White Male Patriarchy + Misogyny – Feminism = Trump’s Election

Not many know that in 1982 Champaign-Urbana played a notable role in a “chain-in” protest against the defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment at the State Legislature in Springfield, Illinois. This passionate feminist action gained widespread national media coverage, including a centerfold photo by renowned photographer Annie Leibowitz in Life Magazine. It was driven mostly by women from the Champaign-Urbana area: Mary Lee Sargent, former Women’s History professor at Parkland College; Berenice Carroll, former Director of Women’s Studies at the University of Illinois; Jane Mohraz, former editor at the University of Illinois Press; Kari Alice Lynn, cleaning business owner; and me, Pauline Kayes, former Women’s Studies professor at Parkland College. Along the way, a number of other local women, like Anne Casey, Loretta Manning, Joyce Meyer, Nila Blair, Sue Yarber, Pat Cramer, Nancy DeLew, and Marlena Williams, joined us for a milestone in women’s history that proved feminism can be the guiding light not only to resist white male patriarchy but also to advance women’s equality in every realm.

Thirty-five years later, we are living in a surreal epilogue to Margaret Atwood’s 1985 novel The Handmaid’s Tale (how appropriate that a Hulu television version will premiere this coming April). As one of my “sister chainers” recently remarked, “We are watching everything women worked for in the past 40 years unravel in just a few months.” How did we get here? My view is that we underestimated the devious tactics of a white male supremacist patriarchal culture and society to deprecate and repress women in order to hold on to power. My view is that we let the light of feminism dim so much that we did not realize how imperative it would be to counteract the insidious, deeply- rooted hatred of women that Hillary Clinton’s candidacy provoked in both men and women.

If misogyny is a key operating ideology of patriarchy, feminism would be the antidote. But during the campaign, feminism was mostly lost in a “bewilderness” of what we called in the eighties M (male) A (approval) D (desire): MAD women and men speaking in tongues to distract and bamboozle us. And so misogyny was left unencumbered, to become one of the main fuels (along with racism, xenophobia, homophobia, and classism) to fire up the “election” of a white male patriarch-in-chief with a warped misogynist world view that “grabbing women’s pussies” is a way to “respect” women.

I won’t list here all the ways that Hillary Clinton was held to an impossible double standard, insulted and maligned, threatened and hated, vilified and misrepresented, lied about and stereotyped. What we need to realize is that the common malicious thread to all of this propaganda was the personification of Hillary as the frightening female stereotype that undermines many intelligent, ambitious women: cartoons of her being burned at the stake; chants of “lock her up”; doctored video loops portraying her as old and sick; constant name-calling as bitch, witch, cunt; nicknames of “Killary,” “Shrillary,” and “Crooked Hillary.” It was no surprise that those who are privileged by the white male patriarchy would resort to misogyny to prevent Hillary from being elected. But most disconcerting for me was the fact that this same misogynist propaganda originated by right-wing media was repeated by some progressives on the left, both men and women (think Susan Sarandon) to rationalize why they would vote for any other woman but Hillary (think Jill Stein).

And then we wonder how an ignorant, incompetent, crude, bigoted, and lying white man was “elected”? Obviously the rules of the patriarchy make any unqualified, inexperienced white man superior to any qualified, experienced woman. Obviously, Hillary Clinton was expected to be perfect with no flaws or mistakes whatsoever while the white man who landed in the White House could be “bad to the bone.” Sound familiar?

A favorite mantra of the feminist movement in the ’70s and ’80s was “the personal is the political”—meaning that every aspect of life could be analyzed through a feminist lens to reveal the subordination, inequity, and objectification of women in patriarchal culture: housework, sex, politics, education, law, advertising, film, music, family, child care, employment, art, marriage, rape, literature, communication, religion, etc. And from this lens came an incredible wealth of new women’s studies knowledge, courses, and organizations. In 1976, I wrote one of the first Women’s Studies theses in the country for my Master’s in English at Purdue University: “The Evolution of the Authentic Female Voice in Women Writers.” When I attended the founding convention of the National Women’s Studies Association in San Francisco in the late 1970s, I was just one of a small group of feminist academics and activists sharing this new knowledge in just a few disciplines. By 1986, when the University of Illinois hosted the National Women’s Studies Conference, women’s studies knowledge was burgeoning in hundreds of colleges and universities across the world in almost every discipline.

Three concepts were pivotal to women’s studies knowledge and feminist activism in the ’80s: patriarchy, misogyny, and feminism. To appreciate the radical nature of these concepts, I would recommend reading their definitions in A Feminist Dictionary (1985), compiled by Cheris Kramarae, Paula Treichler, and Ann Russo (also from the U of I). Patriarchy is described as systemic and institutionalized dominance of white males and subordination of females in every aspect of life. Misogyny is the hatred of and disgust for actual women, girls, and females as well as for any trait or abstraction associated with the female or the feminine—all used to justify the mistreatment and disempowerment of women. Although these concepts were the backbone of second-wave feminism, for the millennial generation they were no longer seen as essential to understanding and improving women’s lives. Big mistake, because these crucial constructs for analyzing what writer Adrienne Rich termed the “lies, secrets, and silence” of a dysfunctional, conspiratorial patriarchy went missing at one of the most pivotal moments in history.

Unfortunately, the kind of feminist activism and power we needed to counteract the treachery of the one-two punch of patriarchy and misogyny against Hillary Clinton before the election only came one day after the “inauguration” of Trump. Five million women and men protested in 946 towns and cities around the world because it became all too clear that now the “political was the personal,” with civil liberties, women’s rights, health care, environmental regulations, etc. about to erode daily by the swipe of his pen. In a telephone interview, Sargent reflected on the emergence of a new women’s movement: “It fills me with hope, especially since the movement arising from the January 21 women’s marches is led by women of color, who grasp in a way that the earlier white-led movement did not: womanists and feminists must confront all forms of subordination as they intersect with our oppression as women.”

