Showing posts with label Environment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Environment. Show all posts

Saturday, December 31, 2016

Proposal to ban animal carts in Cairo doomed to failure

Mada Masr
Cairo’s governor has proposed a project to rid the capital’s streets of animal carts. He is not the first to do so, but how likely is it to succeed this time?


Cart owners don’t think the new government program 'Cairo Without Animal Carts' will achieve its stated aim of ridding the Egyptian capital of carts drawn by horses, donkeys and mules.

The program, announced by Cairo Governor Atef Abdel Hamid at the end of November, would marshal in a process by which animal-drawn carts would be phased out and their owners given economic support to purchase motor vehicles.

Yahia Shawkat, an urban researcher and one of the founders of 10 Tooba Applied Research for the Built Environment, explains that “Certain types of carts — such as those used in garbage disposal, recycling, tanneries, pleasure rides — are usually associated with the local industries of certain neighborhoods.”

Animal-drawn carts sustain thousands of low-income households, and yet, in recent years, numerous municipal officials across several governorates have sought to ban them, attempts which have proven unsuccessful.

In the Cairo Governorate alone, movement against carts has been ventured as an outright prohibition in 1973, 1987, 1999 and 2006 and as the center of anti-cart police campaigns in 2010.

The state’s argument for banning animal-drawn carts is twofold: As slow moving vehicles, carts obstruct the flow of traffic and lead to road accidents, and carts negatively affect Egypt’s image, presenting it as unclean and disorderly.


But far from this understanding of animal carts as primitive and backward, Shawkat suggests that they are actually safer and more environmentally friendly. The attempts to ban and curb the use of carts in Egypt, he has previously argued, “cannot be dissociated from it being a poor person’s vehicle.” 

On last week’s episode of television show “Manchettes Qarmouty” (Qarmouty’s Headlines) last week, which is broadcast on the privately owned Al-Assema television channel, Gaber al-Qarmouty arranged to have a donkey cart rolled into the studio. With dramatic flare, the words “Goodbye to the animal carts of Cairo” were written on the animal’s hind.

Qarmouty climbed into the back of the cart with its owner, Sameh, and asked if the word “arbagy” (cart driver) – which is often used as a derogatory term to roughly denote someone who is callous, of low-social standing, or with little formal education – offended him.

“Yes, it upsets me,” Sameh responded. In a show of respect, Qarmouty kissed his head.

Qarmouty continued on to outline the failure of previous attempts to ban animal carts, asking Sameh about a range of viable alternatives, including motorcycle-rickshaws. 

BUY-IN AND FEASIBILITY OF A 'CAIRO WITHOUT CARTS' 

Within the framework established by the Cairo Without Animal Carts initiatives, the sale of motor vehicles – ranging from motorcycle-rickshaws and trucks to pickups – will be incentivized by providing cart owners with soft loans that have long-term repayment plans, on the condition that they forfeit their carts.

While the full extent of the financing details has not been disclosed, Cairo’s governor has stated that the Fund for Social Development and civil society organizations will be a part of the process.

However, the governorate’s plan faces potential obstacles on two fronts: the legal problems posed by an influx of new first-time drivers and doubts regarding the transition’s economic feasibility that are joined to skepticism about being lifted out of the informal economy and into the state’s line of vision.

The transition from animal-drawn carts to motor vehicles must confront problems posed by the literacy requirement for drivers licenses, as many of Cairo’s cart drivers cannot read and write.

However, according to the state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper, Cairo Governorate has taken the issue into account and is offering basic literacy courses in coordination with the Fund for Social Development and adult educational institutions.

The larger issue, however, centers on the financial feasibility of the modernization plan and whether those whom it will most affect view it as legitimate.

The financial terms suggested by Cairo Governorate, Shawkat argues, would be a significant burden on households dependent on economic activities linked to animal-driven carts. “Many would go into debt, and defaults on loans would likely be very high.”

While Shawkat estimates a cart driver’s monthly net income at LE1,400, the labor that is associated with the mode of transport is often precarious. Sameh, the driver that spoke to Qarmouty and works in a supplementary role for construction companies in the capital, said his take-home wages have fallen to a few hundred pounds due to the economic downturn.

Ahmed Hamdy, the owner of a horse-drawn cart from which he sells tangerines in Cairo’s working class neighborhood Manshiet Nasser, puts the cost of a cart between several hundred pounds and approximately LE2,000, depending on its specifications and weight capacity. The price of an adult horse, he adds, can range from LE1,000 to LE5,000, while the cost of a donkey or mule may range from several hundred pounds to LE2,500.

In comparison, a used pickup would cost tens of thousands of pounds and a used truck would come in at over LE100,000. 

“How could we make a living or feed our families without our carts? Our livelihoods depend on these animals and equipment,” says cart owner Galal Hafez, who lives in Cairo’s working class neighborhood Zahraa and has spent the past 30 years collecting paper, cardboard, plastic and glass for recycling. His two sons work in the same line of business, and each operate their own animal-drawn cart.

“Yes, sometimes our carts obstruct traffic,” Hafez admits, but he contends that traffic is slow due in greater part due to the number of cars on the road.

Hafez says his horse consumes about LE50 worth of animal fodder each day and sleeps in the family’s living room, as he has nowhere else to keep it. He estimates he takes home LE1,200 per month from the recycling he is able to collect using his cart.


While Hafez had not heard of the Cairo Without Animal Carts initiative, when informed he professes skepticism of its chance of success.

“If I could afford to pay installments for a truck, I would. But we’re struggling just to pay for life’s basic necessities. We are barely making a living these days,” he said.

Gamal Mahmoud drives his cart through the Cairo neighborhood of Maadi, collecting and reselling used household goods. He states that any attempt to ban animal carts will be “a failed project.”

Not dissimilar to Hafez, Mahmoud concedes that carts can obstruct the flow of traffic and says he would gladly trade in his donkey and cart for an automobile, but that he cannot afford the change.

“What about people like me who cannot afford to pay for installments?” he says. “Are we supposed to steal so that we can buy a truck?”


In Manshiet Nasser, a line of animal-drawn carts loaded with refuse slowly wind their way down streets, making their way toward disposal and recycling centers. Here, Hamdy parks on a side street to sell tangerines.

While cart drivers’ placement in the informal economy comes with burdens – including the high cost of equipment and animal maintenance – Hamdy says that his lot is better now than if he had to cover the higher costs that come with motor vehicles. He looks around, pointing out the cart workshops around him.

And beyond whether the government’s plan is economically prudent, the tangerine seller says a motor vehicle would not suit his trade. The flatbed of a motorcycle-rickshaw can transport less than half of the two tons his cart can carry and is restricted in the type of cargo it can carry due to its dimensions. While his cart is longer than a pickup truck, Hamdy says, “it is also narrower and can be driven down tight alleyways.”

Across the street, Ahmed Farid, another fruit vendor, says he is frequently harassed by police officers and municipal authorities. “They either want to fine us or confiscate our carts. We just want to be left alone to tend to our work.”

Farid says he would never trade in his horse and cart for a motor vehicle, because he is concerned that a license plate would make it easier for the police to monitor him. 

A PROPOSAL FOR REGULATION AND REFORM

Regulation and reforms rather than a ban are the best way to address the issues posed by animal-drawn carts, says Shawkat, pointing out that carts are allowed on the streets of the United Kingdom and the United States, among other industrial and “civilized” countries, albeit with strict regulations governing their operation.

“A complete ban would amount to the loss of the livelihoods of countless cart drivers and their families,” he says.

Shawkat argues that special lanes should be created for animal-drawn carts to ease traffic congestion, particularly on high-speed intercity roads and highways. He also advocates for other measures to reduce the likelihood of accident, such as mandating carts by equipped with battery-powered lights and reflectors, so as to be more visible at night.

However, while Egypt has one of the world’s highest rates of traffic accidents, they are not primarily caused by the presence of animal-drawn carts.

