Tuesday, June 27, 2017

Lessons from Mississippi


https://player.fm/series/alternative-radio-aust-programs/170605-kali-akuno-activism-lessons-from-mississippi

"http://www.araudio.araustralia.org/170605.mp3"

Mao said, "A single spark can start a prairie fire." Indeed it can. Rosa Parks is a perfect example of that. Her refusal to sit in the back of the bus led to the Montgomery bus boycott and the beginning of the civil rights movement in the segregated South. They're some erroneous notions about Rosa Parks. That she was simply tired and had to rest her weary feet. Yeah, she was tired all right. Tired of the racism and discrimination. And Rosa Parks was not some casual activist. She was part of a movement that triggered a wave of protest and eventually broke down an entrenched system of injustice. It didn't happen overnight. One of the lessons activists have learned is that for their work to be successful it must be sustained over periods of time. Kali Akuno is a co-founder and co-director of Cooperation Jackson. He served as the Director of Special Projects and External Funding in the Mayoral Administration of the late Chokwe Lumumba of Jackson, Mississippi. His focus in this role was supporting cooperative development, the introduction of eco-friendly and carbon reduction methods of operation, and the promotion of human rights and international relations for the city. He also served as the co-director of the U.S. Human Rights Network.

Saturday, June 17, 2017

Black Power takes root in the heart of Dixie


https://indypendent.org/2017/06/black-power-takes-root-in-the-heart-of-dixie/

One correction to the article: Cooperation Jackson has only been in existence for 3 years. It was founded on May Day 2014. I have been a member of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement for 20 years. Marisa did a great job synthesizing a nearly two hour interview, but unfortunately conflated these two points. 


The movement for Black self-determination that Akuno helps to lead has roots in Mississippi that date back to the 1970s. After decades of base building work by the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement (MXGM) and others, radical lawyer Chokwe Lumumba was elected mayor of Jackson in 2013 only to die less than eight months into his first term in office. In May, his son Chokwe Antar Lumumba won the Democratic primary on a platform of food sovereignty, zero waste and creating a solidarity economy. He is all but certain to be the next mayor of Jackson.Jackson is the largest city in Mississippi. Surrounded by prosperous white suburbs, it is more than 80 percent Black and overwhelmingly working-class. “If you are making $10 an hour here you are doing damn good,” says Kali Akuno, who for 20 years has been a driving force in Cooperation Jackson, a community organizing hub intent on radically changing business as usual in Mississippi’s capital city and creating a model for local movements in the United States and around the world.
When Antar takes office, he will face a hostile white business elite and a Republican-controlled state legislature that will try to stymie him at every turn. Akuno is one of Antar’s closest advisors. He recently spoke with The Indypendentabout the challenges that lie ahead and the Jackson movement’s enduring source of strength.
Marisa Anne Day: What do you hope to achieve?
Kali Akuno: The construction of economic democracy from the ground up, the transformation of the economy and the social relationships that frame what makes us human. That is not something we can do alone.
We hope to inspire and offer a model to others who want to pick this up. We want to continue drawing from eclectic sources of inspiration — the Mondragon worker cooperatives in Spain, the Zapatistas, cooperatives in the South going back 200 years in the Black community, [cooperative] projects in the early days of Tanzania, Algeria, Guyana. The first step for Cooperation Jackson is to build a vibrant social and solidarity economy in Jackson that can form a stepping-stone to economic democracy.