(To learn more about the 1982 action, visit the website for the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library to listen to my oral history interviews conducted in 2013 (ERA Fight in Illinois) with Mark DePue, Director of Oral History for the Lincoln Library, https://www.illinois.gov/alplm/library/collections/oralhistory/illinoisstatecraft/era/Pages/Kayes,Pauline.aspx)

Pauline E. Kayes was a professor of Women’s Studies at Parkland College for 35 years. Since 2002, she has been President of DiversityWorks Inc., a coalition of educational consultants providing comprehensive diversity education to colleges, universities, K-12 schools, communities, organizations, and businesses (www.diversityworksinc.net).

 

 

 

 

 

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The Cops Killed Richie

Richard B. Turner (Left)

No matter how much training or technology, the cops just can’t stop killing Black people. On a Wednesday morning, November 16, 2016, at approximately 8:30 a.m., Champaign police received a call about a “disorderly” subject, Richard “Richie” Turner, a homeless man well known by many students and community members in Campustown.

Richie was chased by police into the back alley of Penn Station. There he was tackled and pinned down by four officers from the Champaign Police Department (University of Illinois Police were not involved in the incident): Officer Christopher Young, Officer Andrew Wilson, Officer Michael Talbott, and Sergeant Thomas Frost. Police pushed Richie’s face into the concrete, cuffed him by his wrists and ankles, what is known as being “hog-tied.” After a short struggle, Richie stopped breathing and laid motionless. Richie’s death was called an accident, but his sister is not willing to accept this explanation. “To me, it was not an accident,” Chandra Turner told me.

What follows is a look into Richie’s death from an investigation conducted by the Illinois State Police obtained by a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request, a report released by the office of Champaign County Coroner Duane Northrup, and correspondence with Richie’s sister, Chandra Turner, who is determined to find out what happened to her brother.

“Out of Sorts”

Police were responding to a call made by a woman who later told police she was “familiar” with Richie and saw him “almost every day.” On this morning, Richie was in front of the Firehaus bar on Sixth Street with a bottle of wine at 8:30 a.m.. She called police to check on him because he seemed “out of sorts.”

When Officer Christopher Young arrived, Richie was sitting on the ground in front of the Home Town Pantry convenience store at Sixth and Green. As soon as he saw the police, Richie “abruptly moved around trying to stand up.” He is described by police as “yelling” and “largely unintelligible.” After Young approached him, Richie grabbed a construction sign and threw it on the ground. Young “yelled” at him to put it back and told Richie to “leave the area.”

Richie crossed the intersection at Sixth and Green and headed north. Police then “followed” Richie yelling at him to stop. Richie is described in police reports as “running.” But according to Richie’s sister, Chandra Turner, he had a bad leg from falling one winter and could not have run too fast.

Officer Andrew Wilson called an ambulance seeking an “involuntary submittal for evaluation.” This story is partly about the failure of police to adequately address people with mental illness, or if they should be called upon at all to deal with people often afflicted by paranoia.

In the alley behind the Penn Station restaurant, police stopped Richie. Officer Wilson was the first to put his hands on Richie, grabbing his right arm. Wilson was aware of Richie’s history of “mental illness” from “several interactions” with him in the past.

Sgt. Thomas Frost wrote in his report that Richie appeared “very manic and was thrusting his arms up and down, back and forth. Additionally, he when he moved his head it moved rapidly from side-to-side.” His said this behavior was a “mirror image” from April 2016 when police took him to Carle hospital for a mental health evaluation.

Relax

At this point, as Officer Young describes, they all three “fell to the ground.” Police had Richie face down on the concrete. Officer Wilson turned Richie’s right arm around his back. Officer Young was on top of him, with his right knee on Richie’s left shoulder. Young wrote in his report, “I used my right hand to stop Richie’s head from lifting/turning.” While pushing his face into the concrete, Officer Young was “constantly telling Richard to relax.”

Officer Michael Talbott then took hold of Richie’s legs, while Officer Thomas Frost put a “hobble” around his ankles. A police hobble can be tied around the feet, and then connected by a rope to handcuffs. This restraining of an individual by hands and feet is known as “hog tying.” This practice has contributed to other deaths in police custody in Los Angeles and Memphis.

Although Sgt. Frost had a Taser with him, he did not use it. Whether the outcome would have been different is questionable, as Tasers have been linked to deaths in custody.

“At that time,” Officer Young reported, “we noticed Richard was no longer resisting or moving.” When police rolled Richie over on his back, “he did not seem to be breathing.” Richie was pronounced dead shortly after being transported to Carle hospital.

Deputy Coroner Sara Rand concluded that Richie’s death was “accidental,” but a contributing factor was “physical and mental stress during restraint by law enforcement.”

Police interviewed witnesses who give another perspective. Two homeless men were nearby, and although they did not see police kill Richie, they witnessed events before and after. One man followed police in their pursuit of Richie and said they “tackled” him. A second man said he saw police put Richie into an ambulance and heard one of the officers say, “who had they knee on his neck?”

A University of Illinois student was also interviewed. In his opinion, police were “a little aggressive” in the way “one officer kneeled on him.”

None of the four Champaign officers had body cameras.

“Something ain’t right.”              

Richie’s sister Chandra reached out to me after receiving the coroner’s report. She was surprised at the test results. Richie was found to have a minimal blood alcohol content (0.004%), he was clearly not drunk. There were also no drugs in his system, only coffee and tobacco.

“He would not be dead if it wasn’t for [the police]” Chandra explained to me. She pointed out that police had Richie’s hand behind his back, and his feet tied. “They didn’t try to save him,” she said. “Something ain’t right.”

I spoke with Champaign Police Chief Anthony Cobb about the incident. He told me there was an internal investigation still underway and he could not comment. Asked when his investigation would be done, he could not provide a timeline.