In 2015, 25,500 people were either killed or injured in traffic accidents, according to the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS). Private cars caused 36.8 percent of accidents, with trucks causing 27.8 percent and taxis 18.9 percent.

The figures suggest that, even if a move to ban animal-drawn carts from the capital’s streets were possible, it may not lead to a significant decrease in accidents.

“We need better traffic regulations for road safety and efficiency in general,” Shawkat says. “This applies to animal carts, but some automobiles don’t have lights. Why should we worry only about applying these regulations to animal carts?”


*Photos by Basma Fathy

Wednesday, November 30, 2016

Environment minister to export crocodiles for hard currency

Mada Masr
Egypt’s environment minister proposes breeding crocodiles for export to boost economy

Wednesday November 30, 2016

Jano Charbel


Amid the dollar crisis and a shortage of hard currency, Egypt’s environment minister proposed the creation of crocodile farms on Lake Nasser in the country’s far south to breed the reptiles for export, estimating each crocodile could fetch up to $US400.

Khaled Fahmy’s proposal followed calls from parliamentarians, including the head of the parliamentary committee for energy and the environment Talaat al-Swedy, for tighter regulation of the illegal hunting and trade of crocodiles in Egypt.

The Nile crocodile was previously endangered, and categorized as an Appendix 1 animal, meaning it could not be legally traded, Fahmy explained in a televised interview with the privately owned Al-Hayah satellite channel on Sunday. But, in 2010 this was lifted, categorizing Nile crocodiles as a threatened species that can be bred and traded with permission from authorities, in keeping with the Convention on the International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), to which Egypt is a signatory, Fahmy added.

In order for Egypt to obtain permission and an export quota from CITES for the trade, farms for the breeding of Nile crocodiles must be established and approved.

A timeline for developing the farms and commercial export plans are to be established in coordination with an unnamed “national company,” which Fahmy said is due to present to CITES representatives soon. The ministry is also planning to bring in experts from Zambia and South Africa to act as supervisors for the initiative.

Egypt does not require parliamentary approval for the export of crocodiles, according to the minister, as regulations are included within the CITES protocol, which Egypt ratified in 1978. If approval is not given from convention officials, however, the trade is considered illegal.

A representative from the Environment Ministry, Loay Sayed, told the privately owned Youm7 news portal on Sunday there are currently around 3,000 crocodiles in Lake Nasser.

After news spread that the Nile crocodile is no longer classified as an endangered species, a number of fishermen began to illegally hunt them in Lake Nasser, selling them for around US$8. If breeding is regulated, they are likely to have higher quality skins that could fetch significantly more, Fahmy speculated.

The minister informed the parliamentary environment committee that he plans to have the crocodile farms ready for global exports within four years.

The first stage of the initiative will involve breeding the reptiles, Sayed said. After that, by 2018, the eggs will be transferred from the nurseries, before the crocodiles are exported, around 2020.

The Nile crocodile is the second largest living reptile on earth, after the saltwater crocodile. On average, adult Nile crocodiles measure between three and five meters long, and can weigh between 200 to 750 kilos.

Although they are mostly found in Lake Nasser, there have been individual crocodiles sighted in the Nile as far north as Cairo.

In the 1950s the species was almost extinct, but after the construction of the Aswan High Dam in the 1960s, and their subsequent isolation in Lake Nasser, Nile crocodiles started to make a comeback.
 

The Nile crocodile was revered in ancient Egypt, depicted in images of the crocodile-headed deity Sobek.

Tuesday, May 31, 2016

Egypt diplomat calls sub-Saharan Africans 'dogs & slaves'

REUTERS
African envoys say Egyptian called sub-Saharan Africa 'dogs and slaves'

Tue May 31, 2016


George Obulutsa and Lin Noueihed 


Egypt has become embroiled in a dispute with African diplomats after they accused an Egyptian official of referring to "dogs and slaves" in remarks about sub-Saharan Africa at a United Nations conference in Nairobi.

The diplomats sent a formal complaint to Kenya's foreign ministry after the alleged remark at the U.N. Environmental Assembly last week, Yvonne Khamati, chairwoman of the African Diplomatic Corps Technical Committee, said on Tuesday.

Egypt's foreign ministry said it had no evidence of any such remarks by a Cairo official and would investigate, adding that it rejected "flimsy accusations against the Egyptian state and people that cast doubt on its African identity."

Khamati, a Kenyan diplomat who wrote the letter, said the remark was made following a disagreement on resolutions involving Gaza.

"During our consultations with Egypt, the head of the Egyptian delegation and current President of AMCEN dismissed our concerns by informing that they would speak in their sovereign capacity and to that extent, referred to Sub-Saharan Africa as DOGS AND SLAVES, in Arabic," said the letter dated May 29.

The term AMCEN in the letter, which has been circulated widely on social media, refers to the African Ministerial Conference on the Environment.

In its statement, the Egyptian foreign ministry said: "It is completely unacceptable to make the mistake of generalizing and making flimsy accusations against the Egyptian state and people that cast doubt on its African identity."

It asked Cairo's embassy in Nairobi to "a strongly worded statement ... expressing Egypt’s rejection and censure for this breach of authority" by Khamati and demanded to see the official minutes of the meeting.

The incident looked likely to add to tensions Egypt has had with its sub-Saharan neighbors, with which it has been at odds in the past over how River Nile waters should be shared by the countries it passes through.


*Photo courtesy of UNEA

Thursday, July 31, 2014

A year of legal setbacks under Judge Adly Mansour

Mada Masr

A year of legal setbacks

Thursday, July 10, 2014

Jano Charbel


Since July 3, 2013, Egypt’s human rights record has been widely criticized both domestically and internationally. Over the course of the past year, a host of laws and decrees have been issued to restrict rights and limit freedoms.

This drastic decline in rights and freedoms took place during the 11-month administration of former interim President Adly Mansour. The ex-chief justice of the Supreme Constitutional Court is responsible for issuing dozens of presidential decrees, while hundreds of ministerial decrees were also issued during his 330 days in office.

This article will focus on the most prominent pieces of legislation affecting basic rights and liberties issued since last year, particularly Mansour’s decrees.
 
“I am not alone in my perception that interim President Adly Mansour is the worst president Egypt has had since July 1952. His rule has been characterized by a squandering of justice, and a sharp increase in violations, even though he is a judge.”

On the anniversary of Morsi’s ouster earlier this month, Amnesty International claimed that Egypt is “failing on all levels” in terms of human rights, while Human Rights Watch wrote that Egypt is witnessing its “worst situation in decades”  in terms of the condition of rights and liberties in the country.

In 2014, Egypt ranked second after China for the highest number of death sentences issued worldwide. Sinking even further, this year Egypt was also ranked the third deadliest country for journalists, just behind Syria and Iraq.

Estimates suggest that somewhere from several hundred to potentially more than 1,400 opposition elements have been killed on the streets by security forces, while according to the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights, an unprecedented number of civilians have also been arrested or prosecuted this year, amounting to well over 41,163.

Moreover, 80 civilians are reported to have died in the custody of security forces this year.

“I am not alone in my perception that interim President Adly Mansour is the worst president Egypt has had since July 1952,” says human rights lawyer Gamal Eid. “His rule has been characterized by a squandering of justice, and a sharp increase in violations, even though he is a judge.”

“Many decrees issued by Adly Mansour and the Ministry of Justice have further granted the military institution wide ranging rights, additional lands, increased clout and sovereign powers,” says Eid, and “due process rights guaranteed in the Constitution are almost entirely ignored” by prosecutors and judges.

The lawyer explains that ruling authorities and their security forces are immune from trial and their budgets remain concealed, while there is practically no oversight or accountability for the systematic violations of rights.

Of the few trials of police personnel for abuses, nearly all were eventually acquitted.
 
PROTEST LAW

On November 24, 2013, Mansour issued Presidential Decree 107/2013: Law Regulating Right of Assembly, Processions and Peaceful Protest. Commonly known as the Protest Law, this is likely the most controversial piece of legislation passed since July 3 last year. 