Kali Akuno of Cooperation Jackson. Credit: Jed Brandt.
What is the significance of this victory for organizing in the United States?
It demonstrates that the left can win in the United States, win electoral victories, make gains in a struggle to control the means of production. It has a broader significance with the election of Donald Trump. Our victory in Jackson points to a way forward. Take some heart from it, all is not doom and gloom. We can organize ourselves to fight back and counter the moves of these reactionary forces. If we do our work right we can start dictating the social momentum and rearticulate some of the fundamental norms of society.
What the country is facing with this neo-Confederate neo-fascist regime on a federal level, we have been living with here in Mississippi for quite some time. Black, Indigenous, Latino communities have been figuring out ways to not only survive but to push back. Our electoral victory highlights what is possible when you resist these forces — and what type of work it takes: long term, patient, strategic base-building work, which we have been concentrating on here for about 40 years.
A lot of movements talk about empowering “the people” but after they win elections fail to come through. How will you resist that?
Our beliefs alone are not enough to safeguard us against right drift and institutionalization. An effective counterweight is having political organization with multiple ideologies within it. Having that diversity was a saving grace [with Chokwe Lumumba] because you had folks, especially from anarchist tendencies, who were suspicious about going into government. A lively debate and struggle was one safeguard.
The Jackson People’s Assembly is the dominant accountability mechanism. Direct engagement is where the assembly has its strength and can apply pressure on Chokwe Antar or anybody else in that position. The People’s Assembly was built to be a dual power institution, with the ability to shape society on its own without the assistance of government.
How do you maintain buy-in beyond ideological divides?
We don’t recruit or engage with folks on the basis of “you have to believe what I believe in order to struggle and work with me.” That takes a backseat to “I’m here because an injury has been inflicted upon you or upon our community and let’s figure out a collective way that we can address this issue.” People find out what you believe through your practice first and foremost, and then your statement of why you are engaged in the struggle afterward.
In Mississippi, the out-and-out nature of white supremacy helps to keep a focus in the community. I might have differences with you about this belief or that strategy but in the face of having to confront people who are visibly in the Klan, it gives people a clear orientation: We are in a struggle and my contributions to it are critical to my own survival.
This context is why the radical message of a Chokwe Lumumba or a Chokwe Antar has resonance in a place that is deeply conservative and religious, and why so many people who don’t share their ideological views have trust in them. The perception in the Black community is: “They have been consistent fighters against the forces of white supremacy and exploitation. I know what sacrifices they and the members of MXGM have made by standing up to the Klan.”
We work on that common ground and over time we have won a lot of people over who wouldn’t necessarily use that rhetoric but would say, I am for democracy in the workplace. You see a gradual movement and a broader adoption of these ideas and principles.
What is the situation in Jackson you are stepping into? What forces in Mississippi are aligned against you?
The primary force of opposition against us is the Greater Jackson Chamber of Commerce. The Chamber is dominated by white businessmen, almost none of whom live in Jackson proper. They live in the white suburbs that were constructed to accommodate white flight. Jackson is still a city where a large portion of its businesses remain in the hands of a small white minority elite.
Jackson is over 80 percent Black. Most of that, overwhelmingly, is Black working class. That includes sectors where the real unemployment rate is closer to 50 percent of the adult population. Wages are extremely low; if you are making $10 an hour here you are doing damn good. That would be damn near a Black middle-class wage here in Jackson.
The Black community, by its numbers, can put people in office but their ability to govern can be constrained because the economic base of the city is controlled elsewhere. One of the threats is if you elect Chokwe Antar, all these white-owned businesses are going to leave town. What that does is shrink the tax base, the revenues to operate. That is pointing a gun at the city and saying you have to go this way for the economy not to collapse. For the community to consistently vote in a way that says “Yeah, I know that gun is to my head and I’m going to vote this way anyway” says a lot.
The Chamber is not making idle threats. They have concrete plans to gentrify the city, to displace the Black working class, because if they can change the population dynamics they can eliminate the possibility of a radical like Chokwe Antar from being elected.
How do cooperative networks provide counterweight against those forces?
The bedrock for us is food sovereignty. Hunger will no longer be a weapon against the working class. We will utilize all the vacant land around the city. We can create supply chains based on our own principles rather than being totally reliant on “market forces.”
We will construct cooperative enterprises, from food processing to non-carbon based distribution, bikes and electric vehicles, to lessen the carbon footprint of the city. Going to zero emissions and zero waste will accomplish several goals at once: sustainability, creating jobs, a better quality of life and ultimately more self-determination and self-reliance within the community.
We are creating an integrated system, bottom-up efforts, the support of an administration we control and a policy framework to give what’s getting done below more teeth.The base is starting with what is available to us, land, addressing a concrete need, food, and from there building out the solidarity economy.
How can people engage with what you are doing from outside of Jackson?
Doing this work takes resources. Our sustainer network annually covers one-fourth of the cost. Friends of Cooperation Jackson chapters build relationships of solidarity. The most concrete way that folks can help is to build Cooperation New Yorks, like-minded organizations. Organizing in your own community will help us more than anything else.

