In
August, 1992, in his address to the GOP National Convention, then- Presidential
Candidate Pat Buchanan delighted his supporters and appalled progressive
Republicans when he stated:
My
friends, this election is about much more than who gets what. It is about who we are….There is a religious
war going on in our country for the soul of America. It is a cultural war, as critical to the kind of nation we
will one day be as was the Cold War itself.[1]
The
term, “culture war,” so often heard in our political discourse today, popularly
dates from this speech. Yet the
phrase’s true origin actually reaches back over a century and across the
Atlantic. During the 1870’s, the
then-new German Empire launched a broad assault on religious particularism and family autonomy, a campaign called kulturkampf
(translated, “culture war”).
Perhaps the most important, if unintended, result of
this original “culture war” was to encourage a still amorphous political
movement, called Christian Democracy, in Germany and elsewhere in Europe. This experiment in applying Christian
principles to popular modern governance developed its own history of triumph
and tragedy and offers lessons for Americans also trying—now in the 21st
Century—to apply Christianity to modern democratic politics. To understand better this European
experiment, I will review today: (1) the nature of Christian Democracy; (2) the
two paths—Catholic and Protestant—taken by the early movement; (3) the two
crises of Christian Democracy during the last century—the first during the
1930’s and the second in the 1960’s; and (4) finally, the prospects for
Christian Democracy today.
A LEGACY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
It
is said that the 20th Century Chinese Communist leader Zhou Enlai
(1898-1976), when asked what the impact of the 1789 French Revolution had been
on human affairs, replied: “It’s too
soon to tell.”
Actually,
it is unclear to whom and just when Zhou said this. One source says it was to the Archduke Otto van Hapsburg in 1948;
another source says to Richard Nixon in 1972; another to England’s Tony Benn in
1975; and still another to a French journalist in 1989. The latter could be called somewhat
miraculous, for Zhou had been dead for thirteen years by then. Perhaps Zhou, living and dead, has simply
prattled this observation out to every Westerner that he has met.
All
the same, his answer rings true. The
revolutionaries of 1789 unleashed passions and ideas that continue their work
into our time. Many of them directly
target religious and family relations, including the leveling idea of equality,
the divorce revolution, secular liberalism, sexual freedom, state-centered
education, and communism. The French
Revolution also defined our modern political vocabulary: the labels ‘liberal,’
‘radical,’ ‘socialist,’ and even ‘conservative’ all derive from that time of ferment
(for example, it was books by Edmund Burke and Louis deBonald written in
reaction to the French Revolution that first defined modern conservatism). So, too, for Christian Democracy, which also
rose as a somewhat delayed response to the ideas of 1789. As a prominent early Christian Democrat
explained, 1789 marked “the birth year of modern life,” which he also described
as “the catastrophe of 1789.”[2]
Indeed, one of the most successful Christian Democratic parties would take the
strange name, The Anti-Revolutionary Party, in the 1870’s, and would retain it
until just two decades ago.
THE CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM
Authentic
Christian Democracy, I hasten to add, has not been simply another name
for “conservatism.” Unlike European
conservatives, the Democratic Christian goal has not been to defend the
remnants of the old feudal order, non existing class structures, nor persons of
wealth. Nor has Christian Democracy
simply been the “rural” or “country” party, defending the interests of small
farmers while ignoring the urban, industrial order.
Instead,
the movement should be seen as a distinctly Christian response to modernity,
one with its own platform. To begin
with, Christian Democrats have understood the French Revolution as unleashing an
“appalling anti-Christian world power which, if Christ did not break it, would
rip this whole world forever out of the hands of its God and away from its own
destiny.” According to these partisans,
the secularism spawned by the French
Revolution produced a “system of modern and almost incomprehensibly diabolical
paganism.” The movement has also held
that “it would be utterly absurd for a person to take…a confession of Christ on
its lips and ignore the consequences that flow directly from it for our
national politics.”[3]
Moreover, Christian Democracy has formally opposed
economic materialism, in both its socialist and liberal capitalist
manifestations. In this view, Europe’s early
20th Century disorders arose from the “exaggerated
liberal-capitalistic economic order” of the prior Century. Seen from a slightly different angle, Marxism
and fascism are to be understood as products of the same secular, materialist
worldview. As the Christian Democratic
thinker, Maria Meyer-Sevenich, has explained:
…they
[Marxism and fascism] are nothing but powerful reactionary movements, grown out
of the native soil [Mutterboden] of the same liberal-capitalist
thinking.[4]
Speaking
in 1946, Josef Andre offered a Christian Democratic interpretation of the
meaning of the Nazi defeat in World War II:
The
materialistic view of history is now at an end. What Hegel, Darwin, Haeckel, Nietzsche and Karl Marx strove for,
each from his own field of expertise, has been historically overtaken and
destroyed with the National Socialist Zeitgeist.[5]
Christian
Democracy has provided, instead, a spirit-centered, Christ-centered worldview
that would build distinctive political and economic orders.