This law has been used to stifle any unauthorized protest or assembly involving more than 10 people, thus highly restricting the mobility of protest marches.

Moreover, it grants police sweeping powers to forcefully disperse protesters at will using teargas, water cannons, batons or rubber pellets, even if authorization was granted for the protest action. Authorization is also granted to arrest anyone involved.

Furthermore, this law imposes a time restriction of 24 hours on any such assembly, thus prohibiting all forms of occupations, sit-ins or sleep-ins. In addition, the law bans any form of protest which would obstruct production, and thus can be used to crush labor strikes as well.

Those found to violate this law may be issued fines of up to LE300,000 and/or prison sentences ranging from two years to more than seven years.

Amnesty International claims that the law represents “a serious setback that poses a grave threat to freedom of assembly and gives security forces a free rein to use excessive force, including lethal force, against demonstrators.”

In televised interviews conducted in May, Sisi announced that he would uphold the Protest Law as is when he became president.

This law has been used to arrest and prosecute not only Islamist protesters, but also secular opposition activists, striking workers and participants in popular protests.

On June 11, the Cairo Criminal Court sentenced 25 secular protesters to 15 years in prison for violating this law.

According to Eid, the Protest Law goes hand-in-hand with new judicial norms that disregard defendants’ rights to due process.

On December 25, the Muslim Brotherhood was dealt an unprecedented blow.  Under the leadership of then-Prime Minister Hazem al-Beblawi, the Cabinet classified the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization. This decree is not registered in the Official Gazette, however.

In doing so, Beblawi’s government brought into effect a wide array of measures to further crackdown on Egypt’s largest political opposition force — the Muslim Brotherhood, its political arm the Freedom and Justice Party and its associated businesses and interests.

On September 25, Mansour issued Presidential Decree 83/2013 allowing for the indefinite detention of prisoners if they have been sentenced to death or life imprisonment. In accordance with this decree, provisional detentions of such defendants can now be renewed by appeals courts every 45 days at will, with the previous time limit of two years detention being scrapped from the law.
 
LAWS TAILORED FOR SISI?

On January 27, Mansour issued Presidential Decree 38/2014, which promoted Sisi from the rank of general to that of field marshal — the highest military rank in Egypt, reserved for generals who have commanded troops in battle — even though Sisi has no real combat experience. 

Sisi was promoted to the rank of field marshal in the beginning of February, and announced his presidential bid the following month. On March 26, Sisi — who was serving as commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces, minister of defense, minister of military production, chief of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and deputy prime minister — officially declared that he was stepping down from these posts and would be running for the highest office in the country.

On the same day, the Cabinet issued Decree 513/2014 accepting Sisi’s resignation from these posts and opening the way to his presidential nomination.

On March 29, the Presidential Election Commission issued Decree 9/2014, Regulating Electoral Campaign Finances. This state-appointed commission raised the ceiling on campaign expenditures from LE12 million — the limit during the 2012 presidential election — to LE20 million.

Furthermore, with less than one month in office, the interim president moved to raise the basic presidential salary from LE2,000 to LE21,000, in addition to another LE21,000 in the form of bonuses, thus amending a 1987 law which had fixed the presidential salary at LE2,000 per month.

After taking office, Sisi pledged to give up half of his income as a donation to Egypt, but this would still render him the highest paid president in the country’s history.

Sisi has pushed government officials to donate their salaries in a similar fashion, and to keep the maximum wage for state administrators and public servants capped at LE42,000, or 35 times the minimum wage.

SOCIAL JUSTICE

For nearly seven years now, Egypt’s working class has been demanding a minimum wage of LE1,200 per month, while others have raised their demand for a monthly wage of LE1,500.

Moreover, since 2011, labor activists, labor NGOs, professional syndicates and independent trade unions have been calling for a maximum wage of no more than 15 times the minimum, or between LE18,000 and LE22,500.

But according to Eid, “Neither the minimum nor maximum wages will properly be implemented or enforced.”

Indeed, while on January 15 Beblawi issued Cabinet Decree 22/2014, Augmenting Wages of Civil Servants, this minimum wage of LE1,200 was made available to just under 4.9 million employees from an aggregate of some 7 million workers in the public sector, out of a total national workforce of some 27 million.

This failure to provide the minimum wage even among public sector workers led to a renewed wave of labor strikes and industrial actions from February to April, 2014.

Since the 2011 uprising, the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions has issued numerous statements denouncing the “authorities’ failures” for hastily issuing laws that seek to outlaw protests and strikes, while simultaneously dragging their feet in terms of issuing new trade union legislation to replace the restrictive Law 35/1976, or a new labor law to replace Law 12/2003, so as to protect the rights and organizational freedoms of workers and their labor organizations.

Another one of Mansour’s last decrees issued on May 21, Presidential Decree 39/2014, was to extend the term of the state-controlled Egyptian Trade Union Federation (ETUF) by another year. ETUF elections have been postponed several times since October-November 2011, when they were due to be held. This has further facilitated the government’s appointment of the ETUF’s leaders without any form of elections. The ETUF is the country’s oldest and largest trade union federation, claiming a membership of over 4 million nationwide.

CONSTITUTION: RIGHTS & VIOLATIONS

Drafted by interim authorities after July 3, 2013, the Constitution passed in January 2014 includes a host of new provisions protecting personal freedoms and basic rights.

However, it also upholds several of the worrisome articles carried over from the Muslim Brotherhood-drafted Constitution of 2012, with allowances for military tribunals of civilians (Article 204), secrecy of the Armed Forces’ budget (Article 203), forced labor (Article 12) and child labor (Article 80).

“This Constitution includes many progressive articles, which are typically ignored by authorities,” claims Eid, while its repressive articles are swiftly upheld.

For example, Article 52 of this new Constitution strictly prohibits torture — yet reports of torture, police abuse, sexual assault, rape and even deaths in police custody abound.

In Cairo’s Matareya police station, three detainees are reported to have died in custody during the month of May alone. Nobody has been brought to trial for these deaths.

In June, judges acquitted four policemen who tear gassed 37 detainees in a prisoner truck, resulting in their deaths.

Eid explained that while Article 40 of the Constitution protects individuals from unwarranted searches and seizures, this has not keep security forces from violating it.

“Despite the law and the Constitution, police still confiscated 1,000 copies of our human rights publication,” he points out.
 
ENVIRONMENTAL DECREES

Following much debate and controversy, on April 2 Prime Minister Ibrahim Mehleb’s government agreed to import coal for use in Egyptian industries, and specifically to fuel the cement industry, in light of the country’s natural gas shortages.

However, as environmental activist Ahmed al-Droubi, coordinator of the Egyptians Against Coal group, points out, this decision has the weight of a Cabinet decree but was never actually registered in the Official Gazette.

“Therefore, we have no details regarding the government’s plans for the importation, use or regulation of coal in industries. We don’t know if the government will approve the use of coal in industries other than cement,” says Droubi.

Beyond a news release from Mehleb’s Cabinet posted on Facebook, little is known about the government’s plans to use this highly polluting fossil fuel in the cement industry, which is already one of top polluting industries nationwide.

According to Droubi, the use of coal in cement or other industries will have a negative, and likely an irreversible impact not only on the environment, but also on public health, residential rights, labor rights, tourism and the economy as a whole.

“Coal has been imported and used in the cement industry prior to the Cabinet’s vote,” Droubi explains. Indeed, coal imports first began arriving in the Alexandrian Port of Dehkeila in October 2013.

“Coal will be continue to be imported and used regardless of the whether there is a Cabinet decree regulating it or not,” the activist argues.

“Over the past year, the Ministry of Environmental Affairs has embarked on some worthwhile projects, such as solid waste management,” he concedes. But as for worthwhile environmental decrees, he claims he has not encountered any since July 3, 2013.
 
PROGRESS

One of the most eagerly anticipated and welcomed decrees issued by Mansour on June 5, just three days before the end of his interim presidency, addressed the nationwide problem of sexual harassment and assaults against women.