Speech from February 20th, 2017 in Madison, Wisconsin


Thursday, April 13, 2017

Demand to Stay Alive




"Demand to stay alive" a short film by Taha Awadallah about the An American Nightmare: Black Labor and Liberation project and the just transition work of Cooperation Jackson made by Deep Dish TV. this film depicts parallels of violence and extrajudicial killings of Black people in the US with Palestinians in Palestine. depicting violence inherent within European settler colonial projects and our need to drastically shift from a world that operates from a vantage point of that mentality..

Monday, March 27, 2017

Don't just Fight, Build!

March 25, 2017
I work with Cooperation Jackson, based in Jackson, Mississippi, which comes out of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement and the New Afrikan People’s Organization. I bring up both the local and national groups to give you a sense of the broad movement I’m coming from, and also the more specific work going on in Jackson. That’s important because I believe we have to be rooted somewhere firmly on the ground in order to have a base on which to stand, and from which to organize.
After Trump was elected, it took two or three weeks for many people to get out of the fog. There are some losses that we’re going to take in this next period under Donald Trump. We have to get ourselves mentally prepared for that, and do the organizing that is necessary to withstand the assault against what little democracy has ever existed in this country, as they try to take us back to the sixteenth century.

Don’t be confused about what the Republicans are really trying to do. Part of it is about profit. But they also want to make sure that those who were supposed to stay in their respective places get back in those places. And that’s virtually everybody, once you really think about it. Being white is not necessarily going to protect you.  
If you can engage in actions, engage. If you can’t, that’s OK, there will be other times. The question really is, at some point we can’t just mobilize, we’ve got to start organizing. After the first 100 days, people need to sit down and come up with a plan or we are all wasting our time and we are going to be summarily defeated.
We have to develop a serious program and that starts with dialogue—amongst us. On a national level, we have to develop what I call a framework of ungovernability. Fundamentally, that means not giving any legitimacy to Trump, and more importantly, to the neo-confederates, who I would argue are actually far more dangerous than Trump himself.
We’ve got to get ourselves profoundly more organized than we are now. And we are not an organized force. Let’s not kid ourselves. With the unions, with our political parties, we’re not even as organized as we were twenty or thirty years ago. And by organized, I do not mean creating a great Internet platform.
We need to be so organized that you can call me, give me two days, and I can move fifty people, and put them in action on the ground in my community. That’s the level of organizing that I’m talking about. We’ve done it before. And we can do it again. It’s not magic; it’s just a bunch of hard work.
I hear people say, “I can’t believe what’s happening.” But what’s happening now has been happening to indigenous people and black people all along. The older I get, the more appreciation for my people’s history and culture I have, and what my ancestors did to survive this bullshit. I am seeing that more and more as a vital piece we can’t overlook.
I’m glad people have woken up. But understand that it can get worse, and we have to get prepared for that. We don’t yet have a serious conversation between what is left of organized labor and what is emerging as the cooperative movement in this country. We aren’t in deep enough conversation with each other about how as workers we’re going to shape our own future.
A big part of Cooperation Jackson is based on black reality. Ain’t nobody creating no jobs for us. Those days are long since past. In Jackson, Mississippi, I think the real unemployment rate is easily over 50 percent. I can knock on almost any door in a black, working-class community, any day of the week, and there’s an able-bodied adult, typically, who will answer the door. Any time of day. That gives you a real sense of what I mean by a deep level of unemployment.
That is a challenge, but it’s also a great organizing opportunity.
You have some time and energy. Can we use that to do something collective in our community? Can we bring your skills, time, energy, resources, and talents together with other folks under similar circumstances and transform our reality?
It takes a lot of convincing of people. But we are starting to see some results, getting people to just start doing small things.
Let’s pull together some time and energy to fix the cars and bikes in the neighborhood, to deal with our city’s transportation crisis. Jackson has a few public buses. But we don’t have much of a public transportation system. If you don’t have a car, you can’t get a job or go to the grocery store, and there are a lot of people in that situation.
But that’s an opportunity also for us from an organizing perspective, because it helps us to put people in relationship. I have a car, I have some time. You know how to fix cars, you have some time. Let’s work together and we can create a mutually beneficial system.
How do we create our own kind of cooperative cab company? We are looking into that on a deeper level—how that would fulfill not just a transportation need but a social need in our community.
Rather than see the limitations, we are seeing there’s more space from the decay of late capitalism to actually do some things to push back and start seizing the means of production. That is a big part of our project in Jackson. We call it organizing for “community production.”
The city is in profound debt. We are faced with the threat of losing control of our water system. Our public education system is going to be seized this summer by the state—primarily through the orchestration of state-mandated testing that has changed the goalposts every year to produce the outcome the Republicans wanted.
Our governor is very close to Trump. The Tea Party basically runs our state. Our governor is a member of the Tea Party. There’s a Tea Party supermajority in the legislature in both houses, and also within the state court system. So we’ve been living under the kind of one-party rule that the whole country is now experiencing for six years. We’ve learned a few lessons that perhaps we can impart.
Our governor says President Trump has promised he can do some things for Mississippi that the Army Corps of Engineers has spent twenty-five years saying are impossible. He’s been bragging and boasting since the Inauguration that they’re going to create a whole new water system for Rankin County, which is a predominantly white, working-class county and one of the bases of white reaction in Mississippi.
It’s right next door to Jackson. The county only has 140,000 people. But they’re going to build a whole new water system for them. They don’t even have the density to pay for the system that will be created.
It’s pure politics: Jackson receives much of its annual revenue from the sale of water to the greater metro area. So if you take water away from us, basically you destroy the ability of the municipality to function.
The state is also planning to annex a critical part of the downtown area, where 60 percent of the jobs in the city of Jackson are located in this new district that they’re creating. They will turn that over to the state. And then they want to flood a good portion of downtown Jackson to create a lake, and a casino district.
The long-term objective is to break the political back of Jackson, which is 80 percent black. State Republicans and the Greater Jackson Chamber of Commerce believe they can take Jackson back politically if they’re able to reduce its current black population to between 60 and 65 percent.
If they are able to reduce the city’s black population to that degree, they will have the power to both split and dilute the black vote. So this is all part of a long-term, coordinated plan and strategy. It gives you an example of what organization looks like. We need to get to that level of coordination, strategy, and organization. Their side can do it, and our side can do it.
The Democratic Party is not going to save us. We’ve got to organize something different. It may use some remnants of that old structure, but we’ve got to organize something new to reach the vast majority of those who are oppressed, exploited, and excluded in this society.  

