PM's approach vindicated by Trump's madness
Canberra is on tenterhooks, keenly aware that Donald Trump is volatile, vainglorious, and potentially unreliable.
Canberra is on tenterhooks, keenly aware that Donald Trump is volatile, vainglorious, and potentially unreliable.
Now that we know how much, a reasoned debate can ensue. But don't hold your breath.
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Hiding behind arcane reporting rules for years after the fact is not merely untenable, it is next-level hamfisted.
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How moving it was to watch Malcolm Turnbull presenting the Australian of the Year awards last week. What impressive people they were. Made me proud to be an Aussie.
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Prime ministerial rhetoric may have reached 'peak grandiose' under Kevin Rudd, been oddly suburban under Julia Gillard, and bluntly combative under Tony Abbott. ut under Malcolm Turnbull, it is drifting towards the vapid.
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Australians are probably wondering what it would take? What level of betrayal or irresponsible strategic posturing by Washington would be serious enough to get a rise out of Canberra?
Call it a blinding moment of clarity – if that's not too grandiose. Malcolm Turnbull was addressing a pre-Australia Day function at The Lodge in Canberra.
Barnaby Joyce was "post-truth" way before it was cool. In fact, few politicians were better prepared for the new era of "alternative facts" than Barnaby Joyce.
Indigenous land rights have faced a setback in Malaysia.
The question for the formal opening of the political year, beginning next week, is not whether Malcolm Turnbull can retrieve his position with voters. It is whether Bill Shorten can step into the vacuum Turnbull has created.
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In three ways - and in just three days - Donald Trump has profoundly unsettled Australia's assumptions about the world.
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The question of the frequent misuse of parliamentary work expenses, known as entitlements, forces us to look closely at what political representation involves and who should pay for it. The recent case of former health minister Sussan Ley is just one of many questionable instances which have stained reputations and ended careers.
The most widely cited figure in the robo-debt debate is wrong. The true number of mistakes is perhaps as high as 90 per cent.
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If the Trans-Pacific Partnership was really as good for jobs and growth as Malcolm Turnbull says it was, he would be able to point to a study saying so.
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The Wire's arch drug lord Avon Barksdale was philosophical in the face of a long jail sentence: "You only serve two days, the day you go in, and the day you get out". You'd think this mentality could work best for parties consigned to the opposition benches. But no. These days, its governments that feel most hemmed in, constrained at every turn by the crushing weight of febrile politics, internal divisions, anaemic growth, and inevitable disappointment.For Malcolm Turnbull, and indeed most governments recently, Barksdale's advice seems most apposite. Although in Turnbull's case, even the day he won was pretty terrible, marred as it was by something of a hissy-fit.
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Parliament is set to return in just over a fortnight but why are they even bothering?
It sounds like something a budding Bolshevik might have whispered into the ear of a political confidant in early 1917.
The PM's back-up is now missing and the outlook is as uncertain as ever.
Until we know more about senior bureaucrats' conflicts of interest, we are inviting corruption.
This is the damage-control reshuffle Malcolm Turnbull had to have after throwing Sussan Ley overboard: pragmatic, minimalist and utterly risk-averse.
Should our politicians continue to baulk at real reform, they will rightly be seen as ignoble and hypocritical.
The hurly-burly of the 2016 election campaign, as seen through the eyes of Fairfax reporters and photographers.
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