Presidential Decree 50/2014, Amending Provisions of the Penal Code, imposes fines ranging between LE3,000 to LE5,000 for those caught in the act of sexual harassment or assault, whether by gestures, words or actions. Furthermore, such assailants are to be sentenced to not less than six months in prison.

Additional penalties of imprisonment for one year, and fines ranging from LE5,000 to LE10,000 will be imposed on repeat offenders, or for those found guilty of stalking.

However, this decree did not prevent mob sexual assaults on women in Tahrir Square during Sisi’s inauguration on June 8, when several women were reportedly assaulted or raped in or near the square.
In response, the Ministry of Interior claims that it arrested seven men involved in these attacks, and submitted them to prosecution. Other sexual assailants have since been arrested in other incidents, and also handed over for prosecution.

Eid welcomes Mansour’s decree and efforts to counter sexual assaults against women.

However, he explains, “There have been some worthy amendments made to some laws. Yet in terms of new legislation we’ve been watching the government and waiting for any progressive laws to be issued, we haven’t come across such laws this year.”

On June 16, Sisi established via Presidential Decree 187/2014 the Supreme Legislative Reform Committee composed of ministers, lawyers, professors of law and religious scholars. This legislative committee is presided over by Mehleb, and is to serve as the centralized body by which laws and decrees are issued until a new parliament is voted in.


*Photo of Mansour courtesy of Cairo Scene Website

Israel's assaults on Gaza aim to control Palestinian offshore gas reserves

The Guardian
IDF's Gaza assault is to control Palestinian gas, avert Israeli energy crisis 
 
Israel's defence minister has confirmed that military plans to 'uproot Hamas' are about dominating Gaza's gas reserves
 
Wednesday July 9, 2014
 
Nafeez Ahmed
 

Yesterday, Israeli defence minister and former Israeli Defence Force (IDF) chief of staff Moshe Ya'alon announced that Operation Protective Edge marks the beginning of a protracted assault on Hamas. The operation "won't end in just a few days," he said, adding that "we are preparing to expand the operation by all means standing at our disposal so as to continue striking Hamas."
This morning, he said:
"We continue with strikes that draw a very heavy price from Hamas. We are destroying weapons, terror infrastructures, command and control systems, Hamas institutions, regime buildings, the houses of terrorists, and killing terrorists of various ranks of command… The campaign against Hamas will expand in the coming days, and the price the organization will pay will be very heavy."
But in 2007, a year before Operation Cast Lead, Ya'alon's concerns focused on the 1.4 trillion cubic feet of natural gas discovered in 2000 off the Gaza coast, valued at $4 billion. Ya'alon dismissed the notion that "Gaza gas can be a key driver of an economically more viable Palestinian state" as "misguided." The problem, he said, is that:
"Proceeds of a Palestinian gas sale to Israel would likely not trickle down to help an impoverished Palestinian public. Rather, based on Israel's past experience, the proceeds will likely serve to fund further terror attacks against Israel…
A gas transaction with the Palestinian Authority [PA] will, by definition, involve Hamas. Hamas will either benefit from the royalties or it will sabotage the project and launch attacks against Fatah, the gas installations, Israel – or all three… It is clear that without an overall military operation to uproot Hamas control of Gaza, no drilling work can take place without the consent of the radical Islamic movement."
Operation Cast Lead did not succeed in uprooting Hamas, but the conflict did take the lives of 1,387 Palestinians (773 of whom were civilians) and 9 Israelis (3 of whom were civilians).
Since the discovery of oil and gas in the Occupied Territories, resource competition has increasingly been at the heart of the conflict, motivated largely by Israel's increasing domestic energy woes.

Mark Turner, founder of the Research Journalism Initiative, reported that the siege of Gaza and ensuing military pressure was designed to "eliminate" Hamas as "a viable political entity in Gaza" to generate a "political climate" conducive to a gas deal. This involved rehabilitating the defeated Fatah as the dominant political player in the West Bank, and "leveraging political tensions between the two parties, arming forces loyal to Abbas and the selective resumption of financial aid."

Ya'alon's comments in 2007 illustrate that the Israeli cabinet is not just concerned about Hamas – but concerned that if Palestinians develop their own gas resources, the resulting economic transformation could in turn fundamentally increase Palestinian clout.

Meanwhile, Israel has made successive major discoveries in recent years - such as the Leviathan field estimated to hold 18 trillion cubic feet of natural gas – which could transform the country from energy importer into aspiring energy exporter with ambitions to supply Europe, Jordan and Egypt.

A potential obstacle is that much of the 122 trillion cubic feet of gas and 1.6 billion barrels of oil in the Levant Basin Province lies in territorial waters where borders are hotly disputed between Israel, Syria, Lebanon, Gaza and Cyprus.

Amidst this regional jockeying for gas, though, Israel faces its own little-understood energy challenges. It could, for instance, take until 2020 for much of these domestic resources to be properly mobilised.

But this is the tip of the iceberg. A 2012 letter by two Israeli government chief scientists – which the Israeli government chose not to disclose – warned the government that Israel still had insufficient gas resources to sustain exports despite all the stupendous discoveries. The letter, according to Ha'aretz, stated that Israel's domestic resources were 50% less than needed to support meaningful exports, and could be depleted in decades:
"We believe Israel should increase its [domestic] use of natural gas by 2020 and should not export gas. The Natural Gas Authority's estimates are lacking. There's a gap of 100 to 150 billion cubic meters between the demand projections that were presented to the committee and the most recent projections. The gas reserves are likely to last even less than 40 years!"
As Dr Gary Luft - an advisor to the US Energy Security Council - wrote in the Journal of Energy Security, "with the depletion of Israel's domestic gas supplies accelerating, and without an imminent rise in Egyptian gas imports, Israel could face a power crisis in the next few years… If Israel is to continue to pursue its natural gas plans it must diversify its supply sources."

Israel's new domestic discoveries do not, as yet, offer an immediate solution as electricity prices reach record levels, heightening the imperative to diversify supply. This appears to be behind Prime Minister Netanyahu's announcement in February 2011 that it was now time to seal the Gaza gas deal.

But even after a new round of negotiations was kick-started between the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority and Israel in September 2012, Hamas was excluded from these talks, and thus rejected the legitimacy of any deal.

Earlier this year, Hamas condemned a PA deal to purchase $1.2 billion worth of gas from Israel Leviathan field over a 20 year period once the field starts producing. Simultaneously, the PA has held several meetings with the British Gas Group to develop the Gaza gas field, albeit with a view to exclude Hamas – and thus Gazans – from access to the proceeds. That plan had been the brainchild of Quartet Middle East envoy Tony Blair.

But the PA was also courting Russia's Gazprom to develop the Gaza marine gas field, and talks have been going on between Russia, Israel and Cyprus, though so far it is unclear what the outcome of these have been. Also missing was any clarification on how the PA would exert control over Gaza, which is governed by Hamas.

According to Anais Antreasyan in the University of California's Journal of Palestine Studies, the most respected English language journal devoted to the Arab-Israeli conflict, Israel's stranglehold over Gaza has been designed to make "Palestinian access to the Marine-1 and Marine-2 gas wells impossible."

Israel's long-term goal "besides preventing the Palestinians from exploiting their own resources, is to integrate the gas fields off Gaza into the adjacent Israeli offshore installations." This is part of a wider strategy of:
"…. separating the Palestinians from their land and natural resources in order to exploit them, and, as a consequence, blocking Palestinian economic development. Despite all formal agreements to the contrary, Israel continues to manage all the natural resources nominally under the jurisdiction of the PA, from land and water to maritime and hydrocarbon resources."
For the Israeli government, Hamas continues to be the main obstacle to the finalisation of the gas deal. In the incumbent defence minister's words: "Israel's experience during the Oslo years indicates Palestinian gas profits would likely end up funding terrorism against Israel. The threat is not limited to Hamas… It is impossible to prevent at least some of the gas proceeds from reaching Palestinian terror groups."

