WHY THE OUTRAGE?

Heaven
I'm in heaven
And my heart beats
So that I can hardly speak
And I seem to find
That happiness I seek
"Cheek to Cheek"

Why the angst? Why the agony? Why the shock and turmoil and foreboding?

Of course I'm talking about the news of the PKK attacks that have left a reported 24 TSK types dead. Others report 26 dead and some 20 wounded.

I'll let you in on something, though . . . friends in Hakkâri say that the death tally is quite a bit higher. Not surprising since the Ankara regime historically distorts the numbers, usually deflating it's KIAs and inflating PKK KIAs.

HPG itself reports that there were approximately 100 kills and wounded from this operation and that this number includes TSK personnel and Özel Harekât (police) team members. Five comrades lost their lives in the operation and HPG will publish the details of those comrades as soon as it is able.

Firat News has reported that a survivor of the Çukurca operation had called his mother and told her that there were many more deaths than Turkish media had reported. The mother, in turn, reported this information via telephone to Kanal 7 TV (Istanbul).

But let's get back to my original questions. Why the shock and agony? Why the promises of revenge from Ankara?

Turkey is a country ruled by a religious party. They refer to their dead as martyrs. So why aren't the ultra-fanatic AKP holy men and women rejoicing that paradise is bulging at its borders with more happy martyrs? I mean, this is what they believe, right, so why the long faces and mean words? The AKP should be asses and elbows on the road Kandil to kiss Murat Karayılan's feet for having overseen the creation of more martyrs.

I find the AKP's lack of faith extremely disturbing. They're worse than infidels because at least infidels aren't expected to have the proper belief system. But the holy men of the AKP? They should declare a holiday of national rejoicing at the mere thought of more Turkish martyrs. They should make Apo Prime Minister of Turkey for life!

Gee, Mr. Gül and Mr. Erdoğan, maybe you're not praying hard enough. Maybe your lack of sincerity in your prayers, your lack of good intentions and your sins have driven your faith away? Perhaps you could purify yourselves of your sins by sending your own children to fight the PKK instead of sending only the children of the poor to be ground into blood meal. You'd be following in the steps of Ibrahim, who was more than willing to sacrifice his son to show his rock-solid faith.

Somehow, I don't think that's going to happen, though. These religious hypocrites are just way too cowardly to put their own kids on the line for their ideology.

On the other hand, maybe the faithless Erdoğan could take some advice from The Baltimore Sun:

But while Erdogan has become a hero for millions of Muslims abroad by urging Arab leaders to embrace freedom and democracy and by championing Palestinian rights, Turkey's Kurds say Erdogan should first focus on problems at home.

Do ya think??

But we've waited over thirty years for the Ankara regime to allow anything like an Arab spring in The Southeast so it's time for the wait to end. It's time for the Kurdish people to create their own Kurdish spring. In fact, since the Ankara regime has placed military and police checkpoints at every meter of the political road in Turkey, there is no other choice but serhildan.

BDP is also falling into the trap of faithlessness. There's absolutely no need to apologize for sending worthy souls to paradise.

As for the hyenas of the international community and their absurd cries of solidarity with the infidel AKP, they want Turkey to continue to act for them in Syria and, ultimately, in Iran. After all, so much of the bombing has been cut back in Libya that the hyenas need to smell fresh blood. And Syria's convenient, too, what with İncirlik in the neighborhood.

In the meantime, I think I'm going to sit back and continue to enjoy a little schadenfreude.




Hevallere Not: Daha birkaç gün önce askeri üniformasıyla askerlere moral ziyaretinde bulunan Abdullah Gül'ün mesajına en kısa ve en anlamlı mesajınızdan dolayı sizleri kutluyorum.

DID HE OR DIDN'T HE?

"Everything is changing. People are taking their comedians seriously and the politicians as a joke."
~ Will Rogers.

This sums up the Turkish media frenzy about whether or not Gül said the "K" word:

Photo and captions, Hürriyet.

Hürriyet itself is a contradiction. First:

President Abdullah Gül's first official uttering of the word ’Kurdistan’ in relation to the regional administration in northern Iraq sends shockwaves through the opposition, which fears this could encourage calls for more concessions and reveals foreign meddling. The only party supporting Gül’s move is the DTP, saying it is a sign of willingness for closer ties.