Richie’s death raises the question of whether police should be used to respond to individuals with mental illness. As I have reported, during the 1990s, Champaign County operated an award-winning Crisis Team, made up of trained professionals who answered calls about people who were suicidal or mentally ill, whether in the local jail, or on the street. Such mental health services were eliminated and privatized by Sheriff Dan Walsh soon after he came into office. Since then, CU has seen a rise of deaths in police custody. In 2015-2016, there were three deaths in the county jail.

In recent years, out of the debate over a new jail, local mental health services providers, county officials, and local police briefly attempted to create a Detox Center for people in need of drug addiction and mental health services, but the idea has been abandoned by several bureaucratic committees.

Sunny Ture, an organizer with Black United Front UIUC, responded, “The murder of Richard Turner is a tragedy for his family and another reminder of the Champaign Police Department’s destructive relationship with the Black community. The many mistakes their officers made have been obscured and ignored because Richard was Black, poor, and homeless. His life did not matter to Sheriff Dan Walsh who has a history of cutting mental health services in favor of more tools of criminalization. Richard Turner’s murderers should be held accountable for their crimes, and the Champaign Police Department should immediately end the practice of commanding armed officers to interact with people that have mental illness.”

 

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Equal Pay Now, We Cannot Afford to Wait

By Julie Laut

On Tuesday, April 4, 2017, I will observe Equal Pay Day, a day that symbolizes how far into the new year women must work to earn as much as men did in 2016. According to the latest statistics, women in the United States who work full time year-round earn just 80 cents for every dollar made by men. The gap has closed significantly since the 1980s, when women earned just 60 cents to the dollar, but even at this current pace the American Association of University Women (AAUW) estimates the gender wage gap will not close until 2152. Data from multiple sources shows that hetero-normative white men continue to dominate pay in 98% of job categories, just one way in which the patriarchal nature of our economic structure continues to devalue women’s work and worth within our society. Women cannot wait 135 years to achieve economic parity. We must educate ourselves on the extent of the issue and find ways to take action now, individually and at the state and national levels.

However useful 80 cents to the dollar is as a reference due to its simplicity, that number flattens an extremely complex issue that impacts women throughout the United States in a myriad of ways. A pay gap persists in every state in the country and throughout 98% of occupations, from the best paid (medicine and law) to the least (janitorial work and service jobs). Statistics show that the gender wage gap is smallest at the top of the socio-economic ladder and widens in lower-paid and lower-skilled jobs. Exceptions to the rule include social work, health education, elementary and middle school teachers, and other so-called “pink collar” jobs where wages historically have decreased as women came to dominate the job category. The gender wage gap also increases as women age, a generational gap that tends to undermine women’s unity on this issue.

While the fight for pay equity will continue at all socio-economic levels, closer attention must be paid to the fact that women in low-income occupations, women whose education stopped after high school, and women of color endure the largest pay gaps. According to the AAUW, the pay gap in 2015 was largest for Hispanic and Latina women, who received only 54% of what white men were paid, meaning Equal Pay Day for Latinas does not come until November! Stretched over a lifetime of work, this gap results in earning losses nearing $1,000,000. Similarly, African American women are estimated to lose nearly $900,000 throughout their work lives as a result of unequal pay.

Parenthood also remains a major detriment to equal pay, with working mothers in the lowest income brackets subject to a higher “motherhood penalty” than higher-income earners and women without children. According to research by Michelle Budig, a professor of sociology at the University of Massachusetts, working mothers’ income decreases by 4% with each child, whereas fathers with at least one child reap an average pay increase of 6%. The impact of this wage gap on our communities cannot be underestimated. Nearly one quarter of children in the U.S. are being raised by single mothers, according to U.S. census reports, and nearly half of these families live below the poverty line. Without a dependable living wage, single working mothers struggle to afford basic housing and healthful food for their families, and are forced to rely on substandard childcare.

Organizations such as the American Association of University Women (AAUW) and the National Organization for Women (NOW) have fought for pay equity for decades and continue to bring attention to this persistent discriminatory issue year after year. As a result some progress has been made, especially for upper-middle-class women with college degrees. A 2013 report from the Senate Executive Committee Task Force on Faculty Issues and Concerns at the University of Illinois found that a 6-10% gender pay gap persists on campus across units and faculty ranks, far below the 21-23% national median wage gap. Also, legislative action has been taken to attempt to close the gap. Illinois Governor Pat Quinn signed the Equal Pay Act into law in 2009, which prohibits employers from paying men and women differently for doing the same work, and provides options for filing complaints against discriminatory employers. But the Act clearly has not solved the problem. The AAUW currently ranks Illinois just 24th in the nation in regards to the pay gap. And the problem exists right here in Champaign County where, according to Data USA, a website and visualization engine of public U.S. Government data, the average male salary is approximately $58,500 compared to the average female salary of $48,231, an 18% gap. As recently as 2015, wages for female workers in our area lagged behind males in high-skilled jobs requiring advanced degrees as well as in service industry and manual labor occupations.

So where do we go from here? First, require transparency from employers so that companies and institutions have a harder time denying discriminatory pay practices. We hope that the executive action announced by President Obama in 2016 requiring pay data collection by gender, race, and ethnicity from employers with more than 100 employees will take effect this year as proposed. Second, encourage Congress to update the Equal Pay Act of 1963 to close existing loopholes and “create incentives for employers to follow the law, empower women to negotiate for equal pay, and strengthen federal outreach and enforcement efforts.” Third, work locally to urge our leaders to pass legislation prohibiting employers from utilizing past pay history to determine future pay. Discriminatory pay should not follow an employee from job to job. Fourth, address the “motherhood penalty” through generous parental leave with job protection, subsidized childcare, and options for flexibility in work hours.

And finally, perhaps most importantly, support and encourage women to seek leadership positions. A smaller gender leadership gap will result in a smaller gender pay gap.

Julie Laut, a working mother of two, lives in Urbana

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Save Our Safety Net!