The only option, therefore, is yet another "military operation to uproot Hamas."
Unfortunately, for the IDF uprooting Hamas means destroying the group's perceived civilian support base – which is why Palestinian civilian casualties massively outweigh that of Israelis. Both are obviously reprehensible, but Israel's capacity to inflict destruction is simply far greater.

In the wake of Operation Cast Lead, the Jerusalem-based Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (Pcati) found that the IDF had adopted a more aggressive combat doctrine based on two principles – "zero casualties" for IDF soldiers at the cost of deploying increasingly indiscriminate firepower in densely populated areas, and the "dahiya doctrine" promoting targeting of civilian infrastructure to create widespread suffering amongst the population with a view to foment opposition to Israel's opponents.

This was confirmed in practice by the UN fact-finding mission in Gaza which concluded that the IDF had pursued a "deliberate policy of disproportionate force," aimed at the "supporting infrastructure" of the enemy - "this appears to have meant the civilian population," said the UN report.

The Israel-Palestine conflict is clearly not all about resources. But in an age of expensive energy, competition to dominate regional fossil fuels are increasingly influencing the critical decisions that can inflame war.

Monday, June 30, 2014

Egypt's most hazardous jobs & professions

Mada Masr

Egypt’s most dangerous professions

June 2, 2014

Jano Charbel


With Egypt ranked the third deadliest country for journalists worldwide, making journalism an increasingly dangerous profession, it is not amongst the country’s deadliest occupations.

Egypt’s most hazardous and life-threatening professions have been and still remain: Mining and quarrying, cement and chemical industries, red brick manufacturing, construction and building works.

Six journalists have so far been shot dead, and several others injured, since the military-led ouster of the Mohamed Morsi regime on July 3. Several other journalists have been subjected to serious and debilitating injuries.

Tragic as they are, these casualty figures pale in comparison to those of other occupations that are far more life threatening and are less covered by media outlets.

There are no accurate or reliable statistics regarding the number of workplace injuries and fatalities nationwide, however, industrial safety inspectors estimate that hundreds of workers die on the job each year, while several thousands suffer from work-related injuries and illnesses, and many have to undergo the amputation of their limbs. However, these rough estimates may very well be understated.

There are numerous disturbing reports of workers being burnt alive, crushed under the weight of machinery, bleeding to death, falling to their demise, drowning, and a daily loss of workers’ lives in transportation accidents. An untold number of others are debilitated by work related injuries, or suffer slow deaths due to illnesses contracted in the workplace.

According to Gehad Abul Atta, professor of Industrial Safety at Qasr al-Aini University, “Employers are supposed to inform the Ministry of Manpower of all injuries or fatalities that take place at their companies. However, this typically does not happen.”

The professor claims that there are only rough statistics covering around two million workers from a total national workforce of 27 million. “We’re talking about a small sample of less than eight percent of the country’s laborers that we have statistics on.”

Fatma Ramadan, Industrial Safety inspector at the Ministry of Manpower’s Giza Bureau, explained, “We inspectors are understaffed and overstretched. We’re about one tenth of the inspectors needed to cover the whole governorate.”

“The figures that employers submit to us regarding workplace injuries and fatalities are often fabricated so as to avoid lawsuits, warning notices, fines, or the payment of compensations to their workforces,” said Ramadan.

The inspector added that employers often ignore the labor law and industrial safety codes, while providing less than the minimum in terms of protective gear and workplace safety measures.

“They know that they can bribe many underpaid inspectors to turn a blind eye to violations,” Ramadan added, “even if a court issues a verdict against employers, they know that there will be nobody to enforce it.”

Ramadan explained, “Inspectors aren’t aware of the actual or even approximate number of workplace injuries and deaths amongst registered companies operating within the public or private sectors, which we are capable of inspecting two times per year at the most.”

Inspectors have practically no idea of the scale of workplace casualties in the informal sector.

Egypt’s most dangerous industries are typically powered by precarious labor forces, and primarily operate within the informal sector of the economy — particularly in the brick-making, construction, mining and quarrying industries.

These uninspected informal sector works rely on uncontracted laborers or workers on short-term renewable contracts. Their employment policies relegate several million workers as part-time workers — even if they work fulltime.

However, both the public and private sectors also rely heavily on precarious laborers. These two sectors also include some of the most hazardous professions — building works, chemical and cement industries.

CEMENT

Cement companies based in Egypt are among the country’s foremost sources of industrial pollution, while also directly contributing to respiratory and other illnesses amongst their workers and neighboring populations.

Working at the Helwan Cement Company, operated under the umbrella of the privately-owned Italcementi Group, Omar Abu Zeid spoke of his contractual and health grievances working in the cement industry.

“Like tens of other workers at this company employed on part-time contracts, I am denied membership in the local union, denied insurance coverage, along with adequate hazard compensations for work related injuries. We have no right to the government’s minimum wage, we are given very little in terms of face masks or protective gear, or health care.”

For several decades, a wide range of illnesses has been afflicting Helwan’s residents and cement workers as a result of prolonged exposure to cement dust. Among these are a variety of respiratory illnesses, including bronchitis, nasal ulcers, silicosis, pleural membrane effusion, and lung cancers.

Long-term exposure to cement dust has been scientifically proven to contribute to the spread of these microscopic toxic particles within internal bodily systems — which may afflict the heart, stomach, liver, kidneys, colon, spleen, muscles and/or bones.

Mohamed Hamed, a former worker at the privately-owned, Greek-based Titan Cement Company/Alexandria Portland Cement Company, also spoke of contractual and health violations.

Hamed, who was the president of the local workers’ union at this company, was sacked from his job, along with all 14 other union committee members, for launching a strike and sit-in at the company, in February 2013.

The union was demanding improved wages and working conditions for the company’s employees. The company’s administration later fired a total of 180 workers for taking part in these industrial actions.

“Silicosis [a hardening of the lung tissues associated with cement dust inhalation] is very widespread amongst us,” said Hamed. “We were working in hazardous and life-threatening conditions in the factories, without proper ventilation,” he added.

“The company would provide us each with a flimsy mask once per week, this mask would usually fall apart by the end of the first day. They would only distribute proper masks and other protective gear amongst us when the industrial safety inspectors would come by,” Hamed said.

Hamed also spoke of workplace fatalities. He said his co-worker, Ahmad Awad, died a few years earlier when a load of limestone blocks crashed down on him from a machine. Another worker, Ashraf Abdel Hameed, has his leg severed inside a cement mixer.

According to Hamed, the family of the deceased worker was given compensation amounting to LE20,000, while the amputee was given compensation of LE10,000.

According to Ramadan, “Employers often blame the victims of industrial accidents in cases of either injury or death, accusing them of negligence. Sometimes adequate compensations are paid, but often times not.”

Hamed went on to state that an elderly worker, Reda Mahmoud, was amongst the 180 workers sacked for striking.

He explained, “This old man had been suffering from serious respiratory illnesses for several years, and was paying LE900 per month for medical treatment. While he was employed at Titan, most of his medical fees were paid by the company, yet after being fired they washed their hands of him.”

Reda had to shoulder his entire medical bill after he was fired. His bills grew and so did his illnesses. He died of silicosis five months ago.

“Symptoms of occupational illnesses and work related diseases associated with the cement and chemical industries may take several years before they become clear symptoms,” said Ramadan.

With a population of around 30,000, residents of the Wadi al-Qamar neighborhood in Alexandria — adjacent to the Titan Cement Company — have filed a lawsuit against the company and its pollution, calling for its relocation. The ongoing case is being heard before the Administrative Court.

The majority of public sector cement companies were privatized and sold to foreign companies in the 1990s.

One of the most hazardous and polluting industries worldwide was granted governmental clearance in April to become an even greater source of pollution and industrial hazards, through the approval of coal imports to power this highly profitable industry.

The Ministry of Manpower has not opposed the import and use of coal in the cement industry, despite objections from the Ministries of Environment, Tourism and Health.

The additional health and environmental impacts of the cement industry’s coal burning — on hundreds of thousands of cement workers and millions of local residents — is yet to be determined.
BRICK WORKERS

Like cement factories, red brick factories are amongst Egypt’s most highly polluting industries. They are also amongst the most dangerous workplaces nationwide.