Gül's use of the word Kurdistan during his visit to Iraq has caused a flurry of criticism yesterday from the opposition back in Turkey.

Then:

Turkish President Abdullah Gul denied the earlier media reports that he used the term "Kurdistan regional government" while describing the semi-autonomous administration in northern Iraq. (UPDATED)

"In fact, I did not use that term (Kurdistan) but as I said this is a reality. The country who attaches the biggest importance to Iraq's unity and integrity is Turkey. There is a regional Kurdish administration in the north of Iraq according to the Iraqi constitution. This is what I had said. I held a meeting with (the regional administration's) prime minister," Gul told reporters at a press conference in Ankara on Tuesday, the state-run Anatolian Agency reported. Gul returned to Ankara late on Tuesday after his two-day visit to Baghdad.

So typically presidential. "I did not have sex with that woman!" What a chickenshit piece of work Gül is.

A few months ago, comrades went from North Kurdistan to South Kurdistan to visit relatives. The report that came back from the South was that 85% of the population of South Kurdistan was seriously disappointed with the way things were going there. Well, now we can see what an accurate piece of intel this really was:

But as the rest of Iraq keeps growing more open and democratic, the enclave remains stuck in its old ways—and ordinary Kurds are noticing. Businessmen grumble at having to form partnerships with government cronies; voters are demanding more choice. One recent survey in the region found that 83 percent of respondents say the place needs to change. "We're fed up with a government that forgets about people," says Mousa Rasoul, 39, owner of a small business in the town of Sangasar. Those complaints are not to be ignored, a senior Kurdish official agrees. "If we don't respond, others will come and take over this place," he tells NEWSWEEK, asking not to be named on such a risky topic. "Whether it is the Islamists or someone else. We cannot count anymore on revolutionary rhetoric to justify our rule."

And maybe that's the real fear behind the summit that the two ruling clans of the South are pushing at the scheming of Turkey and the US . . . that someone else will come and take over the place. After all, Qendil isn't all that far from either Silêmanî or Hewlêr.

MILK BROTHERS

"Milk brothers or sisters are children breastfed by a woman other than their biological mother, a practice known as wetnursing and once widespread in the developed world, as it still is in parts of the developing world."
~ Siblings, Wikipedia.

Süt Kardeşler.

Süt Kardeşler.

PUSHING THE LIMIT

"The policy of denial, assimilation and eradication has affected people. Only the Kurds resisted. They still resist."
~ Ahmet Türk.

Mmmm . . . It looks like there was yet another altercation in the TBMM between Turkey's only opposition party, the DTP, and everyone else, from the Armenian paper, Asbarez (Thanks to the heval who sent the link!):

A Turkish parliament member's request Sunday that the legislature apologize to Armenians for the “events of 1915” has caused an uproar in parliament, with members hurling personal insults at one another.

Democratic Society Party (DTP) member Osman Euzcelik (Osman Özcelik) brought the matter up during parliament's discussion of the education ministry budget and went on to recall the Armenian massacres by using the Kurdish word that describes Genocide.

He also said that he had heard stories about the Armenian killings as child growing up in Turkey and added that the killings were planned by the sultan of the Ottoman Empire and were carried out by groups called Hamiddiye, which also had Kurdish members.

Euzcelik likened the campaign to kill Armenians to the current campaign waged against the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).

“These groups killed a large number of Armenians. A lot of times they would line up the Armenians and shoot them in the chest. All Armenians of Martin were killed and some fled to Syria,” said Euzcelik, who added that his grandfather's family provided refuge for Genocide survivors.

Nevzad Pakdil, who was presiding over the parliament session, interrupted Euzcelik, blasting him for “insulting the society in which you live.”

Euzcelik said that he was apologizing to Armenians on his own behalf.

Pakdil intervened again attempting to stifle the parliament member. Members of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) applauded the Pakdil while another DTP member, Surru Saken (Sırrı Sakık) directed his anger to Paktdil by saying, “Mr. Chairman, you represent the Marash district and you know full well the extent of the tragedy that unfolded there.”

