History

Thoughts, commentary, or articles on history. Excludes primary source document reproduction, see “archives”.

A Grass Root CNT Militant Remembers

July 10, 2016 Anarchism, History 0 Comments

The Grupo Cultural de Estudios Sociales de Melbourne have released a new publication as part of the celebrations to make the 80th anniversary of the Spanish revolution.

A grass root C.N.T. militant Remembers: The oral memoirs of Luis Parés is newly translated into English, and represents an oral account of one militant’s experiences as a militant in the CNT during the Spanish revolution.

The flame of the Spanish Social Revolution has never stopped burning.

Eighty years since it was lit one can still find anarchist innovations in the folds of its contents. All its political adversaries through the decades have been unable to discard or permanently hide the constructive and positive social achievements implemented by the libertarian movement.

Thousands of printed works describing the events that transpired during those captivating days have traveled around the world, many of them written by renowned authors. Others books have been written by research academic historians giving their individual interpretations of the proceedings. Unfortunately not too many books have been written by the individuals that experienced the events at first hand, that were in actual fact making history with their militancy, with their direct participation, with their contribution in spontaneous actions and decisions be it at meetings, behind the barricades or on the battlefield.

At the beginning of the second half of the 1970’s a small group of compañeros in France, in Spain and where ever there were exiled Spanish anarchists set themselves the task of recording the verbal memoirs of militants whose singular actions contributed to the social changes, the collectivisations as well as the constant struggle against fascism. This is the history of personal experiences.

We now have the pleasure of presenting in the following pages the testimony of Luis Parés Adán who recalls his war. These memoirs were first published in the pages of “Espoir” the weekly publication of the French C.N.T. – A.I.T., number 825, July 1978.

You can download a .pdf of A grass root C.N.T. militant Remembers here. I hope to have some hard copies printed and available soon.

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From the Archives: Labor’s Army, 1931

September 29, 2013 Archives, History 0 Comments

The Donald Grant quoted in the first article below is former IWW militant responsible for this famous poster. He later became an ALP Senator and was suitably reactionary during the Coal Miners' strike of 1949. Wikipedia bio.

The D. Grant quoted in the first article below is former IWW militant responsible for this famous poster. He late became an ALP Senator and was suitably reactionary during the Coal Miners’ strike of 1949. Wikipedia bio.

This is the fourth instalment of From the Archives, a weekly re-print of something different or obscure I’ve found in the past weeks research.

This week I have a couple of pieces for your perusal.

Last week I published an article from issue 6 of Red and Black, Russia 1917: Why not Anarchism. Unfortunately the first page of that article was missing. Thanks to Dimitri, I now have a copy of page 1, and it’s been typed up and added to last weeks post.

The following couple of pieces are from the National Library of Australia’s trove collection. I stumbled across these articles whilst looking for information about the Australian Labor Army.

I first read mention of the Australian Labor Army in Wendy Lowenstein’s excellent Weevils in the Flour.

The first article is a lovely SMH beatup following an ALA meeting in Newcastle. The second piece is more interesting politically, which I stumbled across whilst following up on one of the far left rivals to the ALA, the Workers’ Defence Corps.

From the Sydney Morning Herald, 13 April 1931, page 9:

MINERS’ PRESIDENT
Speaks of the King Insultingly.
RELIGION ATTACKED.
WILD LABOUR ARMY SPEECHES
Newcastle, Sunday.
The miners’ northern president (Mr T. Hoare), in the course of an address at a meeting held in Islington Park this afternoon, to form a Newcastle division of the Australian Labour Army, spoke in insulting terms of his Majesty the King.

Mr. Hoare declared that he always remained seated when “God Save the King” was played at picture shows. Some people, he said, looked at him as if he were ignorant. The position was the reverse.

After thus defining his attitude towards the British Crown, Mr. Hoare went on to make some remarks about religion. He said there were those who offer to people in return for lives well lived a promise of a harp and a pair of wings hereafter. That return would be better made on earth. Rather than be in heaven with some hypocrites he knew, who were certain they were going there, he wanted to be in hell with investigators and scientists, who had been ridiculed down the corridors of time by those who were leading other men along the straight and narrow path to salvation.

Mr. Hoare gave the Labour Army the blessing of the Northern branches of the Miners’ Federation, and spoke bitterly of propaganda against the army by people who claimed to be revolutionaries, but were simply resolutionaires. He said that if the workers could get together there could only be one issue – a fight between them and the other section of the community, which made up only 20 precent of the total population of Australia.

“This system cannot be mended,” Mr. Hoare declared. “It must be ended, but with the least possible flow of blood.”

“The Australian Labour army will become what the Red army became in Russia,” said Mr. James Kidd. Mr. Kidd further declared that the Labour army was being formed for the definite purpose of combatting the All For Australia League. Irrespective of what other speakers might say, the army was formed to fight.

“The Australian Labour army is necessarily a revolutionary movement,” Mr Kidd continued. “The working-class must realise that if they are going to fight, it will not be by the medium of ballot boxes, but of machine-guns. I believe the crisis will become more and more violent until there is a revolution brought about by the working-class rising against economic conditions.