Terrifying accounts of workers being burnt alive, suffering broken bones and respiratory illnesses, and dying in transportation accidents have emerged from these small factories. Approximately one million workers may be seasonally employed in this industry.

Around 1,000 of these red brick factories and workshops are located in south-eastern Cairo and southern Giza; an estimated 200,000 brick workers are employed in this area.

From the district of Al-Saff, worker Reda Abdel Latif said, “Other than brick making, we have few job opportunities here.” He spoke of relatively high wages in this industry which could reach around LE1,500 per month. “But it’s back breaking work, he says. “It makes your life shorter.” Each working shift lasts between eight to 15 hours. Often it is also fatal work. 

Abdel Latif described the work-related fatalities of a number of his co-workers, and similar accounts from other factories. “The most dangerous job in the factory is the brick baker or oven stoker.”

“They stand on a wooden plank positioned over a deep pit leading down into the oven,” where temperatures reach over 900 Degrees Celsius.

Overcome by heat or physical exertion, several of these workers have lost their balance, and their lives in the process. “They fall into the pit or oven, by the time the furnace burners are turned off, and we are able to descend to retrieve the body we find it has been reduced to ashes. There remains no body for us to hand over to his family, only a cupful of ashes.”

The Ministry of Manpower does not inspect these brick factories, as they are usually not registered with it, and operate within the informal sector.

Abdel Latif added that workers in these brick factories are frequently subjected to life-threatening injuries, which often result in the amputation of fingers, toes and limbs. Heavy loads of bricks are carried on workers’ shoulders, and often collapse upon the physically exhausted worker bearing them.

Other commonplace injuries in these factories include: Superficial burns, spinal injuries, silicosis, and other respiratory illnesses linked to inhaling furnace fumes and burning diesel.

Several thousand children are reportedly employed in these factories as assistants; they are typically overworked and paid less than their adult co-workers.

Transportation accidents to and from these little factories are a near-daily occurrence. Many workers have been injured, debilitated or killed in accidents. Workers, like bricks, are transported in the backs of pickup trucks.

Ramadan explained that, “According to Egyptian legislation, workers who are casualties of traffic accidents are not officially classified as work-related casualties — unless they were being transported in a company bus or other company-owned vehicle.”


QUARRIES
 

As is the case with the red brick industry, most deaths in Egypt’s hilly quarrying grounds are associated with transportation accidents.

According to Hossam Wasfi, of the “Better Life” NGO — an independent group which works to improve the lives of workers in the limestone quarries of Minya Governorate — recorded deaths amongst these workers has decreased since 2011, when the quarry workers established their own independent labor union.

Wasfi commented that in 2013, his NGO had recorded six fatalities amongst workers, down from 20 to 30 fatalities per year in 2010.

However, Wasfi clarified that “these are only the reported and recorded cases of fatalities amongst the quarries of Minya, many more go unreported.” Numerous injuries also go unreported.

“Injuries had also decreased as a result of increased unionization and increased awareness amongst the workers,” he said. Yet many of these injuries often involve the amputations of limbs.

An estimated 40,000 laborers are employed in the isolated quarries of al-Minya – the two local hospitals are not equipped to deal with the life-threatening injuries affecting these workers. They are usually transported to hospitals in the Governorate of Assiut, located around 150 kilometers south of Minya.

“Injured workers often die along the way from bleeding. Amputation is required in many of these cases because the injured worker arrives later than his limb can be salvaged.

Life threatening injuries occur to adult and child laborers alike.

In a previous visit to Minya’s quarries, 17-year-old Mustafa Akef pulled his galabiya up to his waist and displayed 13 stitches along his right leg. He was deeply cut when a fragment of a stone-cutting saw broke off a power tool and flew into his leg.  

According to Yasser Fouad, president of the Independent Union of Minya’s Quarry Workers, around 5,000 child laborers are employed in Minya’s quarries out of a total of some 45,000 workers.

“The most serious injuries happen to the mechanical saw operators. This is the most dangerous job in the quarries,” said Fouad. The union leader commented that child laborers are usually employed in clearing the ground ahead of the sawing process.

Wasfi explained that injuries and fatalities had decreased due to awareness regarding the hazards of wearing a galabiya while operating the quarrying machines. “The saw catches on the edge of the galabiya and pulls the worker into its teeth.”

The breakdown and maintenance of mechanical saws and other power tools has been attributed to the most serious injuries in Minya’s quarries.

Fouad and Wasfi commented that other common injuries include spinal injuries, broken bones, respiratory illnesses, silicosis, eye injuries and infections from the plumes of limestone dust, and hearing loss and electric shocks associated with the operation of heavy machinery.

According to Fouad, “cheap and primitive machinery is used in the quarrying. Employers do not provide their workers with any protective gear.”

Indeed, only a few quarry workers could be seen wearing safety goggles, facial masks, or boots.
“We don’t receive any inspections from the Ministry of Manpower in these hills, as these quarries are part of the informal sector. We are left to fend for our own rights.”

Similarly dangerous working conditions are prevalent in the country’s granite and marble quarries, along with a few informal mines that are operated within the informal sector.

A lack of safety equipment or protective gear is evident amongst construction workers, who can be seen hanging off buildings on shoddy scaffolding, usually with no helmets or harnesses.

Tens of these construction and scaffolding workers are reported to plummet from great heights to their deaths, many others are permanently disabled in collapses.


*Photos by Jano Charbel

Friday, May 31, 2013

Cairo activists protest against Monsanto

Daily News Egypt

Cairo participates in global protests against Monsanto

 




Egyptians took to the streets Saturday afternoon as part of a global protest against the agricultural biotech company Monsanto and their genetically modified (GM) crops. The protest is aimed at raising awareness surrounding Monsanto’s aggressive business practices and growing concerns of potentially adverse side-effects GM crops may have on humans.

Dozens of people appeared in front of the Ministry of Agriculture in Dokki, Cairo, to protest Monsanto crops. The participants expressed worry that Monsanto could seriously harm Egyptian farmers, although the aim of the protest was a global show of defiance against the multinational corporation.

Ahmed Hisham, a member of the Revolutionary Socialists, said the group was participating because they demand the suspension for any and all Monsanto-related activities in Egypt. They are also calling on the government to stop importing Monsanto seeds.

Monsanto’s patented GM seeds account for roughly 90% of the US seed market, according to the Egyptian Centre for Economic and Social Rights (ECESR) and as per their patent, retain the rights to any second or third-generation plants and seeds.

As a result of these rights, countless farmers in the US have faced lawsuits after GM crops spread into their fields, carried by the wind and birds, forcing them to pay a settlement or face lengthy and costly court battles against the multi-billion dollar company for infringing on their patents.

ECESR said in a statement that if such crops are allowed to continue, “Soon every farmer in the world will be forced to buy seeds from seed breeding companies, thus controlling the fate of the global food market.”

Monsanto seeds are genetically modified to withstand different conditions, depending on the client’s demands. The most common traits are pest-resistant strains such as the Mon 810, which excretes a protein Monsanto claims only harms insects from the Lepidoptera order: butterflies and moths.

ECESR said eating GM crops affects human genes, making the human immunity system weak against disease. “In an experiment conducted on mice which were fed hybrid and genetically modified potatoes, the scientists observed a change in their DNA structure and following generations became very weak and very sick,” ECESR said. “In fact, this is what happens with humans.”

Several studies, however, have brought into question whether or not the proteins excreted by the plants are also harmful to other species. Some studies have concluded that the proteins may also have an effect on bees, crucial for cross-pollination, and small mammals such as rats, although there is currently no evidence which conclusively establishes or rules out negative effects on humans.

The Revolutionary Socialists released a statement on Saturday in which they accused the Ministry of Agriculture of ignoring the warnings of genetically modified products by pursuing genetic engineering and allowing Monsanto “to continue destroying the health of the Egyptian people.”