Notably,
Christian Democracy has stood for organic society. The legacy of the French Revolution in both
politics and economics was a quest for uniformity, which meant the suppression
of diversity, the denial of “everything fresh and natural.” Christian Democrats have held that the
spontaneous, organic structures of human life—villages, towns, neighborhoods,
labor associations, and (above all) families—need protection from the leveling
tendencies of modern life. For only
through these organic structures could the human personality thrive. As the French philosopher Etienne Gilson
explained:
From
his birth to his death, each man is involved in a multiplicity of natural
social structures outside of which he could neither live nor achieve his
full development….Each of these groups possesses a specific organic unity;
first of all, there is the family, the child’s natural place of
growth.[6]
Such
groups pre-existed the state.
That is, the law did not create families and towns; it “found
them.” As analyst Guido Dierickx
explains, the goal of Christian Democracy has been the restoration and defense
of organic society, starting with the family:
The
Christian Democrats view the (core) family as a privileged opportunity to
implement their social…principles. They
want the citizens to adapt their private lives to demanding interpersonal
relationships. Family life, especially
the traditional family life of a married couple with several children, is a
first embodiment of such relationships in other sectors of society.[7]
In
line with this goal, Christian Democracy has held a unique vision of public
policy, where tax law and welfare and social security policies aim both at using
and strengthening organic communities.
As Diereckx explains, Christian
Democrats have viewed the family as holding both instrumental and intrinsic
value. They have favored tax benefits
and state allowances that subsidize the birth and rearing of children as an
expression of children’s right to a true homelife, not for the purpose of
vertical income redistribution. Also,
when Christian Democrats:
…would
like to entrust more health care and other social service duties to the family,
they do so not just to alleviate the burden of the state bureaucracy or of the
Ministry of Finance, or to improve the quality of the service rendered to the
aged, the young and the sick (though this too is a major consideration), but
first and foremost because they hope to strengthen the family. [They believe that] the contemporary family
is weakened by the loss of social functionality.[8]
Similarly,
Christian Democrats have sought to funnel modern government services through
other “organic” structures as well, notably “non profit” and religious
agencies. For example, in the nations
of Germany and the Netherlands, where Christian Democratic influence has been
decisive, state sectors now allocate nearly 70 percent of Gross Domestic
Product. However, only 10 percent of
this has been controlled by the central government. Instead, non-profit agencies—particularly those with religious
ties—have provided the largest share of program implementation.[9]
TWO PATHS TO CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY
In
its purest form, Christian Democracy has also aimed at Christian political
unity. The Enlightenment of the 18th
Century, which spawned the ideological side of the French Revolution, had
itself emerged largely in revulsion over the religious wars of the prior, or 17th
Century. In that intolerant, bloody
era, Catholics and Protestants warred against each other. Millions died in this Christian civil
war. The Christian Democracy movement consciously
worked to transcend theological differences between Catholic and Protestant by
focusing on their common enemy—the “appalling anti-Christian world power”—and by
building a common social-political program.
All the same, there were distinctive Roman Catholic and Protestant
paths to this end.
The
Catholic effort had to overcome the view that the Church of Rome, from the fall
of Napoleon in 1815 through the revolutions of 1848, was reactionary, favoring
the oppression of the people, opposing their democratic aspirations, and ignoring
the new problems posed by industrial society.[10] It was in the German states that the revolutionary
year 1848 saw creation of “The Catholic Federation of Germany.” Designed to protect Catholic rights in any future
German union, this “catholic club” became the “Fraction of the Center” in 1858,
and eventually The Center Party. While
open in theory to non-Catholics, the Center Party focused first and foremost on
defending Catholic authority, rights, and church schools.