This comment prompted a member of the AKP to walk toward DTP members and begin screaming at his fellow parliamentarians. Another parliament member intervened to stop what could have become a physical altercation.

“Should we not talk about the facts? There is not one Assyrian left,” screamed another DTP member during the commotion, which was followed by several DTP members leaving the parliament.

The unprecedented demonstration in Parliament came less one a week after 200 Turkish intellectuals launched an internet petition apologizing to the Armenians for what they called the "injustice" of the "Great Catastrophe" of 1915. The petition, which sparked controversy in Turkey, had garnered over 20,000 signatures by Monday, stirring a media storm on the topic and challenging long-held taboos on the Armenian Genocide. It has drawn the ire of Turkey's ultra nationalists, provoking also Turkey's powerful generals, former diplomats, the Foreign Minister, and the Prime Minister to denounce the campaign.

Asbarez also provides a link to a recent ANCA statement on the attempts to confront the Armenian Genocide in the TBMM.

And while we're on the subject, another non-event that has been going around Turkish media is the alleged scandal against AKP's Abdullah Gül by İzmir's CHP parliamentarian, Canan Arıtman. Apparently, she implied that Gül's mother was Armenian and the press has taken the news and run with it. This has cause considerable mental anguish for Gül, who is now suing Arıtman for 1YTL. From Bianet:

President Abdullah Gül filed a mental anguish lawsuit against Canan Arıtman, Izmir deputy for the People’s Republican Party (CHP), in the amount of 1 YTL (about 0.5 euro).

CHP deputy Arıtman had implied that President Gül’s mother was Armenian, when the President had made the comment about the campaign to apologize to the Armenians that ability to discuss every opinion is the policy of the state.

Arıtman had continued her comments after the reactions to her initial comments: “When some people agree with or support the claim that we committed the crime of genocide against the Armenians, the others would ask them if they were Armenians. They would ask this question even if that person is a president.”

President Gül claims that his identity as a statesman, which he has been trying to maintain with utmost responsibility and meticulousness, was defamed.

Oh, right. As if the worst thing that could be said about anyone is, "Your momma's an Armenian"? Well, this is the AKP, the party of "Love it or leave it!", the party that has done more than any other to encourage the normalization of racism in Turkish society. Naturally, I could say something about Gül's mom that would cause him considerably more "mental anguish" and it wouldn't have anything to do with her being an Armenian.

The increase in racism within Turkey is just one of the subjects DTP parliamentarian Sebahat Tuncel recently discussed with Jake Hess at ZNet (again, thanks to the heval who sent the link):

Sebahat Tuncel is a prominent Turkish Kurdish human rights activist, member of parliament and foreign affairs representative for the Democratic Society Party (DTP), one of Turkey's largest and most important leftist and pro-Kurdish formations. On the streets of Diyarbakır - the center of the Kurdish movement in Turkey - she's known as an especially tenacious and courageous advocate for freedom and human rights.

Although she calls for a peaceful, negotiated solution to the Kurdish issue within Turkey's existing borders, the Turkish state is evidently intimidated by Tuncel. Young and articulate, she was elected to parliament from a prison cell in July 2007 - having been incarcerated for supporting the armed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a charge commonly used to suppress dissent in Turkey - and has been targeted for assassination by the Ergenekon organization, a shadowy paramilitary group with links to the Turkish military. Although she was released from prison upon being elected, the proceedings against her continue.

The Turkish constitutional court is currently considering shutting down the DTP on the basis of its alleged connections to ‘terrorism' and ‘separatism.' You can DTP's proposed solution to the Kurdish question here.

The following interview, which took place in November 2008, focuses on the DTP's struggle for a peaceful and democratic solution to the Kurdish issue in Turkey. In it, Tuncel critiques the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), discusses recent events in the region, the rise of what she calls ‘fascism' in Turkey, and the many challenges facing the DTP, including the closure case. It's presented here in the interest of increasing international public awareness of the DTP, which is usually marginalized in Western commentary on Turkish affairs.

The DTP has been in parliament working for a democratic solution for more than a year now. Reflect on the experience so far. What do you consider to be the party's greatest achievement? Are you more or less optimistic now than you were in July 2007 [when the last elections took place] that the Kurdish issue can be settled in a peaceful, negotiated way?