A large number of mobilizations, actions, and educational programs have been planned and organized recently in response to attacks on many of our cherished government programs. One such event, entitled “Saving the Social Safety Net,” took place at Channing-Murray Foundation in early March. As the description of the program stated, “A massive assault is underway on social safety net programs like the Affordable Care Act (ACA), Medicaid, Medicare, and Social Security.” The program’s focus was to inform the audience about these programs, the myths behind current attacks on them, and what can be done to save them, and featured Claudia Lennhoff, Executive Director of Champaign County Health Care Consumers, speaking about the ACA; Patricia Simpson, Emerita Professor, Loyola University Chicago, speaking about Social Security; and Belden Fields, a member of Champaign County Care, who discussed the upcoming local referenda on the April 4th ballot concerning the future of the Champaign County Nursing Home.

The Affordable Care Act

Claudia Lennhoff explained what the ACA has done and what it was intended to do. Many insurance benefits and protections enacted by the ACA benefitted those who already had insurance, including those with employer-based health plans. Some of these important (and popular) benefits and protections include:

– Allowing adult children to remain on their parents’ health insurance until age 26

– No annual or lifetime caps or limits on coverage

– Insurance companies cannot drop coverage because of illness

– People with pre-existing conditions cannot be denied insurance or charged more

– Medical loss ratio (80% or more of your premium dollars must be used to pay for care you receive)

– Out-of-pocket maximum limits for consumers.

According to Lennhoff, the plan put forward by the House Republicans—the American Health Care Act (AHCA)—on March 5, 2017, would cut coverage for millions and make it more expensive for millions more. She explained that, in a nutshell, this plan would repeal vital parts of the ACA with no replacement, end Medicaid as we know it by radically altering the Medicaid funding structure, harm the Medicare program, defund Planned Parenthood, and give massive tax cuts to the very wealthy, including pharmaceutical and insurance companies. It would also end the ACA’s tax credits, which are progressive based on income, starting in 2020 and replace them with tax credits that only go up with age.

Lennhoff wants consumers to know, “The AHCA is not just a repeal of the ACA but a ‘bait and switch’ that would end Medicaid as we know it. The AHCA would radically restructure Medicaid funding to turn it into a per capita cap program, and this would result in billions of dollars lost. The Medicaid program pays for half to two-thirds of all long-term care (i.e., nursing home care), half of all births in our nation, and health care for low-income children, elderly folks, and people with disabilities.”

What can consumers do? According to Lennhoff, make phone calls to your Representatives and Senators, write letters, and make in-office visits. There is hope. Millions of Americans are getting involved in the efforts to #ProtectOurCare! Republicans have already changed their message from “repeal” to “repeal and replace,” and now to “repeal and repair”—they know that Americans don’t want to lose their coverage. In addition, people with Medicare and employer-based health insurance are beginning to understand that they, too, will be affected, and are joining these efforts.

The Champaign County Nursing Home

Belden Fields talked about the Champaign County Nursing Home, specifically the two questions that will be on the April 4 election ballot. Question 1 will ask voters whether or not to raise the property tax levy to support the nursing home, and question 2 asks whether the county board should sell or otherwise dispose of the nursing home.

Fields made the case for voting “Yes” on question 1 and “No” on question 2. He stated that one of the main reasons the nursing home is having financial difficulties is that the state of Illinois has been behind on Medicaid payments to the home, not because of any financial mismanagement by the home administration itself. In fact, he stated that the nursing home was breaking even until the state budget crisis resulted in delays in downstate Medicaid processing and payments by the state.

Another reason Fields stated for supporting the county home is the quality of care residents receive there compared with the local for-profit homes. Claudia Lennhoff mentioned that studies show care is generally better at public institutions than at private ones that have to focus on making a profit for their shareholders, potentially resulting in cuts to staffing and other needed services.

Other reasons: one-third of all people in nursing homes in Champaign County are in the Champaign County Nursing Home, and local private homes would not be able to absorb that number of people if the county home was closed; and the physical and psychological cost to residents of having to move from a home they are familiar with would be great. The financial cost of raising the property tax levy would be approximately $30 on a $150,000 house. More information about saving the county nursing home and how to get involved can be found at champaigncountycare.org or the Champaign County CARE Facebook page.

Social Security at Risk

Patricia Simpson started her presentation by showing a “Bernie Brief,” a video of Bernie Sanders making the case for not just strengthening, but expanding Social Security (https://berniesanders.com/issues/strengthen-and-expand-social-security/).

With half of workers aged 55-64 having no retirement savings at all, and one-third of senior citizens currently relying on Social Security for all of their income, he explains in the video that Social Security needs to be expanded, not cut. Sanders has introduced the Social Security Expansion Act, detailed below. After explaining the context of how the current climate, political and otherwise, is creating a situation ripe for concern about Social Security, Simpson explained some of the myths and realities surrounding Social Security.

Myth #1: Social Security is going broke.

Social Security has enough funds to fully cover benefits through the 2030s, and 75% of benefits over the short term thereafter. The Social Security trust fund currently has a $2.8 trillion surplus. So Social Security is not going broke; it simply needs to be shored up to continue providing full benefits after the 2030s.

Myth #2: Social Security contributes to the deficit.

Social Security doesn’t contribute one penny to the federal deficit, because it is taxed separately and held in a fund separate from the general operating funds of the government. Because it is not part of the general operating funds, cutting Social Security would do nothing to help the deficit.

Myth #3: Social Security is inefficient.

Social Security has the lowest administrative costs of any social program at 0.7%.

Simpson outlined the provisions of the Social Security Expansion Act, introduced by Bernie Sanders. The Act would increase cost-of-living adjustments for Social Security recipients and provide a minimum Social Security benefit to significantly reduce the senior poverty rate. It would be paid for by lifting the payroll tax cap on income (currently, income above $127,000 is not taxed). She stated that the Chief Actuary of Social Security estimates that making the changes outlined in this Act would fully fund Social Security until 2077.

Simpson stated that one of the most important things you can do to support Social Security is to call your congressional representatives and tell them you do not support any cuts to Social Security, and, in fact, you support strengthening and expanding this important social program. Check out the Social Security Works website (socialsecurityworks.org) for more information. In addition, monitor AARP to make sure it continues to oppose any cuts, including for future Social Security recipients. And finally, work to protect all social safety programs. We’re all in this together.