However,
the young Bishop of Mainz, Wilhelm Emmanuel, Baron von Ketteler, began to shape
a more interesting, and ecumenical, social Catholicism. During the Catholic Congress of 1848, he
offered a toast to “the plain people” of Germany and declared that as religion
has need of freedom, so did freedom have need of religion: in that time and place, these were radical
statements. During the 1860’s, Bishop
Ketteler turned to the “social question.”
He denounced the development of what he called “capitalist absolutism,”
called for the creation of Christian labor associations to protect workers, and
urged political reforms that would increase wages, shorten the working day, and
prohibit the labor of children and mothers in factories.[11]
In
1871, following German victory in the Franco-Prussian War, The German Empire
took form. Chancellor Otto von Bismarck
immediately launched his Kulturkampf.
At one level, this “culture war” aimed at reducing the influence of the
Catholic church in a predominantly Protestant empire. The Jesuit religious order, for example, was banned. At another level, however, all Christians
faced new restrictions. An 1871 law
banned all clergymen from discussing political issues from the pulpit. Other laws gave the German state more
control over the education of all clergy, created a special secular court for
legal cases involving clerics, and required notification of all clerical
employment. In 1875, the Empire required
that all marriages must be civil ceremonies. In response, Catholic political action
through The Center Party accelerated.
This “Culture War” lasted until 1878, when Bismarck decided that the
greater threat to Germany came from the socialists.
The
“social Catholicism” of Bishop Ketteler and the foray into electoral politics
represented by Germany’s Center Party came together in Pope Leo XIII’s 1891
social encyclical, The New Age (Rerum
Novarum). This remarkable document testified
to Roman Catholicism’s willingness to meet the promise and problems of
industrialization with an affirmative Christian alternative to both the
laissez-faire of classical liberalism and to socialism. Arguing that “the present age handed over
the workers, each alone and defenseless, to the inhumanity of employers and the
unbridled greed of competitors,” Leo rejected the wage theory of classical
liberalism that considered that wage just which resulted from a free contract
between employer and worker. Leo
repudiated socialism with even greater fervor, terming it “highly unjust”
because it injured workers, violated the rights of lawful owners, perverted the
functions of the state, and threw governments “into utter confusion.”
Instead,
Leo turned to “the natural and primeval right of marriage” and to the
family—“the society of the household”—as the proper foundation for social and
economic theory. The right of
ownership, for example, while bestowed on individuals by nature, was viewed as necessarily
“assigned to man in his capacity as head of a family.” Similarly, Leo declared it “a most sacred
law of nature that the father of a family see that his offspring are provided
with all the necessities of life….” In
the natural order, he continued, it was not right “to demand of a woman or a
child what a strong adult man is capable of doing or would be willing to
do.” Women, he affirmed, were “intended
by nature for the work of the home…the education of children and the well-being
of the family.” Consequently, Leo
concluded, the principle underlying all employer-worker contracts must be that
the wage be at least “sufficiently large to enable [the worker] to provide
comfortably for himself, his wife, and his children….”[12] This was the principle of the “family wage.”
Christian
Democracy from the Catholic side is, in fact, best understood as Rerum
Novarum put into action.
Indeed, in 1901, Leo issued another encyclical, Graves de Communi Re,
which openly embraced the “Christian Democracy” label. Contrasting this movement with the principles
of Democratic Socialism, Leo stated:
…Christian
Democracy, by the fact that it is Christian, is built, and necessarily so, on
the basic principles of divine faith, and it must provide better conditions for
the masses, with the ulterior object of promoting the perfection of souls made
for things eternal. Hence, for
Christian Democracy, justice is sacred; it must maintain that the right of
acquiring and possessing property cannot be impugned, and it must safeguard the
various distinctions and degrees which are indispensable in every well-ordered
commonwealth.[13]
In
1906, Germany’s Center Party launched a great debate on its future. Julius Bachem’s article, “We Must Get Out of
the Tower” (“Wir mussen aus dem Turm
heraus”), argued that the Party should cease being strictly “Catholic” and should
increase its Protestant membership, as the only way to break out of perpetual
minority status. Action toward this
end, however, was deferred.
ABRAHAM KUYPER
The
Protestant strain of Christian Democracy is strongly associated with the Dutch
pastor, editor, and politician, Abraham Kuyper. The Netherlands, it is important to remember here, was—almost
uniquely—a nation born out of religious sentiment. For 80 years (1566-1648) the Dutch Calvinists had fought the
Catholic Hapsburgs for religious—and ultimately political—freedom. The Kingdom of the Netherlands was, most
assuredly, a nation with the soul of a church (and a Protestant one at that).