Before the elections of 2007, the atmosphere was more relaxed and optimistic in terms of a solution to the Kurdish problem than it is now. The AKP and Erdoğan were claiming that the Kurdish problem was their problem, that they would take some steps toward a peaceful solution to the issue. As you know, the AKP was challenging the military over the headscarf issue, and because of this challenge, people were thinking that it would be the first government to try to challenge the military's role in politics. Because of this, the AKP was powerful all around Turkey, including in the Kurdish region. But when the AKP announced its sixteenth government program, it became obvious that they wouldn't be confronting the military over the Kurdish issue.

Seventy-five Kurdish AKP deputies were elected in July 2007, and they created the impression that after the DTP came to the parliament the two parties could work together to solve the Kurdish problem. But then, afterwards, as I said before, they announced the government program, and in this program they supported the war against the PKK in northern Iraq. The first thing they said to the DTP was, ‘you should first call the PKK a terrorist organization, and then we can sit at the table and talk about this issue.' And then they authorized cross-border operations in northern Iraq. As a result, they showed that they're a party of war. The AKP has surrendered to the military more than any other Turkish government.

There was a bargain over the headscarf issue. Since AKP wasn't closed down, they decided to go along with the military politically, and during this period AKP became the first party to ask the general commander of the Turkish army to parliament and talk with a ministerial council. This means that the military is managing and administering the [government's approach to the Kurdish issue] and giving orders to the ministries.

While the AKP and Erdoğan are saying that the biggest problem in Turkey in terrorism and telling Europe and the US that he supports democracy and freedom, the AKP is actually the one that is terrorizing people in the Kurdish region of Turkey. They have given greater authority and leeway to the security forces, to ‘resolve' this issue through terrorizing people.

In light of recent developments we can say that the AKP government is really the government of war. In his recent [November 2008] visit to the US, Mr. Erdoğan stated that ‘I am proud of my people' - meaning nationalist demonstrators who go into the streets, meaning those people who were throwing stones at DTP buildings and harassing Kurdish artists or attempting to lynch Kurdish students at schools.

And this political chaos is still going on. For instance, in his recent speech in Hakkari, Mr. Erdoğan said ‘love Turkey or leave it. The concept of one state, one nation and one flag is essential for us, if you accept it accept it. If not, you must leave.' This simple statement shows how fascistic the AKP is in its core.

In his latest statement - saying that [normal people] can ‘defend' themselves and use weapons [against demonstrators] -- could bring Turks and Kurds against each other, and that would be the result of AKP policies.

All this unrest was caused by the mistreatment of Mr. Ocalan, who is held [in solitary confinement] in a high-security prison on Imralı island. He has been tortured, confined to progressively smaller cells, his head was shaved and there was an incident with poisoning.

Three and a half million Kurds who live in Turkey have said that Mr. Ocalan is their political representative. The maltreatment of the people's representative resulted in such an organized reaction by Kurds. The mistreatment of Ocalan was a provocation of the AKP government.

Now, violence is everywhere, organized by everybody. We now know that one-hundred children were arrested in the first few days after the November 1-2 sit-down protest in Diyarbakır. The police are treating Kurds violently not only in the streets, but in the prisons as well. Right now Kurdish political prisoners are being attacked by ordinary prisoners in the prison - the guards see this going on but they don't prevent it. Another face of the violence is the violence against the DTP, such as the closure trial and the attempts to marginalize us politically. All this shows that fascism is rising in Turkey.

A few years ago, it was only ultra-nationalist people who were saying that you should either ‘love or leave' your country. But now, if you look at Turkey in general, you can see that most people are saying that. So, in the public, there's a general tendency to isolate Kurdish people and rally people under the idea of a unitary Turkish state, without recognizing other cultural identities.

The DTP and PKK have both called for a peaceful, democratic solution to the Kurdish issue within Turkey's existing borders. Why has the state refused to negotiate with the DTP? Who benefits from the continuation of the conflict?