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Daughters of the Dust and the Place of the Gullah/Geechee

I was first introduced to Julie Dash’s exquisite film in 2000, about nine years after its release. One of my dear friends at the time, underground hip hop legend Percee P, was an avid collector of black cinema and was providing me with a rich education in the genre. We started with Haile Gerima’s Sankofa, and after discussing my Gullah/Geechee background, immediately moved on to Dash’s Daughters of the Dust (1991). I was in my early twenties and had recently begun to examine my family’s culture through informal textual and ethnographic methods (reading books by mostly white scholars and probing my parents, grandparents, aunts, and uncles whenever I got the chance). To see a filmic depiction of my ancestors, and to see the region I’ve come to know as “home” so beautifully captured, was transformative to say the least. But, as I was reminded during The Art Theater’s recent screening of the re-mastered film, it’s the particular tale Dash told that always puts my heart in my throat.

The film centers around the Peazant family as they grapple with the threat and promise of change as some of the younger generation decide to leave their remote barrier island for the mainland (and northern industrial cities, specifically). The land, and the Peazants’ relationship with it, are primary characters in the film. The majestic live oaks draped in Spanish moss or decorated with multicolored bottles, the white sandy shores, and the brackish marshes are not a backdrop to the events of the film but are very much parts of the story. Across the South Carolina and Georgia sea islands and coast, communities struggle to hold onto family land bought and obtained immediately following emancipation, as real estate developers continue to seize land via unethical practices. Many islands have been completely annexed by middle-class and wealthy white Americans and turned into high-income residential areas and/or recreational areas. The vast majority of the golfer’s paradise called Hilton Head was once owned by slave-descendent Gullah/Geechee, for example, as was Fripp Island, a now-gated resort community on which virtually no Gullah/Geechee people live. Land loss also means less access to the waterfront and maritime practices that are crucial for many Gullah/Geechee people’s livelihoods (fishing, crabbing, oyster farming, and gathering wetland grasses and other fibers for making sweetgrass baskets for tourists). Meanwhile, in the lowcountry’s increasingly gentrifying cities like Savannah and Charleston, young Gullah/Geechee people are being barred from city resources and from a sense of safety and well-being as they are increasingly criminalized. When one is familiar with the economic impetuses (then, slavery and other global trades, and now late capitalism), along with the related migration patterns and modes of labor that have conditioned the lives of Gullah/Geechee families like the Peazants, then the significance of place in this story becomes painfully clear.

The Gullah/Geechee are a kind of subset of African American people from the coastal and insular southeastern United States (from southern North Carolina to northeastern Florida), a region referred to as “the lowcountry.” The community is heterogeneous and its practices are in constant flux, but can be identified by some unique phenomena—certain foodways, language practices, spiritual practices, and handicrafts, for example. One of the most significant foodways was/is the cultivation and consumption of rice. After the mid-18th century, when the rice trade became one of the more lucrative in the global market, coastal landowners began to specifically seek out Africans from the Windward Coast of western Africa (from Senegambia to Liberia, approximately), where rice cultivation had been in existence for centuries, as scholars like Judith Carney and Edda Fields-Black have documented. Some historians have also noted that many of these landowners and their enslaved laborers came by way of the Caribbean (Barbados, specifically) and were familiar with the tropical climate and its most suitable crops (sugar, rice, and indigo). It’s not surprising then, that, like for many Liberians, for more traditional Gullah/Geechee folk, an afternoon or evening meal isn’t really a meal without a heaping bowl of rice on the table.

Most Americans are familiar with our cultural offerings like shrimp n’grits or the song “Kumbaya,” but few know where they come from or much else about the community’s history or present. For example, we speak a language variety called Gullah (or Geechee), which was first documented by the African American linguist Lorenzo Dow Turner in the 1930s, and that exists on a continuum ranging from a distinct language (a “creole” according to most linguists), to dialect (a variety that has distinctive pronunciation and vocabulary but is mutually intelligible with the dominant or “standard” variety), to accent (distinct pronunciation).

Given my informal and formal study of Gullah/Geechee over the past few years, I expected to find a few inaccuracies in the film—namely, that most of the accents don’t resemble any of the varieties of the Gullah/Geechee continuum. But, many aspects of Dash’s film would and continue to resonate with my understandings of my community (especially the significance of women as stewards of family and culture). Enough of its historical content matches up with some of the many scholarly accounts in circulation, and the core sentiments it conveys about belonging, change, and loss reflect some of my own family’s experiences. Much like my appreciation for Sankofa, I’m grateful for Daughters as a project of spiritual restoration through art, rather than as an educational text. It manages to speak the unspeakable, primarily through image and sound, and by re-creating memory, helps bridge a gaping hole in the African American historical imagination and contemporary self-conceptualization. That is to say, it helps to suture some of the wounds of slavery by fashioning a history that perceptibly connects African Americans to the African continent, but that also attends to the very intense way we belong to this land—even though it has never belonged to us. With the love affair between young Iona and the Native American character St. Julien Lastchild, Dash also hints at the ways America’s origin story is very much about the simultaneous creation/annihilation of the indigenous and the creation/objectification of the “negro”: projects that often overlapped. In many ways, Daughters’ insurgent romanticism is a mode of survival that has animated Afrocentricity, and everyday blackness around the world, since the 1960s and continues to be a valuable tool for surviving an antiblack world.

Daughters also clearly depicts how and why it is that numerous African languages and other cultural practices are often conflated by some members of the African Diaspora (those in the Americas, in particular). These individuals are not confused or misinformed, nor are they appropriating a past and present that is not theirs. Instead, Daughters urges us to remember the disorder of slavery and the meaning that Africans in the Americas made of this, and the film compels us to (re)consider any and all self-making labor among the descendants of the enslaved as resistance to the forced erasure of our history carried out by Atlantic slavery. These are the ways that we compose black humanity—that is to say, this is how we attempt to create a way to be both black (as we were made through slavery) and human at the same time.