The
armies of the French Revolution, however, swept over the Netherlands,
unleashing there—in Kuyper’s words—the “anti-Christian world power.” The necessary task became the rebuilding of
a Christian nation. Following figures
such as William Bilderdijk (1756-1831), Isaac da Costa (1798-1860), and
Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer (1801-1876), Kuyper transformed a confessional
Calvinist political movement into the Anti-Revolutionary Party, founded in
1879. He saw the French Revolution as
marking:
…the
emergence of a spirit that stole into the historical life of nations and fundamentally
set their hearts against Christ as the God-anointed King….In place of the
worship of the most high God came, courtesy of Humanism, the worship of
Man. Human destiny was shifted from heaven
to earth. The Scriptures were
unraveled and the Word of God shamefully repudiated in order to play hostage to
the majesty of Reason.[14]
Kuyper
also raised his banner against the intrusion of the industrial principle into local,
organic communities. Although writing
in 1869, he could have had Walmart in mind when he said: “The power of
capital, in ever more enormous accumulations, drains away the life blood from
our retail trade. A single gigantic
wholesaler swallows up the patronage that formerly enabled any number of stores
to flourish.”[15] What he called “the iron steam engine” even
endangered the family:
No
longer should each baby drink warm milk from the breast of its own mother; we
should have some tepid mixture prepared for all babies collectively. No longer should each child have a place to
play at home by its mother; all should go to a common nursery school.[16]
All
the same, Kuyper emphasized that there was no going backwards. Rather, those who believed in Christ must
embrace democracy, the spirit of which would only grow. They must “position themselves courageously
in the breach of this nation” and “prepare for a Christian-democratic
development of our national government.”[17]
Kuyper
also insisted that this movement must proceed in cooperation with Holland’s
Roman Catholic minority, politically organized as The Catholic Party. As he told fellow members of the
Anti-Revolutionary Party:
…whereas
all the parties of the Revolution ignore, if not ridicule, the Second Coming of
our Lord, our Roman Catholic countrymen confess with us: ‘Whence he will come again
to judge the living and the dead’….They, like we, acknowledge that all
authority and power on earth flows from God and is rooted in the reality of
creation….They say as do you that this God has sent his only Son into the world
and as a reward for his cross has placed on his head the Mediator’s crown. And they testify with you that this divinely
anointed King now sits at the right hand of God, [and] controls the destiny of
peoples and States….
All
the same, Kuyper opposed a merger of the two Christian parties, calling such a
move “a betrayal of our history and our principles.”[18]
CRISIS AND RENEWAL
These
cautious steps toward practical cooperation were as far as Christian Democracy
went prior to the mid-20th Century.
In the Netherlands, the Anti-Revolutionary Party dominated national
politics from 1897 until the Nazi conquest of the land in 1940. In Germany, the Center Party participated in
a number of coalition governments and—following World War I—helped to craft the
Weimar Republic. However, the Party was
unable to weather the economic upheavals of the early 1930’s nor to prevent
Adolph Hitler and his National Socialist Party from rising to power. Following
a tumultuous three years, Hitler abolished the Center Party in July 1933. Similarly, a Christian Democratic movement
in Italy, called The Popular Party and organized in 1919 by the priest Don
Luigi Stutzo, was declared illegal in 1925 by the Fascist regime of Benito Mussolini.
However,
in the crucible of World War II, Christian Democracy found renewal and a new
language. Here, I would like to focus
on the example of France.
