ACSBlog

  • March 6, 2018
    Guest Post

    by Cynthia Soohoo, co-director, Human Rights and Gender Justice Clinic at CUNY School of Law and Risa E. Kaufman, Director of U.S. Human Rights, Center for Reproductive Rights

    How far can a state go in restricting a woman’s constitutional rights under the guise of protecting a fetus? The Seventh Circuit will soon have the opportunity to answer this question when it issues its much-anticipated decision in Loertscher v. Anderson. The case challenges a Wisconsin law that allows child protective services to take a pregnant woman into custody to protect her “unborn child,” from “the time of fertilization to the time of birth,” based on concern that the woman’s purported use of alcohol or controlled substances poses a “substantial risk” to the physical health of her “unborn child.”

    Wisconsin’s law is unique in that it places a woman in the custody of child protective services. However, several other states allow or promote use of civil commitment laws to detain pregnant women. Civil statutes that detain pregnant women to prevent future substance use and force them to undergo drug treatment raise serious constitutional issues related to a woman’s right to liberty, privacy, personal autonomy, and non-discrimination.

    As we argue in a new ACS Issue Brief, they also violate core human rights principles.

  • March 5, 2018
    Guest Post

    by James E. Tierney, former Maine Attorney General and lecturer in law at Harvard Law School

    *This piece was originally posted on Buzzfeed

    The unchecked flood of opioids into our country has caused unspeakable damage, and the companies that manufacture them will inevitably be held accountable. When that moment comes, it is vital that we avoid the mistakes made in our attempts to hold Big Tobacco accountable.

    I helped coordinate the tobacco lawsuits of the 1990s, which ended with a giant settlement deal that would cost cigarette makers more than $200 billion and require major changes to the industry. But much of that money was wasted, and countless people have died as a result.

    We can’t let that happen again, and now is the time to start talking about what a Big Tobacco–style national settlement with Big Opioid should look like — and to demand nothing less from our state and federal leaders.

  • February 28, 2018
    Guest Post

    by Daniel S. Goldman, former Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York

    On February 16, Special Counsel Robert S. Mueller III unsealed a 37-page indictment charging 13 Russian nationals and three entities principally with conspiring against the United States to infiltrate the 2016 election through a sophisticated and complex scheme that included the use of stolen identities of American citizens to surreptitiously influence and infiltrate social media sites such as Facebook, Instagram and Twitter. Although each United States intelligence agency has definitively stated, without equivocation, that Russia meddled in the 2016 presidential election, those agencies were constrained to explain how Russia did so with any detail because of legal restrictions on classified material. Yet for the first, time, this indictment provides extensive detail about how one aspect of this Russian meddling in the 2016 election occurred.

  • February 28, 2018
    Guest Post

    by A.H. Neff

    *This piece was originally posted on Crooks and Liars.

    "There's no limit to what can be accomplished if it doesn't matter who gets the credit."

    Versions of this team-first principle have been attributed to, among others, Benjamin Jowett, Father Strickland, William T. Arnold, Harry Truman, Ronald Reagan, Charles Edward Montague, and Edward Everett Hale. 

    It might not be possible to say conclusively who deserves credit for this insight - original-authorship credit, that is - but it is pertinent to Special Counsel Mueller's investigation, especially when his investigation focuses on Trump, his family, and their businesses.

  • February 28, 2018
    Guest Post

    by Gabe Roth, executive director, Fix the Court

    On April 16, the nine justices of the U.S. Supreme Court will take the bench for arguments in an obscure section of the tax code. Then, about an hour later, Justice Alito will leave the bench before the start of a patent infringement case, WesternGeco LLC v. Ion Geophysical Corp.

    The Chief won’t be putting his fellow Bush 43 appointee in timeout; rather, Alito will be recused due to his stock ownership in WesternGeco’s parent company, Schlumberger. According to his most recent financial disclosure report, Alito held between $1 and $15,000 in Schlumberger shares at the end of 2016. (Justices’ holdings are given in ranges, and the 2017 report won’t come out until June.)