It’s going to take a lot of hard work. But we have to remember that all of the Tea Party folks and Trump only represent a minority from this point forward. That is all they can ever represent. That doesn’t mean they can’t rule effectively as a minority. Look at South Africa to understand how a minority can effectively rule an overwhelming majority.
But if we organize in a different way, there’s a profound new majority which is largely black and brown that we can tap into. That majority is more than willing to be politically engaged, but it doesn’t see electoral politics as the only viable way, or even the most expedient way, to address their real life circumstances.
And so we must think outside the box, those of us on the left, instead of just trying to channel most of our energy into electoral fights.
What are the other things we have to build? How can we actually build power in our communities and organize people to exercise that power? People’s assemblies are one way, cooperatives are another. But that’s not all. 
I would argue that we should give as much time to the building as we give to the fighting. And we must give equal time to actually sitting down in our communities, having meetings with our neighbors, whether they agree or disagree with us. And constructing a real political and viable program going forward. If we don’t, Trump is going to be the least of our concerns.
This is a hell of a time. I think we should embrace the fluidity of the time, and not be afraid of it. If, like me, you consider yourself a socialist, it would have been hard to believe a few years ago that we could publicly identify ourselves as socialists in so many places. But that space is now open, and it’s one we need to seize. We can’t let this moment pass or fade. Because there are millions of people out there looking for alternatives.
This is a very fluid moment. It may look bleak. But in the end, the other side has a few economic things, levers they can pull which shouldn’t be underestimated. But we know they must resort to force to keep this thing together. And that’s a losing strategy. So let’s seize the time and opportunity. Don’t be weary. Get to work.