 

 

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The Politics of Looking at Women’s Rights in the Middle East

As someone who has lived in and studies the Middle East I am often asked my opinion on the situation of women in that region. Of course it’s impossible to comment on “women” anywhere, even in Champaign or Urbana, without simplistic overgeneralizations, but discussing the women of the Middle East, a region we appear to be both physically and culturally at war with, is akin to entering a hall of mirrors. We can see many things, but we can never be sure how many illusions contribute to our view.

There are many ways current global politics affect how we in the U.S. see the situation of women in the Middle East, and the most familiar pattern is the newly reborn Orientalist trope of victimized women in need of rescue. Fighting to liberate the women of Afghanistan from the oppressive reign of the Taliban was an easy sell after 9/11, and those who argued that the U.S. should have instead pursued an international criminal case against Bin Laden looked downright unchivalrous. The Taliban certainly deserved their sexist reputation, but as an international community we have hardly made defending human rights a consistent plank of foreign policy. In 2001, however, images of women under Taliban control appeared in abundance. They certainly fed the American need to see the invasion in the most positive light, but they also implicitly denigrated local males who had apparently been either complicit in the abuse or incapable of ridding their country of the Taliban scourge. Women under the Taliban did endure horrific restrictions, but looking at the larger context of these depictions of victimization, it’s clear that the women of Afghanistan were exploited not only by the Taliban, but by the conscious and unconscious needs of the U.S. after 9/11.

Morocco, a country touted for its “moderate and progressive Islam,” presents a different form of exploitation of women. In 2004 King Mohamad VI led the reform of the Mudawana, or family law code, an act that won him wild praise in the international press. The reforms left family law under the control of traditional Islamic courts, however they did improve women’s legal situation. Reforms included the new right to initiate divorce, to have a legal identity (as opposed to having to round up a male relative if you wanted to do business at the bank or sign marriage papers), and raising the minimum age for marriage to 18. While they weren’t perfectly conceived or applied, they have helped open up a space for debating the topic of women’s rights and marital happiness in the public sphere.

On another level, unfortunately, the reforms have helped gloss over inconvenient questions of privilege. Women with job opportunities, literacy, and access to legal advice will certainly benefit far more than rural women, who struggle with crushing poverty and inequitable access to school and the courts. Do these women really have more concerns in common with urban women than with their male neighbors? Or would they have been better served by a serious commitment to rural poverty alleviation? Of course, the two are not mutually exclusive, but every time Morocco’s income inequality attracts domestic or international attention, the monarch can respond by pointing to the 2004 Family Law reforms as evidence of his progressive reign. Addressing the issue of women’s rights was a convenient way for the king to win positive marks (and investment and aid) from the U.S. and Europe, and deflect attention from corruption and inequality.

Poor women are not completely neglected in the debates over women’s situation in the Middle East. In Morocco and other areas women’s artisan cooperatives have gained fame for helping many individuals support their families, but, again, the broader context both of the cooperatives and the topic of the cooperatives must be acknowledged.

Rug weaving, argan oil production, and lavender cultivation are just some of the industries that have latched on to the label of the co-op in Morocco. “Cooperative,” however, is an inexact term, and not all cooperatives are equal in allowing local participants control over their industry. In some cases, the new groups contribute to overuse of local resources, degradation of the environment, and the absence of girls from school, all without necessarily contributing to women’s independence. “Cooperative,” in short, has become a marketing term that appeals to many who wish to reframe their consumption of goods as a political, not a personal, act. It is an easy form of solidarity that elides the inequities of producer and consumer. It feels good. And if our enthusiasm is focused on the appeal of helping women achieve independence, from whom are we saving them? Are we unwittingly participating in part of a long tradition of denigrating the unnamed, but clearly deficient local male?

These women’s industries are often also marketed through claims of timeless, female-controlled knowledge of natural remedies. Beauty products, especially for the hair and skin, that promise to reverse the signs of aging are curiously associated with female empowerment. Besides the irony of using anti-aging products to achieve liberation, our idealization of a world far removed from our own ignores the brutal realities of high child mortality and the physical compromises of poor health that are often the lot of many rural communities in the world. It’s an easy escapism that we may occasionally desire from our lives, but it also contributes to a vision of the world that stresses female solidarity while discounting profoundly different circumstances. Consuming responsibly means looking past both the marketing and our own illusions.

While the pitfalls involved in looking at the situation of women in other contexts than our own are aptly illustrated in the examples above, this doesn’t mean that we should abandon the effort. It just means that, especially in the cross-cultural context of the Middle East and the West, there is a great need to be wary of the ways in which women are explicitly and unconsciously exploited for story lines and purposes that are not their own.

 

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Manifesto: In Review

By Rachel Lauren Storm

Nestled in the Armory Free Theater on campus, captive audiences witnessed a theatrical performance this March that urged an examination of feminist histories and futures.

“How do you talk about 300 years in four minutes? [sighs, laughter, applause] Was it ever so apparent we need this dialogue? [laughter, applause]”

Lorraine Hansberry, the first Black woman to have a show produced on Broadway, A Raisin in the Sun; introduction to her speech at “The Black Revolution and the White Backlash,” forum at Town Hall sponsored by The Association of Artists for Freedom,
New York City, June 15, 1964.

Manifesto is the latest production from INNER VOICES Social Issues Theatre, an educational theater project that addresses contemporary social justice issues through performances followed by post-performance dialogues. A meditation on the necessity of intersectionality in feminism, Manifesto centers the perspectives of renowned women of color, trans women, women with disabilities, and those who have been marginalized by white, middle-class feminist discourse. By weaving a call to action from the wisdom of those at the margins of feminist discourse, Manifesto successfully invites the viewer to consider that a feminism that embraces intersectionality ought to emerge through our collective understanding of how our dynamic, overlapping identities (race, class, gender, sexuality, religion, culture, ability, immigration status, etc.) inform both our experiences of oppression and create a road map for feminist theory and activism.