“Monsanto has been operating in Egypt without consulting us,” ECESR said, referring to Monsanto’s GM corn produced in Egypt since 2008.


Monsanto has been involved in several lawsuits against farmers in the US and corruption chargers. In 2005 it was fined $1.5m for bribing an Indonesian official to silence a study on the environmental impact of its genetically modified cotton strains.

Earlier in May, the non-governmental organisation Food and Water Watch (FWW) released a report in which it highlighted how the US State Department aggressively pursues the biotech food industry’s agenda by imposing the “policy objectives of the largest biotech seed companies on often sceptical or resistant governments and public, and exemplifies thinly veiled diplomacy.”

The report analysed 926 diplomatic cables between the State Department and embassies and discovered the embassies were pushed to pressure foreign lawmakers to accept American seeds and to pressure governments, lobbyists and the public to accept GM crops.

One of Monsanto’s claims, defended by the US government, is that the crops are more resistant to herbicides such as glyphosate and less herbicide would be needed to maintain crops.

According to FWW, a study done in 2012 found the use of such herbicides had actually increased; pointing out that glyphosate is proven to have a negative effect on animals and the environment, causing highly abnormal deformities and neurological problems in vertebrates.

The increase in herbicide use is believed to be tied to a growing number of hyper-resistant weeds, the emergence of which is believed to be connected to the GM crops.

Another claim made by the US government and the biotech industry is that GM crops are highly regulated and safe for consumption. FWW was critical of this claim, saying that in most cases the biotech industry self-regulates when it comes to the safety of genetically engineered foods.

This is a result of a decision made by the US Food and Drug Administration in 1992 which allows biotech companies to certify their own products without any safety-testing on the government’s part.
In 2008 Egypt, South Africa and Burkina Faso were the only countries using GM crops in Africa.

FWW said the State Department has actively tried to promote pro-biotech rules and laws in Africa.
“To stop this human massacre, Egyptians will participate in a march against Monsanto,” ECESR said.

“If the dark-side of globalisation rests within the power of giant corporations across international boundaries, the bright-side is global popular movements based on solidarity among the people.”

Other protests against Monsanto took place simultaneously in over 35 countries, in more than 100 cities.


Wednesday, February 29, 2012

Attempts to unionize one of Egypt's most dangerous professions

Egypt Independent
In the dangerous profession of brick-making, talk of organizing

February 13, 2012

Jano Charbel




About 1 million workers employed in Egypt’s brick-manufacturing industry face constant threats of unemployment, exploitation, serious injury, illness and even death. This informal-sector industry relies exclusively on temporary and seasonally employed laborers who have no unions or insurance policies to protect their interests.

But some advocates hope that will change soon.

A conference last weekend organized by the Italian development organization COSPE and a number of Egyptian civil society organizations highlighted the plight of these manual laborers, promoted fair and safe working conditions, and helped them unionize their ranks. Representatives of the brick workers, along with trade union federations, labor lawyers, NGOs and employers, participated in this conference. Although the organization invited governmental authorities, none attended.

The conference focused on the neighborhoods of Saff and Desamy, which have the highest concentrations of red brick manufacturing nationwide. About a thousand red brick factories and workshops are located in this area of southeastern Cairo, and they employ more than 200,000 workers.

“There are no real job opportunities in Saff except for brick-making,” said Reda Abdel Latif, a worker. “In these factories, we are subjected to life-threatening injuries, which often lead to limb amputations.”

Abdel Latif said that “workers in this back-breaking industry toil under the scorching heat of the sun and brick furnaces, and exposure to near-freezing temperatures at night.”

Another brick worker from Saff, Hany Atta, said rampant child labor in the industry means that thousands of children are deprived of their educations.

“They risk their lives and sacrifice their schooling in order to financially assist their families,” Atta said.

He said workers are frequently debilitated in workplace and transport accidents, and are thus “put out of service, or rendered jobless for the remainder of their lives.”

Atta said nearly all brick workers suffer from burns, back injuries and respiratory illnesses associated with inhaling burning diesel and furnace fumes. On average, workers toil for eight to 15 hours per day in these factories.

“In comparison to other forms of manual labor, we are able to generate a decent amount of income from these factories. Yet this comes at the expense of our health. It’s the kind of work that cuts your life short,” Atta said.

Abdel Azim Younis, a brick worker from Desamy, said that while these factories provide money for their workers, there is no job stability, no contracts, no unions, no health insurance and no pensions. Younis added that because they burn diesel and rarely use filters in their chimneys, these factories produce tremendous amounts of pollution, which harms the environment as well as the health of workers and nearby residents.

“We brick workers are expendable capital in the eyes of the employers. If one of us dies, or is injured and unable to work, there are thousands of other workers waiting in line to take our jobs,” Younis explained. “Our production is vital to the building, construction, housing and real estate industries, yet we have no rights.”

Another worker from Desamy, Shaaban Saeed, said that “on average, a brick worker is employed in this industry only until the age of 40 or 45. His body breaks down shortly after this age, and he is no longer able to work in this industry or in any other manual labor for the rest of his short life.” Saeed argued that brick workers receive very low wages in light of their physically draining labor.

Saeed, Younis, Atta and Abdel Latif, along with a host of other brick workers, agreed on the necessity of establishing labor unions in these factories with the goal of improving working conditions, decreasing working hours and/or increasing wages, along with providing workers with contracts, health insurance and pensions.

Intisar Badr, an NGO coordinator involved with the Defending Workers’ Rights initiative, said in terms of environmental and safety standards, the brick-manufacturing industry has not developed and working conditions have not improved in decades. A small minority of these factories have moved to using natural gas instead of diesel, while a few others have installed filters in their chimneys.

“There is stringent resistance from employers regarding workers’ attempts to unionize or organize themselves,” Badr said.

Despite the rise of independent trade unionism since the January 25 revolution, a number of NGO representatives said employers are likely to fire workers who attempt to organize within these brick factories.

Factory owner Qadry Mohamed, who attended the conference, said he sympathized with his workers because they have many grievances.

“I would like to establish an insurance policy for my workers so that they have a safety net to fall on in case they are injured,” Mohamed said.

But he expressed reluctance of establishing a workers’ union within his factory.

“We understand and support the workers’ demands, but the workers also have to understand that such organizations would pressure us beyond our means,” Mohamed said.

Mohamed said the factory is barely making a profit because of rising diesel prices and other expenses, and that such pressure could force the company to shut down or sell off its factories. He pays each worker LE50 for a full day, which averages 10 hours, he said.

Labor lawyer Malek Adly described attempts to unionize brick workers as “a steep uphill struggle, especially if their struggle lacks legal and media support.”

“There is no enforcement of labor legislation with which to protect workers’ rights in the informal sector of the economy,” Adly said.

The lawyer said this roundtable conference was unlikely to lead immediately to the establishment of any unions in these factories, “but it can serve to raise awareness, and to produce labor leaders who could then lead this struggle.”


*Photo courtesy of Ahmed el-Gamal

Labor unrest in Egypt's largest gold mine

Egypt Independent
Workers continue to protest at Sukari gold mine

Tue, 07/02/2012

Jano Charbel


The Sukari Gold Mine, Egypt's largest and oldest, has been witnessing numerous acts of labor unrest amidst allegations of corruption, smuggling and other controversies.

Located in the southeast of the country some 30 km away from the Red Sea City of Marsa Alam, this massive gold-mining project has been rocked by numerous industrial actions since the 25 January Revolution — including work-stoppages, slow-down strikes, hunger strikes and protests, along with the blocking of roads leading to and from the mine.

Most recently, the mine's two main entrances/exits have intermittently been blocked by tens of protesting workers since late January. Workers employed at this mine claim that they are being systematically exploited by the administration, are being punitively sacked, and are denied their basic labor rights.

"All production has been brought to a halt at the Sukari Gold Mine. There is an ongoing strike and sit-in of all workers within the mine. This open-ended strike has been going on for four days now — since 3 February," said Mohamed Hamed, Deputy Director of the Marsa Alam Youth Center for Development.