A key figure was Emmanuel Mounier. Writing in the Catholic idea-journal,
Espirit,
Mounier worked out a "Christianized" version of individualism, called
"personalism." This approach
saw every human person as unique, a "free agent" with
"inherent" moral qualities and with rights rooted in a natural
law. This vision placed strong emphasis
on the importance of developing all dimensions of the human
personality: "social as well as
individual and spiritual as well as material." Mounier emphasized that the full flowering of the individual
would come only through social bodies such as family, local community,
and labor association. He called for
creation of a revolutionary Christian party, one "hard," one
worthy of Christ, one "radical" in its social-economic vision.[19]
In 1943, a young Catholic philosophy student and
disciple of Mounier, Gilbert Dru, drew up a Manifesto for postwar Christian
Democratic work. He emphasized the transforming
quality of true Christian action: the whole
person must become engaged, not just as a cog in a party machine, but as a
militant working to build a new France on radical Christian
principles. A year later, Dru paid for
this Manifesto with his life, being shot by the German Gestapo in Lyons.[20]
The further elaboration of Christian Democratic
doctrine came primarily from two journalist-philosophers, Etienne Gilson and
Etienne Borne, both writing for the journal, Aube. They rejected the atomistic individualism of
the 19th Century "bourgeoisie" which, they said, had
exhibited a "narrow" self-centered outlook and had shown "an
indifference toward basic institutions such as the family." These writers also scorned the Socialists
and Communists for their "materialism" and hostility toward
revealed religion. Indeed, bourgeois
liberalism and communism could be seen as "two facets of a single
error." The task now facing
Western Civilization was to find a middle way between bourgeois
liberalism and collectivism.[21]
A second plank in the new Christian Democratic
platform was that, while the movement and party would be openly Christian,
it would be neither clerical nor strictly Catholic. Following the anti-religious darkness of the Nazi conquest of
Europe, this movement would instead forcefully seek to unite Catholic
and Protestant believers and sympathetic others—Jews and agnostics—in a defense
of Christendom as a civilization with religiously infused values.[22]
Christian Democracy also sought to deliver both
freedom and justice, goals to be pursued with equal vigor. As Etienne Borne explained in his book,
Cet
Inconnu:
Freedom without justice is artificial, deceptive and
hypocritical; it can be used to justify the mechanism of the free market and
the servitude of the proletariat; such freedom is, in fact, the antithesis of
freedom. Likewise, justice without
freedom leads to tyranny and to the totalitarianism of Soviet communism or
Fascist corporatism.[23]
To accomplish these tasks—to
reconcile individualism with community and to deliver both justice and liberty—the
French Christian Democrats gave priority to the defense of natural social groups. These institutions were intrinsic or innate,
meaning that they would always reappear out of the very instincts and nature of
man. As Etienne Borne put it: "A people is not really a people and
certainly does not live in freedom unless the natural social groups
which compose it accept each other, and unless the state recognizes their
differences and ensures that their interests are represented."[24]
Notably, these Christian Democrats also renounced
the patriarchal, paternalistic family system of old Europe. The Father-dominated family could not
be reconciled with "personalism."
Christian Democrats held that women should enjoy equal civil, legal, and
political rights. At the same time,
restoration of the family did mean: that control of education should be returned to parents; that
motherhood and childhood should enjoy special protection by the state;
and that heads-of-households should receive a "family wage," so that
mothers might be empowered to remain home with their children.[25]
Human Rights also became a central Christian
Democratic concern, but with a special twist.
Where secular views of the French experience relied on an evolutionary
understandings of rights, the new movement emphasized the rooting of human
rights in the Creation itself, in the Natural Law. Such rights were "inviolable" and "innate"
because their fountainhead was God Himself.
Bearing a healthy suspicion of the state, Christian Democrats embraced
Human Rights in order to protect "the natural rights of each
individual" and of "natural social groups" from the
overweening power of government. Also
advancing social and economic democracy, the movement held to a positive view
of social rights as necessary to the security and dignity of humanity.[26]
Out of this genuine intellectual ferment, Christian
Democracy took political form as the Mouvement Republicain Populaire (or
MRP), which became part of the French governing coalition of 1946.[27] In the Netherlands, the Anti-Revolutionary
Party, in alliance with the Catholic Party, reclaimed governing power in 1946. Christian Democratic parties then won
important elections in formerly fascist Italy (1948) and West Germany (1949).[28]
The effect was large. Christian Democracy created the spiritual and political
conditions that made possible rapid European economic renewal. This Christian Democratic era had two other
important results. First, the dream of
European Union was largely born among the postwar generation of Christian
Democratic leaders, notably Robert Schumann of France, Conrad Adenauer of West
Germany, and Alcide de Gaspari of Italy.
The early treaties creating the European Coal and Steel Community
(Paris, 1952) and the European Economic Community (Rome, 1957) focused
ostensibly on economic questions. However,
their animating spirit came from a dream to revive Christendom or, indeed, to
build a democratic version of The Holy Roman Empire, on the ruins of a
continent recently ravaged by two world wars.