Lisa Fay, INNER VOICES Social Issues Theatre ensemble director and program coordinator for the INNER VOICES Social Issues Theatre program, has been writing and performing social issues theater for years. Her work in devising and producing INNER VOICES performances varies, ranging from encouraging preproduction conversations that lead to the production of collective new work to writing scripts and directing projects such as Side-Eye that investigate racial micro (and macro) aggressions. “I invite and support the production of the work of other artists for INNER VOICES Social Issues Theatre ensemble, for instance Tell It, the work of Dr. Durell Callier, last spring, and Endangered Black Girls by Dr. Ruth Nicole Brown some years ago,” said Fay.

Fay hopes Manifesto achieves its mission of educating the campus community about the framework of intersectionality. “The term ‘intersectionality’ was not coined as an academic term, rather it was a way of framing an issue in order to see the issue, as Kimberly Crenshaw states,” said Fay, who encourages students to explore the work of the prominent civil rights lawyer, as well as her subsequent activism with #sayhername.

Daisianee Minenger, who attended a performance of Manifesto at the Armory Free Theater, said the experience was affirming. “Manifesto taught me that my feelings are valid. I learned that even though we all experience similar struggles, we are not the same people. Race and background add their own dynamics.”

Tianshu Zhao, who serves as the Assistant Director of INNER VOICES, has found the experience of working with the ensemble to be both personally and politically fulfilling. “It’s a platform for me, in terms of theatre arts practice and social participation. And here I find people who are fighting for a better society.”

Due to the sensitive nature of many of the topics, INNER VOICES always includes a post-performance dialogue at each show. Tekita Bankhead, an instructor for the Leading Post-Performance Dialog course, is the Director of Animateurs, facilitators who lead the post-performance dialogues. “Because our shows typically tend to deal with sensitive and potentially triggering topics, I train the animateurs to provide context for the shows, provide counseling resources if needed, and to lead dialogue in a way that is thought-provoking and enlightening,” she said.

Tekita began teaching with the ensemble this semester and has found the experience rewarding. “It has been a labor of love for me. Manifesto truly showcases how beautiful and impactful feminism can be when all voices are included.

“Feminism that is not intersectional is simply not feminism,” said Bankhead. “To fully highlight the unique experiences of every type of woman, you must honor their truth in every way possible. No two women are alike, so it’s imperative that we examine our feminism to truly ensure that all women are invited to the table, have a seat, and have plenty to eat (and seconds, too). The fight to end patriarchy is different for all of us, but when shared equally, is much more likely to be dismantled.”

INNER VOICES Social Issues Theatre’s next performance is entitled “Break the Silence,” and will discuss sexual violence, premiering in honor of Sexual Assault Awareness Month this April.

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A Black Herstory Slam Redux

A Black Herstory Slam Redux

This past February, the Women’s Resources Center at the University of Illinois sponsored Black Herstory Slam, an open mic devoted to poetry, spoken word, and performance that highlights Black women’s history and black feminist thought. Held at the University of Illinois Women’s Resources Center, Writ n’ Rhymed is described as “a transformative poetic space created at the University of Illinois. It is a space for art, poetry, spoken word, music, movement, prose, rhyme, performance, and critical engagement.” The Black Herstory Slam brought together over 150 attendees, featured performances from twelve talented poets, and was co-hosted by Jameelah McCrigg and Dominique Coker.

The following represent selected works performed during this year’s Black Herstory Slam, published here with permission from the poets in honor of Women’s History Month:

 

BLACK GIRL BLUES

By Kerry Wilson

 

My hair is long but it’s nappy

I never match my socks

My hands stay out my pockets everywhere except the bookstore

So you can accuse me of stealing this knowledge

The figment of my imagination is a stigmatism that I use to justify those overpriced glasses I get from LensCrafters…

Or is grad school just effing with my vision?

I act like your BS is a non-factor

But it keeps me up at night

When my diction contradicts your fiction of my black girl truths

My tongue bleeds from holding back my black girl blues

 

I’ve cracked cell phone screens and shattered my momma’s champagne glasses

I’ve broken hearts by taking the wrong chances

My actions divide like fractions

Tell the story like close captions

“Eff what ya heard” is my usual reaction

I want to be free to do what I choose

Cause I get so tired of this black girl blues

 

If I’m being realistic, I look in the mirror and I still see a statistic

The stigma of teenage motherhood is so fatalistic that there isn’t a damn thing I can do to get away from it

I woke up like this

A dark-skinned, thick-chick who refuses to measure her worth in sex, drugs, and rock and roll

And on judgement day I’ll end up bargaining for my soul

This I know for true

I’ll live and I’ll die singing this black girl blues

 

 

CRESCENDO (CHOPPED & SCREWED)

by Kerry Wilson

My swagger cut you like daggers until it don’t

2pac foreshadowed his end but see I won’t

Instead I think I’ll heed the call

To quick fucking with those waterfalls

I’m looking for my crescendo

 

You know the “that’s my part” part of the song

When the notes get extra long

The oh God give me a reason,

Wanya throwing chairs and ish cuz we’ve come to End of the Road

My crescendo

The place of pure emotion, the place to let it go

 

Give me a crescendo

Like when he say “I effed up and I need you to stay with me”

Or when she say “yeah you effed up, I still love you but you gots to leave”

I need my break it down to the nitty, gritty

No Bad Boy Remix, and No P. Diddy

You think you know, but do you really

These pinned up emotions inside could actually kill me

But it’s time to let it go…

 

Like parachute pants and the humpty dance

It was fun while it lasted

I can’t live my live all chopped and screwed

Just cuz I like it when the beat gets spastic

These plastic emotions cause oceans of pain

There’s absolutely nothing to gain

From putting out the fire with acid rain

Instead give me a crescendo

 

And I need it…

I need it like I need

Hip-hop before the bling

Michael Jordan before the ring

Lauryn Hill before that thing

Chews me up and swallows me whole

Find my crescendo

Save another black woman’s soul

 

