It's becoming pretty obvious that when it comes to political donations reform in Australia, regret and change only occur when someone gets shamed or caught.
In 2010, a ban on developer donations by the then Labor government followed the Wollongong council "sex for development" scandal.
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Dastyari: 'Sorry, sorry, sorry...'
During a long press interview in which Sam Dastyari apologised for allowing a Chinese linked company to pay a bill for him, he managed to sound a little repetitive.
Soon afterwards came donation and expenditure caps and bans on contributions from those involved in the tobacco, gambling and alcohol industries following disgust at the amount of money flowing to both major parties.
In 2014, the Independent Commission Against Corruption wrought devastation on the ranks of NSW Liberal MPs over illegal donations before the 2011 election.
Newby premier Mike Baird ordered an inquiry that saw his government accept the reform recommendations of an expert panel on election funding chaired by businesswoman Kerry Schott.
This week it was Sam Dastyari, the senator and former general secretary of the NSW Labor party, publicly calling for a complete donations ban.
Dastyari's epiphany on the ABC's Australian Story program followed a near career implosion after he disclosed tapping a political donor to pay a $1600 overspend on his travel budget.
Yet while the Dastyari episode proves the general rule, it also exposes the glaring exception.
Despite the persistently bad smell around donations at the federal level, unlike in NSW, no serious, wholesale change is being contemplated.
Both sides are thinking about a ban on foreign donations, and Opposition Leader Bill Shorten also wants the public disclosure threshold lowered from $13,500 to $1000 – welcome measures, but ultimately tinkering around the edges.
Thursday's tabling of ICAC's report on its Operation Credo investigation that embroiled his now industry minister Arthur Sinodinos should prompt a serious rethink from Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull.
While ICAC has made no adverse findings against Sinodinos, he was chairman of the Obeid-family linked Australian Water Holdings (AWH) at a time it was seeking government contracts and donated tens of thousands of dollars to the NSW Liberals, where he was finance director.
Sinodinos told ICAC he had no involvement in the decision to donate and can't remember the donations. It is a shocking example of what is so wrong with the present system.
In what can only be assumed to be a remarkable coincidence, on Australian Story Dastyari gave some insight into what might have been going on in this type of scenario.
Speaking in general terms, the former chief fundraiser for NSW Labor said some donors "do it for philanthropic reasons", some "to support an ideological cause" and others "as a sign of prestige and importance".
Then he added: "And look frankly some people do it because of that very, very murky world of access, and they want access for outcomes."
Frank indeed. It's an admission that is all too rare among Australian politicians from the two major parties, who choose to stick with the fantasy that donors never expect a quid pro quo.
The fact is, our federal politicians are addicted to the easy money so they can run their campaigns with overflowing war chests.
That suits donors just fine, because it's a guaranteed way of getting your foot in the door before others.
But as Dastyari's comments starkly show, the addiction risks the health of our democracy when those with the deepest pockets get privileged access.
One of the most common arguments against changing the system is that the Australian public is unwilling to foot more, or all, of the bill for political parties to run their campaigns.
This is a highly questionable and self-serving assertion. The strong public support for establishment of a federal ICAC demonstrates the public is willing to pay for serious corruption prevention.
Besides, the NSW model, where donations to individuals are capped at $2700 per year to individual candidates or members and $6100 to parties, shows it is possible to take most of the money out of politics without it costing taxpayers the earth.
It's pretty simple. Introduce donation caps low enough to remove the possibility the money could sway a political decision, and cap expenditure on election campaigns accordingly. Lower the disclosure threshold to $1000 and make public reporting of donations mandatory within a day or two.
Failure to do so can only add to the suspicion that our federal political leaders are deliberately putting their own interests ahead of those of the Australian people.