The General Manager of the Sukari Corporation, Esmat al-Raghy, posted a notice on 3 February announcing that the workers' demands are still being investigated and will be looked into over the course of the next 15 days.

Quoting a worker within the mine, Hamed added, "A delegation from the Ministry of Manpower's bureau in Hurghada visited the mine on Monday, but makes no promises regarding the realization of workers' demands. The workers are seeking concessions from Egyptian Mineral Resource Authority (EMRA) and/or the Ministry of Petroleum."

Meanwhile, Raghy reportedly "threatened the workers with dismissal, and also threatened to enforce a lock-out throughout the mine." Furthermore, he "called on the armed forces to take over the operations in the Sukari mine," Hamed added.

Workers find these labor grievances hard to understand in light of claims that Sukari is among the ten largest gold mines in the world, with deposits estimated at US$20 billion. It produces around eight to nine tons of gold each year and, according to the EMRA, has potential for increased production.

Centamin Egypt, the chief company managing the mine since 2007, is an Australian mineral exploration and mining company. Centamin commenced operations in 2009 and currently employs some 1,150 workers within the mine, while over 3,000 others are employed by its subsidiary companies outside the mine. Employment policies of these subsidiary companies, particularly the Pharaoh Gold Mine Company and the Sukari Corporation, are the purported cause of labor unrest both inside and outside the mine.

"Workers at the mine typically work 12-hour shifts, in one of the most dangerous and physically-exerting occupations," said Ahmed Fahimi, an industrial safety specialist who was fired from his job two months ago. "Although the vast majority of workers are working full-time and even overtime, very few have signed any contracts."

According to Fahimi, the subsidiary companies’ management has refused to provide their workers with full-time contracts, have not paid overdue bonuses, do not provide adequate insurance for their workers, and deny workers the right to organize themselves in unions or leagues.

Fahimi, along with other workers, claims that the management of these subsidiary companies are "interlinked businesses controlled by the Raghy Family."

Adding that the company boards are characterized by "nepotism, punitive and arbitrary sackings of workers, illegitimate profiteering and smuggling along with administrative and financial corruption … anybody who asks for their rights, or stands up against the administration's abuses can expect to be fired with no compensation whatsoever," Fahimi said.

Raghy declined to answer questions regarding employment policies, environmental standards or industrial actions at the mining project. Raghy said, "I cannot comment, as information previously disclosed has been distorted in the media."

Workers at the mine claim they have been threatened with dismissal if they speak with the media.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, a worker employed at the Sukari Corporation said: "We demand eight-hour work shifts instead of the 12-hour shifts that they force us to work each day." Other demands include full-time contracts, the payment of overdue bonuses, the reinstatement of all workers who were punitively sacked, safer working conditions, health insurance and subsidized housing near the project, or at least housing compensation money.

"There is no job security, we are subject to dismissal upon notice, and we haven't received any of the bonuses we were promised years ago when we first started working here," the anonymous worker added.

There had been a preliminary agreement to reinstate fired workers in another operating company — the Capital company — rather than the Pharaoh Gold Mine or the Sukari Corporation from which they were sacked. However, this agreement has not been implemented in light of the ongoing strike.

Since "only a few contracts" have been signed by workers employed at the mine, the rest are deemed to be temporary workers and thus are not granted insurance policies or the right to establish a legally recognized trade union.

Monthly wages for workers at the Sukari Gold Mine are said to range from LE1,300 to 2,000 (around US$235-360), while the wages of engineers and specialists range from LE2,000 to LE7,000 (around US$360-1,270). While these wages are well above average incomes in Egypt, workers toil for the equivalent of nearly two shifts each day, doing physically demanding labor while being exposed to scorching heat and near-freezing nights.

According to Fahimi, industrial accidents in the mine happen almost on a daily basis.

"Dust inhalation from extraction and processing have resulted in respiratory illnesses amongst the workers, while pits and falling rocks have resulted in serious injuries, broken bones, and even some work-related deaths."

He added that "an accident involving a cyanide spill could claim the lives of tens, or even hundreds, of workers."

Regarding environmental hazards, Fahimi stated: "While cyanide is used in a number of operations within the mine, the companies seem to be abiding by Egyptian environmental standards."

Fahimi pointed out that "while the companies claim that the cyanide used is not seeping down into the groundwater, other industrial chemicals have been spilled and have in fact seeped into the groundwater." He claimed that three years ago, around six tons of hydrochloric acid was spilled in an industrial accident, and "no authority was informed — it was their dirty secret."

The mining operations consume tremendous amounts of water drawn from the nearby Red Sea.

"The mining project has harmed the environment, but it has harmed the health and well-being of its workers even more. This mine should bring prosperity, but instead its gold is being smuggled outside the mine and even outside the country," Hamed said.

"We have acted as mediators," along with the mayor of Marsa Alam City, "and have sought to re-instate 24 workers sacked from the different companies operating in the mine," Hamed added.

Like Fahimi, Hamed claimed that "nepotism and favoritism are the norm within the administrations, along with profiteering from illegal activities." Last month, however, Minister of Petroleum Abdullah Ghorab, along with authorities from EMRA, denied that any gold smuggling from the Sukari Mine had taken place.

Centamin began operating in Egypt in 1995, and the Sukari Gold Mine is its chief operation in the country. The mine spans an area of 160 square kilometers. This land was leased to Centamin with an operating license from EMRA for a period of 30 years. This license is subject to renewal for another 30 years.

Completed by 2007, the mining works cost Centamin US$216 million to construct; its operations began by first quarter of 2009. Centamin’s annual expenditures in the Sukari Gold Mine amount to US$365 million. The Egyptian State imposes a three percent tax on its production for a period of 15 years. In 2010, Egypt earned US$10 million from gold production from this royalty fee with Centamin.

Saturday, November 19, 2011

Egypt: Protesters killed in clashes with security forces

The Guardian
Egyptian protesters killed in clashes with security forces

Sunday 13 November 2011

Jack Shenker


Clashes between Egyptian security forces and protesters have left at least two civilians dead, following major demonstrations across the country.

In Damietta, a port town where the Nile meets the Mediterranean, the army used force to break up mass protests on Sunday which had brought the city to a standstill for several days. Local news reports indicated that at least two protesters were killed and 11 others injured during the violence. Witnesses told the Guardian that the death toll was considerably higher, but this could not be independently confirmed.

"The situation is very dangerous," said Shaaban ElBadahy, a teacher in Damietta. "Protesters have closed off all the ports and roads in the district and no one can enter or leave the city."

Residents were protesting against newly unveiled plans to expand the production of fertiliser in the area. An existing Egyptian-Canadian factory has been blamed for a series of environmental disasters including the depletion of local fish stocks, but its owners insist that they meet all relevant safety standards.

In Aswan, police used teargas against protesters angry over the killing of a local boat captain, who was shot dead by a police officer following an argument last week. Amid claims that protesters might try and shut down the power supply running from the Aswan dam to the rest of the country, the authorities declared a curfew and stepped up the security presence in Egypt's southern-most city.

The latest wave of violence adds further pressure on the military junta ahead of this month's parliamentary elections, with opposition to the ruling generals seemingly beginning to spread beyond Cairo and Alexandria and into rural areas.

On Sunday military prosecutors renewed the detention of two high-profile political prisoners, triggering further protests in the capital.

Alaa Abd El Fattah, a leading revolutionary figurehead, had his detention renewed for a further 15 days, meaning it is likely he will miss the birth of his first child who is due imminently. Maikel Nabil, a blogger who has now been on hunger strike for over 80 days, had his retrial adjourned to 27 November 27th and will remain in jail until then.

On Sunday evening demonstrators gathered at Cairo's Qasr el-Nil bridge over the Nile to express their rejection of the junta. The bridge was the location for one of the most significant street battles between protesters and police during the anti-Mubarak uprising earlier this year, and has become synonymous with revolutionary victory by the people over the security forces.

*Photo courtesy of Amr Nabil/Associated Press