The PKK is not insisting on the continuation of this war. They've announced ceasefires five times. The last time they did so was when the DTP asked them to do so. However, these efforts were not welcomed by the state, and the reason they don't want to solve the issue is the state's interests in the Middle East. They have interests in Iraq and its petroleum resources, and they want to have a pretext for intervening there. The continuation of the war with the PKK provides the state with such a pretext. The problem of PKK ‘terrorism' wins Turkey sympathy in the international arena, as well. It helps Ankara resist pressure to expand freedoms, democratization and recognition of human rights.

The PKK is saying that it is prepared to accept a solution within Turkey's borders, that Kurds and Turks can live together. The war could end easily, according to the PKK, if its efforts at negotiation were recognized. But since there are still some interest groups who want the war to continue, the war is continuing. So, paradoxically, it could be easy to end the war, but at the same time it is not easy.

Do you think the DTP is going to be closed? What are you going to do if it is?

The outcome of the closure trial will be a political decision, not a legal one. In the current environment it seems likely that we will be shut down. But a significant group of people are against the closure, so we'll see what happens. We're prepared for the closure; we have a replacement party established already.

Procedurally, it's not important for DTP if we're closed down, but it will be important in that there will be a rupture if that happens. The anger of the Kurdish people is increasing intensely now, and this anger will be heightened. The slogans in demonstrations have changed incrementally over the last year, because of the policy of war by the AKP. Last year, Kurdish people were speaking out, saying ‘long live peace'. Now, they're shouting, ‘the rebels are shooting and Kurdistan is being established' and ‘Erdoğan is a murderer.'

After the last election, Mr. Erdoğan said that 55% of people in Diyarbakır supported him. But when he came here a few weeks ago, people shut down their shops. People are changing their minds.

During the 1990s, scores of politicians connected to pro-Kurdish parties were murdered, tortured, and harassed in every way. What kind of conditions do you work under now? Is the DTP able to go about its business in a normal way? Do you feel safe?

In terms of human rights violence and torture even normal people in the street do not feel safe from violence, it's common everywhere in Turkey. You can be shot and killed at any moment. As you can see on the news, Ahmet Ozcan, a youngster at the age of 20 was shot and killed by the police during a recent demonstration in Ağrı; also, in Antalya a boy named Çağdaş traveling on his motorcycle was shot by the police.

Violence and threats against Kurdish politicians and parties are still common. Because the DTP is equalized with terrorism and because of the rise of fascism, there is always a risk that we'll be assassinated. Even though there are risks, we are not giving up. We know that there are risks, and we're always threatened with e-mails and trials. The DTP is mission is a democratic and peaceful solution of the Kurdish question and it has always stood by the Kurdish people and struggled for the rights of the Kurds. Whatever the consequences may be - death, re -imprisonment - it is our mission to achieve these goals.

For every word we utter they open a new case against us. Although under law an MP cannot normally be tried, there are cases against us still going on. Although there are those risks we believe in peace, freedom and democracy and we will not give up on our struggle. We are stronger than these threats, and we will struggle for freedom, for democracy and for peace.

I don't feel safe. It has been revealed that the Ergenekon organization was targeting [DTP co-chairperson and MP] Ahmet Turk, [DTP member and Mayor of Diyarbakır] Osman Baydemir and myself for assassination. At any moment, someone from Ergenekon could come and kill.

Last time we spoke you told me the DTP was trying to open a political bureau in Washington. What's the status of that project?

We're planning on opening the bureau within a few months, but it will depend on the outcome of the closure trial, for sure.

Go, Sebahat, you go, girlfriend!

If you liked the interview with Heval Sebahat, go on over to ZNet and let Jake know.

AKP'S KURDISH POLICY

"Some might not agree with the things I say but the time will show the truth."
~ Murat Karayılan.

Last month, the hevals at KurdishInfo ran an interview with Murat Karayılan, who has a lot of interesting things to say about a number of issues affecting Kurdistan. Karayılan's explanation of the AKP's approach to the Kurdish situation is enlightening, especially after we have witnessed the intensification of military operations against the Kurdish freedom movement since Abdullah Gül's visit to military installations in The Southeast in September, and the recent Ankara regime massacre in Beytüşşebap.

