* This article
appeared on the Washington Post's Monkey Cage:
After an unprecedented five months
of post-election gridlock without a government, Morocco’s King Mohammed VI dismissed prime minister designate Abdelilah
Benkirane on Wednesday. Benkirane’s Islamist Party of Justice and Development
(PJD) won a plurality of seats in the legislative elections in October 2016 and
appeared well on its way towards a second consecutive term at the helm of the
Moroccan government. But negotiations did not go as planned. The dismissal came
just a few days after Benkirane refused to acquiesce to a major alliance
party’s demands to widen coalition talks and was widely seen as an attempt by
the monarchy and its deep state network of elite allies, or makhzen,
to regain political power. While the decision may have been unexpected, the regime’s
logic is familiar. As Benkirane and his successor know well, they must play by
the monarch’s rules. As it has done in the past, the regime is seeking to
reconfigure the Moroccan political scene. The PJD, especially under Benkirane,
may have become too popular and adversarial for the regime liking. The
party has also increasingly re-engaged Moroccans politically building a
formidable base, in a country where deploticization is a state policy.
After the dismissal, a palace communiqué lauded
Benkirane’s service to the country, his “effectiveness, competence
and self-sacrifice,” adding that the king would task another member
of the PJD to form the government. Benkirane accepted the royal decision, in an austere tone:
“This is our king and he came to a decision under the framework
of the constitution, which I've always expressed support for…I'm going to
perform ablution, pray, and continue working on the ground.”
Benkirane, as Secretary General of the party, then called for a special national council meeting of the PJD
on Saturday. But before the party could gather to decide on its next move, the
king further limited its options by tasking Saadeddine
Othmani, the former Secretary General of the PJD and current head of the
party’s national council, with forming the new government.
Addressing the press at the special national council meeting on
Saturday, Benkirane resolutely declared that his government work
is over. By the end of the day, the PJD national council unanimously supported Othmani’s appointment.
Both Benkirane and Othmani reaffirmed the party’s dedication to
its Islamic reference, belief in gradual reforms and support for the monarchy.
The palace may expect
Othmani to yield to some of the demands of the palace-aligned makhzen parties
led by the National Rally of Independents (RNI). Benkirane feared the proposed
RNI coalition would lead to greater regime internal control, especially
with Driss Lachgar’s USFP as an obstructionist bloc within the PJD-led
government. The choice of Othmani suggests the gridlock was more about
Benkirane than the PJD. Othmani, who was briefly minister of foreign affairs in
Benkirane’s first government, is seen as more of a consensus-building
politician. And though it did not immediately cause discord within the cohesive
PJD, the removal of the beleaguered prime minster may be just the first phase
in the regime’s attempt to re-order the political landscape and slow the pace
of post-Arab uprisings reforms. Disrupting the government’s formation could
eventually paves the way for new legislative elections that bring a makhzenite
political elite to power.
The PJD’s 2011 and 2016
electoral successes bolstered confidence in its formidable grass root
mobilization and ability to win elections. Though the PJD could have mobilized
behind the revolutionary February 20th Movement in 2011, it chose to
pursue participation in elections. In doing so, the PJD followed a “third way,” opting to join the
political system in partnership with the palace and articulating a “refolutionary” discourse – focusing on
incremental reforms rather than outright revolution.
But the party’s meteoric
rise was not always in line with makhzen and palace interests. During the 2016
campaign, the populist Benkirane promoted his party as that of the people in
direct contrast to the palace-loyal parties. Walking a rhetorical tightrope,
the PJD expressed loyalty to the king, while criticizing the political system
for tahakoum, political manipulation. In the hours before
the official results of the legislative elections of October 2016 were
announced, Benkirane boldly suggested the results might
be subject to state manipulation. After it was clear that his party had won the
plurality of the seats, Benkirane hailed the results as a victory
for democracy and a further proof of public approval of his government’s
performance.
The
royal discharge of Benkirane speaks to the regime’s deep control of the
political system, which is intentionally fragmented into “divided structures of contestation” (SOCs).
In divided SOCs, the monarchy allows only select political opponents to take
part in the political system while excluding others. These limited spheres of
contestation shape government-opposition relations and dictate the rules of the
game for the opposition within the formal political system. The resulting
recycling of political parties and coalitions is necessary to maintain the
smokescreen of political participation.
In
the past, the makhzen has toppled parties wholesale, but this time, the change
is more strategic and calibrated. The palace is killing two birds with one
stone, removing the source of nuisance without subverting the will of the voters,
while forcing change in the PJD’s internal leadership structure.
The
Moroccan monarchy has a long tradition of managing opposition parties through
cooptation and confinement, allowing opposition parties some stake in power,
while the monarchy and the palace shadow government are ultimately in power. In
1997, the USFP won token control of the government. But undermined by the shadow government in the
palace, it ultimately lost popular support and bore the brunt of the blame for
the country’s socio-economic woes.
If the PJD had opted to leave the government for the opposition,
it could have jeopardized its electoral momentum and vision for gradual
reforms. But the party’s decision to stay in the government is not without
risks either, especially as it seeks to maintain its political standing and
appease its rank and file.
As Othmani negotiates with other parties to form the government,
it will be interesting to see what course the party charters for him and how
much leeway he will have. Remaining in the government under regime’s rules of
the game could see the PJD face the same fate as the USFP. While
Morocco has passed some nominal reforms in the six years since the Arab
uprisings shook the region, this latest incident is a clear reminder of who
really wields power in the monarchy.