Conspiracy Case, spent 14 years in prison. “OUT” is the story of her life and times: five tumultuous decades of struggle for freedom and justice.
Produced by Sonja de Vries & Rhonda Collins; 2000; Color; 60 minutes; US; English.
Learn more about Laura Whitehorn here!
Socialist TV Typeface Videtur Finally Freed http://ilovetypography.com/2013/04/06/socialist-tv-typeface-videtur-finally-freed/
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/04/05/daniel-mcgowan-jailing_n_3021613.html
Jennifer Pawluck, a 20 year old woman from Montreal, was taken into police custody yesterday [April 3] and questioned after she posted a photo of a graffiti mural on her Instagram. The mural showed a caricature of a Montreal police spokesman Cmdr. Ian Lafrenière, with a bullet hole in his head.
After she posted the image to Instagram, police came to her house and took her in for questioning, releasing her several hours later. The police say that there are secret reasons they detained her, beyond taking a picture of graffiti and posting it, but they won’t say what they are.
Pawluck participated in the mass student demonstrations in Montreal and was part of the ensuing mass arrests. She will have to appear in court on April 17, and is barred from going with a kilometer of police HQ and from communicating with Cmdr Lafrenière. She has not been charged.
This arrest occurs in the context of the Montreal police’s new 2013 gambit to snuff out the embers left from last year’s student strike. Because despite the election victory of the PQ – which was meant to be the nail in the coffin of last year’s historic upsurge – the embers are still hot and little flames keep on popping up.
The SPVM’s response has been to enact zero tolerance against any but officially State-sanctioned protests in Montreal. Unless organizers have given police their route ahead of time and asked permission to protest, police have been attacking demos, kettling people, making arrests, and enforcing Montreal’s new P-6 bylaw (one of three pieces of repressive legislation passed during the 2012 strike). Under P-6, merely being in attendance at a demonstration deemed “illegal” for failing to be sanctioned by the State is sufficient to earn you a $637 fine.
P-6 was passed on May 19, 2012, as part of the (not immediately successful) attempt to clamp down on the student strike which led to the toppling of the Liberal provincial government in September of that year. It was not implemented during the strike, which had the support of a critical mass of the broader population, including social democratic and nationalist forces. In the new context under the current PQ government, where the student question is supposed to have been “settled” and with much smaller numbers willing to take to the streets, P-6 was first implemented on March 15 of this year, at the annual International Day Against Police Brutality demonstration. It was quickly then used at two other demonstrations, all of which were suppressed by police before they could even begin. So far hundreds have been ticketed under this bylaw.
The situation continues to develop, and which way things will go will depend largely on whether people back down or stand up to the police’s campaign of intimidation. This is the context in which both Pawluck’s arrest and the widespread use of P-6 so far this spring must be understood.
Solidarity against police repression in Montreal: We will not submit to the municipal by-law P-6
With this public declaration, we assert our opposition to by-law P-6: we will continue to demonstrate without negotiating our demo routes with police, and we will systematically challenge all tickets that arise from this by-law.
The past year has been marked by an escalation of police repression against political protesters in Montreal. As our political movements take to the streets in larger numbers, with more frequency and militancy, we are attacked more brutally and arbitrarily than ever, with batons, pepper spray, tear gas, sound grenades, and rubber bullets. Our friends are mass arrested, humiliated, kettled, and in many cases badly injured.
Within this context of police escalation against political protesters, the Montreal police (SPVM) are attempting to normalize another practice: arresting demonstrators before they can even begin to demonstrate, or even gather to demonstrate. Three times within one week – March 15 on the International Day Against Police Brutality; March 18 before a planned night demo; and March 22 on the anniversary of student strike protests – the Montreal police stopped demonstrations before they could begin by surrounding protesters with riot police and arresting them en masse, in the hundreds. One clear goal of the police tactic is to scare demonstrators, and potential demonstrators, from taking to the streets
The SPVM can’t be bothered to make criminal charges. Instead, they use municipal by-law “P-6″ which makes demonstrations that don’t provide an advance itinerary to the police to be a contravention of the by-law. A municipal by-law offense is not a criminal charge, it’s the equivalent of a parking ticket. However, the P-6 offence was raised to more than $500 ($637 with fees) for a first offence last May in the context of the student strike movement.
The P-6 by-law prohibits “obstructing the movement, pace or presence” of citizens who are also using public space at the same time. How can we take the streets without obstructing vehicular or pedestrian traffic? Moreover, the P-6 by-law demands not only communicating demo routes in advance, but also the approval of our routes by the police. This is the equivalent of giving the police the arbitrary power to refuse our routes if they judge them to be too disruptive, and also to prevent marching to locations that have been chosen as political “targets.”
We refuse to negotiate with the police our freedom of expression, our right to demonstrate and our right to disrupt the existing social, political and economic order that we consider profoundly unjust and illegitimate.
Part of the response is in our hands, as part of grassroots, autonomous community organizations. There is no obligation to provide the police our demo routes, and the Montreal police in particular, who abuse their authority with impunity, don’t deserve any accountability from us. Instead, we’re accountable to each other, and the social movements we come from. We always retain the right to protest spontaneously, and with demo routes that reflects our needs and demands.
In the face of police repression, let’s take back the streets with our weapons of solidarity and support.
This statement is endorsed by:
- La Convergence les luttes anticapitalistes (CLAC)
- Action Anti-Raciste / Anti-Racist Action (ARA)
- Artivistic
- Assemblée populaire et autonome de Hochelaga-Maisonneuve (APAQ-Hochelaga)
- Assemblée populaire et autonome de Villeray (APAQ-Villeray)
- Association pour la liberté d’éxpression (ALÉ)
- Coalition Justice pour les victimes de bavures policières
- Collectif de solidarité anti-coloniale / Anti-Colonial Solidarity Collective
- CKUT Steering Committee
- Dignidad Migrante
- Les Frères et Soeurs d’Émile-Nelligan
- Front d’action populaire pour le réaménagement urbain (FRAPRU)
- Montréal-Nord Républik
- Mouvement Action-Chômage de Montréal (MAC)
- Organisation populaire des droits sociaux de la région de Montréal (OPDS-RM)
- Parti communiste révolutionnaire (PCR)
- People’s Potato at Concordia
- Personne n’est illégal / No One Is Illegal-Montréal
- Projet Accompagement Solidarité Colombie (PASC)
- La Pointe Libertaire
- QPIRG Concordia
- QPIRG McGill
- RadLaw McGill
- R.A.S.H. Montréal
- Réseau de la Commission populaire / People’s Commission Network
- Société Bolivarienne du Québec
- Union communiste libertaire (UCL)
(If your group also endorses this declaration, please get in touch via info@clac-montreal.net)
REMINDER: EVERYONE CAN EASILY CHALLENGE A P-6 TICKET
Be sure to plead “not-guilty” on your ticket, and to demand complete disclosure of all proof, and mail it back to Montreal’s municipal court within 30 days. The constitutionality of the municipal by-law will be challenged, and tickets are being challenged en masse, so no one should expect to pay a fine any time soon, or possibly ever.
La Convergence des luttes anticapitalistes (CLAC)
www.clac-montreal.net
info@clac-montreal.net
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