In just over two years, this country will mark the 20th anniversary of the November 1999 republic referendum.
For those who lost, it will also be a time to reflect on the actions of the geniuses who supported Constitutional change but not the model on offer. So much so that they advocated a No vote with the promise that the issue would be revisited again soon, with a better model.
These intellectual giants are as invisible these days as the prospect of this nation ever becoming a republic any time soon.
But their arrogance and naivety remain a salient lesson to those who support same-sex marriage but fought tooth and nail to defeat plans for legislated national compulsory plebiscite, and are now fighting the forced compromise – a non-compulsory postal survey conducted by the Australian Bureau of Statistics.
Sure, same-sex marriage is not as complicated as the republic and its adoption appears one day inevitable, but there are inherent risks in politics in ignoring a finish line when one is put in front of you.
As one senior Liberal who passionately supports change said, if the No vote prevails in November, the Coalition will not revisit the issue as a policy for five years.
The theory upon which many are banking is that if there is a No vote in November then, Labor, when elected, will put the issue straight to a Parliamentary vote within 100 days, as Bill Shorten has promised.
And that will be that.
But what if Labor does not win? And if it does, which at this stage is more likely than not, what will be the make-up of the Senate where the numbers now to pass same-sex marriage are tight? A handful more conservative and One Nation Senators means the numbers may not be there at all.
And what about Labor's dopey decision, enforced by its Left faction at its 2015 National Conference, to extinguish a free vote after the next election and bind all Labor MPs to vote for same-sex marriage.
It was unnecessary given 99 per cent of the current caucus already supports same-sex marriage.
And if the issue is still unresolved when Labor wins the election, Liberal conservatives who will be again leading the party and who have shown themselves to be pretty good at getting their way on just about everything, will insist that if Labor does not allow a free vote, nor should the Liberal Party. So they all stay bound to vote against same-sex marriage.
All of these variables should be considered by those seeking to boycott the November postal vote.
In that vein, there was nothing contrived about the reaction on Thursday afternoon as Shorten exited the House of Representatives to walk back to his office.
Lining the corridor on both sides were about 20 Labor staffers, clapping and cheering the Leader who had just given an impressive rallying cry on same-sex marriage.
Apart from yours truly lurking in the shadows, there were no cameras or other media present in the corridor. It was spontaneous reaction by people who support same-sex marriage and were clearly happy that someone on the Yes side has taken a lead.
Shorten's message was twofold. First, he empathised with the advocates who are angry this issue being put to a public vote, rather than straight to the Parliament. Second, he implored them to hold their nose and embrace the process because a splintered Yes campaign with boycotts and legal challenges was exactly what their opponents wanted.
"The strongest supporters of this survey have always been the most vocal opponents of marriage equality," he said.
"I understand the sense of frustration and betrayal by the Parliament for LGBTI Australians. But the most powerful act of resistance and defiance is to vote yes for equality."
The message quickly resonated. Corporate Australia, which supports marriage equality, dropped its misgivings about the process and agreed to mobilise. The Greens urged everyone to enrol just in case the legal challenges fail, as both the government and Labor believe they will.
Activist group GetUp, which proved lethally effective during last year's election, is still focusing its resources on court action, saying Friday it will support a Yes vote only if the legal action fails. The risk with that is that the legal process, even if it fails, further de-legitimises the postal vote in the eyes of those who don't like it, increasing the risk of boycott.
In all reality, a Yes vote should be carried. This change has the support of every state and federal political leader except Barnaby Joyce, the backing of business, the major sporting codes and the editorial support of media organisations.
Yet, nothing should be taken for granted. The No camp has a simple message, is not divided, and believes it can marshall an energised majority through the churches, mosques and ethnic communities. One reason Labor blocked the compulsory plebiscite was because it feared it would lose.
A non-compulsory postal vote carries greater risk because they tend to benefit the energised, as evidenced by Brexit, or Donald Trump, who shot to power because sanctimonious Bernie Sanders supporters stayed away in protest.
The most galvanising intervention this week was that of Tony Abbott, who played a pivotal role in defeating the republic and will take a lead role in the Marriage Alliance campaign.
He set the hares running with a well-honed, simple and disingenuous slogan about same-sex marriage impinging on freedom speech and religion, making it an issue about the culture wars.
Abbott has never advocated a Yes vote in his life and this issue is right in his wheelhouse. Unlike so many other issues on which he has held opposing views depending on the political climate, he believes firmly that marriage should be between a man and a woman. It is near the pinnacle of his hierarchy of truth.
He is prepared to do over his own sister in public. It's sell your grandmother stuff.
And the added bonus is that it enables him to do combat with Turnbull.
Turnbull backs a Yes vote but, because of the divisions within, could never give the speech that Shorten gave.
If the No vote prevails, it will be a victory by proxy for Abbott who, on this, has the backing of the Liberal Party base.
Should Shorten's advice be heeded and the Yes vote succeed, Turnbull may owe the Opposition leader a favour come November.
Phillip Coorey is the chief political correspondent of The Australian Financial Review