The other enduring legacy of postwar Christian
Democracy was The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United
Nations General Assembly on December 10, 1948.
The key architects of this document were: Charles Malik, an Arab
Christian Democrat from Lebanon, who served in 1948 both as Secretary of the
Commission on Human Rights and as President of the U.N.’s Economic and Social
Council; and Rene Cassin, a French specialist in international law who,
while himself Jewish, was highly sympathetic toward postwar Christian
Democracy.[29] As one historian has phrased it, the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights is “largely identical” with the worldview
expressed in Christian Democracy.[30] Specifically, we find in Article 16(3) the
affirmation of "natural" social institutions:
The family is the natural and fundamental group unit
of society and is entitled to protection by society and the state.
The word, "natural," comes straight out of
the Christian Democratic lexicon. Even
the use of the word "society" here as distinct from and prior to
"the state" is a Christian Democratic marker.
In Article 25, one finds support for family social
rights, with particular emphasis on a "family wage":
Everyone has the right to a standard of living
adequate for the health and well-being of himself and his family,
including food, clothing, housing, and medical care and necessary social
services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness,
disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances
beyond his control.
Other provisions declare that men and women have
“the right to marry and found a family” [Article 16(1)] and that “motherhood
and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance” [Article 25(2)]. The Universal Declaration also affirms parental
rights [Article 26(3)], namely:
Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of
education that shall be given to their children.
Even the term, "equality," subject before
and later to so much mischief, finds rich meaning in the Universal Declaration
through "personalist" conceptions of "the right to life"
(Article 3), "the dignity and worth of the human person" (Preamble),
and “endowed” human nature:
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity
and rights. They are endowed with
reason and conscience and should act toward one another in a spirit of
brotherhood (Article 1).
Indeed, the only Christian Democratic theme not
present is an open affirmation of the Deity of Creation. Several members of the drafting committee,
led by Charles Malik, sought inclusion of this idea. But in the end, they agreed to more universal language that implied,
rather than named, God.[31]
A SILENT
“VALUES REVOLUTION”
Yet, as early as the 1950’s, Christian Democracy as
a vital worldview entered a period of crisis.
The youthful excitement, energy, and sense of positive Christian revolution
evident in the 1940's dissipated. In
France, Christian Democracy's main political vehicle, the MRP, lost support to
General Charles de Gaulle's new party, the RPI (Ressemblement du Peuple Francois)
and by 1958 had disappeared altogether.
In Italy and Germany, meanwhile, Christian Democratic parties
consolidated their hold on power at the price of their vision. By the early 1960's, they were increasingly
pragmatic and bureaucratic, self-satisfied defenders of the status quo. Ambitious office seekers, rather than Christian
idealists, came to dominate the party.
Movements for "moral and political renewal" became simply mass
parties of the right-of-center.[32]
When a new "crisis of values" hit Europe with particular force in the
late 1960’s, the Christian Democrats were unprepared to respond. They appeared by then as old and discredited
guardians of a new kind of materialism, the very opposite of what the
movement's visionaries intended.[33]
Indeed, it is now clear that
a "silent revolution" in values set in among Europeans after
1963. It can be seen in the shift away
from values affirmed by Christian teaching (such as "responsibility,
sacrifice, altruism, and sanctity of long-term commitments") and toward
a strong "secular individualism" focused on the desires of the self.[34]
Family life became a casualty. Surveys of European youth in the 1970's and
1980's showed that they "appear to be extending non-conformism with respect to
abortion, divorce, etc., to parenthood as well," agreeing by large majorities
with statements such as "children need only one parent" and "children are no
longer needed for personal fulfillment."
In explaining this value change, another commentator
has pointed to the swift legalization of abortion and to "the falling
awareness" among Europeans "of the dignity of every person, even the
old and disabled." He added: "…naked individualism and unbridled
libertinism have become increasingly widespread in recent years…Female
emancipation, which is well advanced,…appears to be headed in this
direction" as well. Meanwhile, the
courts and public opinion grew tolerant of sexual deviance.[35] Understood in terms of worldview, such
changes symbolized the new triumph of an old foe—“the anti-Christian world
power” originally unleashed in 1789—over Christian Democracy.
NEW HOPE
FROM THE EAST?
All the same, the 1990’s marked another resurgence of
Christian Democracy, albeit in unexpected places. For instance, a Swedish election in 1991 brought the
Christian Democratic Social Party into Sweden’s Parliament for the first time,
where it joined the governing coalition.