Mr. F. C. Hutt, secretary of the Labour army, told the meeting that if Labour was ever to have a mobile force which could be thrown into action, it would have to be organised on military lines. The proposal was that each Federal electorate should constitute a division of the Labour army to which everybody on the side of the workers could belong, and that then there should be organisation into brigades, and, if numbers permitted, into battalions. A grand council would control the operations of the army from Sydney.

Mr. Donald Grant said that it was his chief desire to persuade the members of the All For Australia League present to turn over and join the Australian Labour army. It was the business of the Australian Labour army to defend Mr. Lang against the attacks of his enemies. But if the army had to fight it would also fight for the overthrow of the capitalist system.

A resolution was passed affirming the Newcastle district’s sympathy with the objects of the Australian Labour army. An unsuccessful attempt was made to hold a meeting in support of the militant “Workers’ Defence Corps” alongside the Labour army meeting.

from The Mercury, 25 December 1930, p9:

COMMUNIST PLANS
MOBILISING THE UNEMPLOYED.
“WORKERS’ DEFENCE CORPS.”
ATTACKS ON POLICE FAMILIES.

Plans for mobilising the unemployed were made at a conference at the Temperance Hall, in Melbourne, when many revolutionary proposals were adopted. The conference was (says the “Argus”) organised by the Unemployed Workers Movement, which is a creation of the Communist party, and State branches in Melbourne and Sydney have now been established. Although the conference was discountenanced by the Trades Hall Council, a number of trade unions, particularly the waterside organisations, timber workers, carpenters, and others, as well as branches of the Labour party, were represented. More than 100 delegates attended, including representatives from most of the suburban unemployed groups. The proceedings lasted throughout Saturday, and it was significant that leading communists were the most conspicuous in the discussion, while delegates who were opposed to the plan of operation outlined were frequently heckled. Mr J. Aide presided.

The methods to be adopted in giving effect to the proposed demands led to a long debate. It was suggested that mass demonstrations be held in all districts to compel the granting of the demands, to resist the eviction of workers from their homes and the seizer of furnitures for rent, or attempts to shut off supplies of gas or electricity. One clause proposed the “mobilisation of the children and other members of working class families against the families and members of the police force on account of their participation in attacks upon the working class.” Both the Preston and Footscray delegates strongly opposed the adoption of this clause, declaring that the unemployed had received great assistance from the police in those districts. “It is absolutely ridiculous, and the persons who compiled it could not have been responsible for their actions,” declared Mr. R. Lyons (Seamen’s Union). He said that they might as well include the Army, Navy, and Air Forces, as they all had relatives in some of those institutions.

Mr. Molloy: The capitalist classes wages war on our children, who are dying in the slums. I would be sorry if the children suffered, but we will not stop at killing anyone in the interest of the working class. If those scoundrels who baton the workers knew that their children could not attend school they would hesitate before they used the baton on the workers.

Mr. Lyons: Ninety per cent of the unemployed will not accept it. It will take a lot of explaining.

A proposal that the clause be deleted was negatived by 38 votes to 21.

STRIKES TO REPLACE ARBRITATION

When a clause for the abolition of the Arbitration Courts was being discussed several delegates asked what was to take the place of the courts. Mr. Molloy declared that “palliatives were thrown to the workers to prevent them from going on strike.” Direct action should be substituted. “If we cannot get what we want we should take it” he added.

Mr. T. Le Huray (Bricklayers’ Union) said that the alternative for the courts was “direct action” under rank and file leadership.

Mr. C. Monson said that they could only gain their objective by fighting. The right to vote was won only through rivers of blood. “We will have to train the workers to fight. That is the only way.”

The clause was adopted.

Another proposal was that a “Workiers’ Defence Corps” be established. Much secrecy, however, was observed respecting the methods to be followed in forming this corps. It was ascertained that it was to be on the lines of a leaflet issued recently by the Communist party. When the clause was submitted for consideration Mr G. W. Bodsworth (Timber Workers’ Union) moved that the question be referred to the incoming executive to deal with. This was agreed to, and the details were therefore not disclosed to the conference. Resolutions were also passed containing demands on behalf of unemployed women, and also to “organise the youth along class lines.” Mr. C Monson was elected president of the new organisation, and Mr J. Aide secretary.