Politically, the war has also been intensified by the Ankara regime, with DTP parliamentarians, mayors, and politicians continue to be harassed, rounded up, arrested, and fired upon with weapons since the July elections. Threats are made to lift parliamentary immunity so that bogus accusations of "separatism" can be tried in kangaroo courts. Once again, the regime is engaging in its usual policy toward Kurdish political participation, one that will lead to the banning of yet another Kurdish party, as Büyükanıt has begun the call for:

The military, in parallel with their intervention on the ground, have also become more strident. Last week, before members of the military academy, General Büyükanit suggested it would be necessary to ban the DTP, whose members "call 'terrorists' brothers."

The full interview can be read at KurdishInfo but this post contains that portion in which Karayılan speaks about the AKP's policy toward the Kurdish people [Note: Paragraphs have been created that do not exist in the original, in order to make the replies easier to read--Mizgîn]:

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Question: In the context of Abdullah Gul's becoming president, Iran and Turkish military attacks, the deferral of the Kirkuk referendum, we have Iraq's head of state and PUK leader Jalal Talabani's statement that the struggle in North Kurdistan is against democracy. How do you see this statement?


Murat Karayılan: Certainly any politician from Kurdistan can make comments about Kurdistan. But making empty statements is wrong. It is important to respect the people's situation in each part, taking in account that the people are living under pressure of colonialist powers. I think they should be careful when make their views public. Also we should consider Turkey's past history and the Kurdish people's struggle in Turkey. The Kurdish people's struggle opens the door for Turkey's democratic process. It was the Kurdish nation that resisted the 12 September military regime. It was again the Kurdish nation under the leadership of the PKK in its struggle for democracy on the 12 September fascist incidents. Since that time, the Kurdish struggle has helped Turkey to become democratic. It is the same today.

It is wrong to see the Kurdish nation's struggle as against democracy. The Kurdish struggle is a democratic struggle. In all parts of Kurdistan, the Kurdish nation has only one flag. With this, the Kurdish nation is reaching to its freedom. Whether in Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq, the Kurdish nation should be democracy's main dynamic and voice. The Kurdish nation's struggle is against flag-waving nationalism and anti-democratic oppression. When considering this, it should be assessed accurately. It is not right to make empty political statements about these issues.


Question: Talabani in his statement mentioned the voting in Kurdistan and stated how the AKP have proved that they are not racist. How true is this assertion do you think?


Murat Karayılan: The nature of the AKP should be understood. Generally, the AKP government is not well known by South Kurdistan politicians and individuals. They are misled by the AKP's false moderate political approach. Truly there are no huge differences between the AKP's and the military's strategic politics. The military's aim is to destroy the Kurdish people and their movement physically. They believe they can achieve this exclusively by using violence. The AKP uses not just military means, they are also doing it in a political way. Their political aim is to destroy the Kurds politically, militarily and culturally. The military's attitude is shared by the CHP and MHP.

In the AKP' s view all cannot be destroyed by violence alone, a more subtle approach should be used to destroy them. The AKP is saying to the military "you always say we will destroy, weakening them culturally, finishing them politically, but you cannot do it. Together with this you should use a policy of gradual erosion". Approach the Kurds softly, give them a hand, feed the poor, meet them; they think if they approach them from Islamic perspective, they can shift them from the national movement. Under developing Islam, they think they can hold Kurds under a colonist power, like Ottoman Empire's holding many nations under the umbrella of Islam, because the Turkish republic is the continuance of the Ottoman regime, which is why they are following this policy.

The AKP's policy is an Ottoman type of policy. They believe that by following this policy they can control and include the Kurds in their system. This is what they stand for. They do not recognize the Kurds as a power, they are aiming to include the Kurds in the system. Consequently, the strategic aim is the same, but the method is different. Apart from violence they also follow a devious policy. This means they defending a policy light force while the military is only defending use of force. The AKP says "No, we should give them sweets and hit them with a whip".

The Southern powers are developing and analyzing this policy. There is a trust and belief in some of Abdullah Gul's political statements that are sent from religious orders via the AKP party. This is definitely a trick; on the other side AKP is working to activate former collaborators. Again supporting the Islamic groups and trying to damage the federal state's national politic organizations in the South. In my point of view, Southern politicians cannot understand the Turkish republic's political views. Thus they cannot analyse the AKP correctly.