Over the next three years, the party successfully pushed for the
teaching of Christian values in the state schools and for a new social benefit
to go to stay-at-home parents.
More dramatically, Christian Democratic parties
emerged in all of the East European nations freed from Communism in
1989-90. In Poland, to choose one example,
the Solidarity Electoral Action bloc came to power in 1997, with a campaign
manifesto declaring:
We can build a modern, just, and self-sustaining
sovereign state; a state founded on patriotic and Christian values, on love and
freedom. These values have formed our
core identity for a thousand years.
In Rumania, the National Peasants’ Christian
Democratic Party won that nation’s November 1996 election. Christian Democratic parties have also been
part of ruling coalitions in Hungary, Slovakia, Croatia, the Czech Republic,
Lithuania, and Latvia.
Family issues loom large in these nations, and on
Christian Democratic agendas. The
legacy of Communism combined with the arrival of Western-styled social libertarianism
to produce a devastating effect on East European family structures. Since 1990, divorce rates have soared;
marriage rates have fallen sharply; birth rates have plummeted. Indeed, in 2005, the list of the ten nations
with the world’s lowest total fertility rates includes Latvia (1.26), Poland
(1.24), Slovenia (1.24), the Czech Republic (1.20) and Lithuania (1.19). In 2004, Christian Democratic
parliamentarians from six “new member states of the European Union”—the Czech
Republic, Slovakia, Lativa, Poland, Lithuania, and Estonia—met and issued their
“Family First Declaration.” They
formally endorsed the March 2004 “Mexico City Declaration” of The World
Congress of Families, and declared:
We will coordinate our efforts on behalf of the
traditional family, marriage and the intrinsic value of each human life so that
the future Europe is not associated any longer with the culture of death, institutionalized
egoism and population decline, but with the preservation of religious, ethical
and cultural values that enhance virtuous life in all relevant aspects. Healthy family life enhances true and
ordered liberty and limits the power of the state.
The document also endorsed other principles central
to the Christian Democratic worldview:
“Procreation is the key to
the survival of the human race.”
-
“Parents possess the primary
authority and responsibility to direct the upbringing and education of their
children.”
-
“Good government protects
and supports the family and does not usurp the vital roles it plays in
society.”
-
“Sexuality exists for the
expression of love between husband and wife and for the procreation of children
in the covenant of marriage.”
If Eastern Europe—indeed, if Europe as a whole—has
any viable future, it lies along these Christian Democratic lines.
LESSONS?
There has never been a serious Christian Democratic
Party in America. This seems due, in
part, to the mechanics of our single-district electoral structure, which
strongly favor a two-party system, with each party in turn serving as an ad hoc
coalition of interest groups. Christian
Democratic parties—with their more coherent worldview—thrive best in places
that use proportional representation.
Also, Americans have had a more complex, or one
might say, more confused relationship with the legacy of the French
Revolution. Back during the 1790’s,
Americans were more likely to sympathize with the Revolution’s repudiation of
royal and feudal power and its appeals to democracy than to worry about the
suppression of the Catholic church. In 1803,
Thomas Jefferson cut a sweet deal with Napoleon for the purchase of the
Louisiana Territory. And in 1812, the
United States found itself again at war with France’s chief enemy, the British
Empire: and the enemy of my enemy is my friend. Relatively few Americans have shared, say, Abraham Kuyper’s
nightmarish view of “the catastrophe of 1789.”
Still, the experiment in Christian Democracy offers
several broad lessons for all Christians engaged in modern politics:
First, the movement has had the most success when it
has held true to the “full” Gospel, particularly to Christ’s radical command
that we love our neighbors as ourselves. Issues of
social welfare and social justice lie near the heart of true Christian
Democracy.
Second, this movement successfully pioneered ways
to funnel public health, education, and welfare programs through
churches and church-related agencies, models that should be of interest to a
nation now experimenting with faith-based initiatives.
Third, Christian Democracy has, at its best,
carved out a “third way” of social-economic policy, independent of both the
liberal-capitalist and socialist mindsets, by being respectful toward
family life and the health of local communities.
And fourth, this movement succeeded only so long as it found
animation in authentic Christian faith and enthusiasm. When those diminished, so did the coherence
and effectiveness of Christian Democracy, and of the European nations as a
whole.
Endnotes:
|