Among the “demands” adopted by the conference were the following:-
Work or Wages – That the Government guarantee every worker, irrespective of race, creed, colour, or sex, a job at a living wage, or, if unemployed, insurance compensation equal to full wages. Workers partially unemployed shall receive from the unemployed insurance sufficient to bring their wages up to the full amount. This fund to be a charge on industry and to be non-contributory by the workers. This unemployed insurance shall not be administered by Government bureaucrats or charity fakirs, but by committees elected directly by the workers in the shops, and the unemployed through the unemployed workers’ movement.
Emergency Unemployment Relief – Until the unemployment insurance is operative the Government shall make an emergency appropriation for emergency relief work, equal to insurance or full wages.
Housing – All evictions of unemployed, and seizures of furniture to pay rend must be prohibited. In every city public buildings must be made available, rent free, for shelter of homeless unemployed. A special fund for the building of workers’ homes must be set aside by every municipality and construction begun at once. Preference to be given to homeless unemployed in the use of such houses, rent free.
Seven-hour Day and Five-day Week – The seven-hour day and five-day week must be established in every industry without reduction in wages, and those places suffering a reduction in wages the higher rate must be restored. In the mining industry and other hazardous occupations the six-hour day and five-day week must prevail.
Free employment agencies, established under the control of worker’ committees and unemployed councils. Abolition of private employment agencies, and employers compelled to apply only to workers’ committees for workers.
Free lunches for all school children in schools, and Government maintenance on the higher rate for all children.
The right to strike and picket.
Abolition of the use of police against strikes, unemployed, and working class demonstrations, and no arrests of unemployed and other workers for vagrancy.
Social insurance against sickness, invalidity, accidence and old age.
Resistance to attempts to transport troops, munitions, and provisions to British forces in Egypt, or elsewhere, and also against other imperialist forces in all parts of the world.
Immediate release of all working-class prisoners in gaol for their working-class activities viagra 100mg einnahme.
Abolition of the system of working for rations, and full rates to paid for all work performed.

I would normally prefer to present something that wasn’t already availible online, but other committments kept me away from libraries this weekend.

Next week I am heading to the State Library to follow up on some leads, stay tuned.

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Imperial War Graves

July 24, 2013 History 3 Comments

Menin Gate, Ieper (Ypres)

Here was the world’s worst wound. And here with pride
‘Their name liveth for evermore’ the Gateway claims.
Was ever an immolation so belied
As these intolerably nameless names?
Well might the Dead who struggled in the slime
Rise and deride this sepulchre of crime.

– Siegfried Sassoon on the Menin Gate

I’ve just spent a couple of days wandering through the memorials and cemeteries that the litter the landscape around Ieper (Ypres) in Flanders.

I walked under the Menin Gate. Fifty thousand names arranged by range and by unit list those “whom the fortunes of war denied the known and honoured burial given to their comrades in death”.

Their names tower before me.

Hundreds gather underneath, cameras snapping, as the Last Post is played.

Two school children lay a wreath, the pipes are played, and then we wander away as the words “PRO PATRIA” and “PRO REGE” stare down from above.

* * *

At Tyne Cot eleven thousand nine hundred and fifty four marble headstones stand in a careful rows.

You enter from a gate below, the endless white headstones reach up the hillside before you.

At the centre, the original “Cross of Sacrifice” looks down, and above this, and sweeping across the top of the cemetery, stands the “Memorial to the Missing”.

Tyne Cot

Graves littered this landscape after the various Battles of Ypres.

At aid posts and dressing stations they resembled cemeteries, but across the battle field crosses stood and remains were buried in ones and twos.

These small burials were collected, exhumed, and consolidated to form the endless white crosses of cemeteries like Tyne Cot.

But it is at Langemark that you will understand the meaning of Menin and Tyne Cot.

At the centre of the German cemetery in Langemark is a small garden. Perhaps ten metres by ten metres.

Langemark German Cemetery

The exhumed remains of twenty four thousand German soldiers were dumped in this mass grave.

* * *

The way in which the dead are remembered is not neutral, natural or apolitical.

Unadorned, the piles of the dead are an indictment.

You cannot look upon the mass grave at Langemark and not despise those responsible for the commission of so monstrous a crime.

Menin Gate and Tyne Cot are no mere memorials, they serve a clear and reactionary political purpose in the context of the immediate post war period. These monuments serve to recast the nature of the crime they record.

On the walls of the Menin Gate, the dead are not working class conscripts, callously butchered in the name of a lie. No, they are heroic figures, who have nobly sacrificed for the cause. This monument sanctifies them in the name of King and Country.

With a sweeping layout and grand architecture, death is made glorious. Sad, yes, sacrifice for empire entails sadness, but it’s noble, pure, and glorious to “sacrifice”, “pro rege, pro patria”.

With this slight of hand, the ruling class butchers absolve themselves of guilt. The dead have been conscripted a second time.

And the dead can be wielded against all criticism. Criticize the war, the state, the ruling class, that bastard the King? How dare you spit on the memory of our pure noble sacrificing sons.

In prior wars the dead were seldom remembered. After a battle bodies were quickly dumped in a mass grave, or cremated to avoid the possibility of disease. A dead general or admiral might warrant a statue, but that mass of dead peasants? Who cares?

But in World War I the scale of destruction undermined the legitimacy of the system that caused it, in the eyes of anyone who could comprehend it. As tens of thousands and then hundreds of thousands died, as the French army mutinied and as Russia revolted, the memory of the individual dead suddenly became a state matter rather than an individual matter.

Twenty four thousand German graves could be disinterred and the remains dumped in a pit, but the British ruling class required their dead a second time.

Headstone of Arthur Conway Young, “sacrificed to the fallacy that war can end war”, inscriptions on headstones were chosen by the family. Photo Credit

Update – Further Reading: Were many people upset when they announced they weren’t bringing back the bodies England’s war dead back at the end of WW1?

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