 

I REFUSE TO BE SILENCED

by Anne Namatsi Lutomia

I refuse to be silenced

I will speak so that I and others can be heard

You do not want me to speak

You say I am too noisy, uncontrollable and bad mannered

You call me a lesbian, a man hater, a witch, a mad woman

You call me a slut, uncircumcised, barren, childless, foolish, ugly, a prostitute

You slap me so as to discipline me

You tell me that I have a long mouth

You tell me to shut up

You not only want to silence me

You silence others like me

You instill fear in us

You want us to keep quiet

You say no one will believe me if I speak

You want me to say nothing

I who you have raped, molested, battered, butchered, undressed, beaten, slapped, abused and shamed

I who is gazed at, shunned, goaded, stared at, and whispered about

You coin stereotypes about me that silence me as you all laugh at me

Forcing me to laugh with you as I hurt

I am your sister, mother, friend, lover, niece, grandmother, daughter, and wife

You want me to be quiet because you are powerful, famous, privileged and respected

You want me to dust myself and move on

Today I choose to speak

I want the world to hear and listen to my pain

I speak because together we can stop this hurt

I refuse to be silenced

 

Kerry Wilson is a doctoral student in the Institute for Communications Research in the College of Media and Anne Namatsi Lutomia is a doctoral student in Human Resource Education in the College of Education. The Black Herstory Slam was co-sponsored by the Women’s Resources Center, the Bruce D. Nesbitt African-American Cultural Center, W.O.R.D. and Black Students for Revolution (BSFR) in honor of Black History Month.

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Am I My Sister’s Keeper? Help Pass IL House Bill 40

Who would have thought Donald Trump would win the Presidency—or that abortion would become illegal again in the United States? These are the realities of our time.

If President Trump gets one more Supreme Court appointment after Gorsuch, the high court will overturn the 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling that struck down state laws criminalizing abortion. In Illinois, abortion will immediately become illegal unless we pass House Bill 40 now—to repeal a dangerous law that is already on the books. Passed in 1975, Illinois law (720 ILCS 510/1) states in part:

“. . . that the unborn child is a human being from the time of conception and is, therefore, a legal person for the purposes of the unborn child’s right to life from conception . . . (and) The General Assembly finds and declares that longstanding policy of this State to protect the right to life of the unborn child from conception by prohibiting abortion unless necessary to preserve the life of the mother, is impermissible only because of the decisions of the United States Supreme Court and that, therefore, if those decisions of the United States Supreme Court are ever reversed or modified or the United States Constitution is amended to allow protection of the unborn then the former policy of this State to prohibit abortions unless necessary for the preservation of the mother’s life shall be reinstated.

This means no legal abortion choice for victims of sexual assault or for women whose health is threatened by carrying a pregnancy to term – or for any other reason except to prevent certain death of the woman. We can also expect anti-choice legislators to try to outlaw emergency contraception and the I.U.D. because they often work by preventing a fertilized egg from implanting in the uterine wall. Yes, law already on the books says a human zygote is a legal person. House Bill 40 would repeal this law.

House Bill 40 would also repeal discriminatory provisions of Illinois law that deny coverage for abortion under the state’s Medicaid program and state employees’ health insurance plans.

Why should any health plan single out abortion as the only medically necessary care not covered? Why should any prescription drug program that covers Viagra single out birth control pills as not covered? Some people say they oppose “public financing” of procedures or prescriptions that are prohibited by their religious beliefs. But what they want, and have accomplished, is to force their religion on people of other religions.

Women are half the population. A significant percentage of the other half benefit greatly from the risks women alone bear as a consequence of heterosexual relations. It’s time for everyone to step up and speak out in favor of abortion rights.

The majority of people in this country support legal abortion, but have been enormously complacent. They thought we could count on the courts to protect us. Clearly that is not true. If not now, when will we take seriously the threat posed to women and girls by the reality of our times?

Champaign-Urbana’s State Representative Carol Ammons is a co-sponsor of House Bill 40. Our other area legislators need to hear from lots of people asking them to vote for House Bill 40. They are: Bill Mitchell (R-101); Brad Halbrook (R-102); and Chad Hays (R-104). You can get any legislator’s contact information by going to ilga.gov. If the bill passes the Illinois House, State Senators need to hear from you.

It’s too late to stop Trump from being president. I fear it is too late to stop the Supreme Court from overturning Roe v. Wade. But we can do something here in Illinois. Please join the effort to keep abortion legal. Ask our area legislators to vote in favor of House Bill 40. Tell your friends. Sign up for legislative alerts from the American Civil Liberties Union at aclu-il.org. We still have the power to win in Illinois if we stand together for our sisters, our daughters, ourselves and all women and girls.

Esther Patt is a member of the Steering Committee and past president of the Champaign County Chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union. She has been involved in the pro-choice movement since 1977, when she co-founded a local group to fight the elimination of abortion coverage under the Illinois Medicaid program.

 

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IMC Announcements

Final Open Scene Workshop with Hill L. Waters

April 14 (6-8pm) and April 16 (2-4pm)

Independent Media Center, 202 S. Broadway

There is a last Open Scene workshop with Hill L. Waters (April 14-16), a Black feminist love praxis project that is a collaboration between Durell M. Callier, Lisa Fay, and Dominique C. Hill. They will lead a workshop for developing short theater pieces.

*****

IMC at Boneyard Arts Festival!

“Disrupt” by Gharbzadegi Art Collective

Friday, April 7, 6-11pm

We’re glad to announce our spring showcase in collaboration with April Urbana First Fridays Festival and the Boneyard Arts Festival! The theme: DISRUPT. Gharbzadegi Art Collective wishes to celebrate themes of identity, diaspora, activism, oppression, solidarity, anti-colonialism, anti-patriarchy and uplift the ways in which we disrupt those oppressive systems. Find out more about us at www.gharbzadegiart.com and our facebook group.

 

 

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