Some might not agree with the things I say but the time will show the truth. The AKP's policy is to pressure and weaken the Kurdish nation. The AKP has come together with the state and military on the Kurdistan problem. As a result of this cooperation, it was agreed about Abdullah Gul's becoming president. If this cooperation had never taken place, they would not have agreed to it. This is a certainty. All the Kurds should know this. The AKP agreed on using the military, from military side and AKP's political side to destroy the Kurdish nation. The AKP is an extremely ambitious political structure. To gain full power, they said "yes" to destroy Kurdish nation. This will be revealed even more when the time comes. This is why all the Kurdistan powers should see the true side of the AKP party.

Last year when Turkish chief of general staff Yasar Buyukanit started his duty, he gave a speech, which he repeated later at a press conference at different dates in the USA and Turkey, where he declared what was the strategy of the Turkish policy towards Kurdish problem. That strategy was not just to destroy the PKK, but at the same time destroying the regional government in South Kurdistan. "Clarifying the PKK is not enough, Kurdistan strategy should be elimination". Clearly these terms were used. Also the AKP held the same perspective. From now on, the Kurdish people's freedom is is to be fought militarily, politically, socially and culturally. This is the policy of colonisation and weakening of the AKP and the government which are one and the same. There is no other power.

Mr Talabani has said that "the DTP have four MPs from Diyarbakir, and the AKP has eight, this shows that the AKP is in the future of this area". He has also said things like it has been proved that the AKP is not a racist party. There is a mistake in numbers, but it is Turkey's anti-democratic approach which discriminates against Kurdish people, and puts a barrier which stops the true representation of the people's choice in parliament, with a 10% threshold, that led the DTP not to go to the elections with all its candidates in Diyarbakir.

The anti-democratic practice is clear here and cannot be ignored. DTP could not get more than four MPs. If there were more, this would have caused confusion and would have been a barrier for others to be elected. It is for this reason the DTP could have not have had all of Diyarbakir's seats, due to the 10% threshold. Wrongly evaluating Turkey's anti-democratic practices could lead someone to wrong decisions. In respect of this, the oppressive policies of the Republic of Turkey against the Kurdish people must be seen in every aspect.

A group of Kurdish MPs have gained seats in the parliament. This is a victory of the Kurdish freedom movement. This was achieved through a lot of hard work. Many obstacles were put in the way to stop this popular power reaching parliament. They went there by overcoming these obstacles. For this reason at the present this group is under attack. Many cases have been opened against this group to take them out and make them ineffective. These MPs are encircled and are under psychological pressure. If Kurds on the outside "carry water to the well" of the Turkish government, this will not help the Kurdish case. For this reason, they must support a national politics and support the democratic struggle of the Kurdish nation in Kurdistan.

Considering the struggle in Northern Kurdistan as a struggle against democracy will not be stating reality. The struggle of the Kurdish nation is a legitimate struggle. Its use of weapons for self-defense is legitimate. Young Kurdish people are being killed with chemical weapons and shot down every day. Without doubt, these young people are going to defend themselves, against tanks, cannon balls and chemical weapons. What can they do other than defend themselves against a situation like this?

Despite this, in October 2006 a ceasefire was declared.

People from Kurdistan and international forces were aware of this, but no one stopped the attacks of the Turkish military. None of the democratic forces in the US, Iraq or Turkey tried to stop the assassination of the Kurdish youth by the Turkish military. The present situation aims to eradicate the will power of the Kurdish people, this is evident, and a right politics cannot be carried out without seeing this.

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According to Firat News, thousands of peşmêrge forces equipped with heavy guns have been sent to the border (to Karavole, Çiyaye Bexer, Sinava, and Beçika in Zaxo) by the KRG.

In an attempt to impose an information blackout within North Kurdistan, the Ankara regime has shut down Özgür Gündem for another 30 days. This is the fifth time ÖG has been shut down and is not permitted to publish inside Turkey, and it will make 60 consecutive days of censorship against the paper.

Northern Kurds are in mourning today for the loss of Kurdish author, Mehmed Uzun, who lost his battle with stomach cancer this morning in Amed. The Canadian Press carries the announcement in English. Özgür Gündem has an announcement in Turkish and Azadiya Welat in Kurdish.