TINY countries can be just as hard to govern as big ones. In 2009 Britain ended decades of self-rule and re-established direct control over the Turks and Caicos Islands, one of its five remaining Caribbean possessions, after the territory’s premier, Michael Misick, was forced to resign amid allegations of corruption. The following three years of receivership were supposed to yield a cleaner and more efficient government. But the islands are having a hard time putting their past behind them. They are set to hold an election for 15 of the 19 seats in the House of Assembly on December 15th. A resurgent Mr Misick is confident of winning one.
The former premier fled to Brazil following an inquiry by Robin Auld, a retired British judge, which found that he enjoyed a “Hollywood lifestyle” financed with “a high probability of systemic corruption”. Facing charges at home, he was extradited at the start of 2014; he kissed the ground on his return, but was then arrested, charged and released on bail. His trial started a year ago, and will run well into 2017.
Mr Misick is accused of offences including selling Crown land to developers for less than its true value. The prosecution also says companies affiliated with Sandals, a Jamaican hotel chain that received tax concessions and bought land for resort developments on the island, made payments to Mr Misick and his associates. The company has confirmed that the transactions occurred, but without the knowledge or consent of its principals, and has taken legal action against the former executive responsible. Mr Misick and his co-defendants deny all the charges against them.
A highly public trial for alleged corruption might be enough to sink a politician’s electoral hopes in many places, but the tiny Turks and Caicos do not appear to be among them. Mr Misick’s brother, Washington, is finance minister; his nephew, Don Hue Gardiner, is immigration minister. Because the franchise is limited to “belongers”—essentially the native-born—there are around 7,700 voters, less than a quarter of the population. One elector in 150 is standing as a candidate.
Even assuming that Mr Misick wins a seat, he does not have an obvious path back to power. He is running as an independent member of the ruling Progressive National Party (PNP), but without the approval of Rufus Ewing, who succeeded him as its leader and is the current premier. Still, the PNP only enjoys a one-seat majority. In the event of a hung parliament, Mr Misick could become a kingmaker.
With non-ideological parties, the campaign so far has been mostly fluff. Any substance has focused on corruption and on the territory’s relationship with its parent country. Even after self-rule was restored, a governor appointed from London has maintained important reserve powers. But with a blend of Caribbean and North American lifestyles and the dollar as the national currency, the Turks and Caicos have few emotional links with Britain.
Mr Misick supports independence, though he did not push for it when in office. Mr Ewing has also called for a constitutional referendum, seeking greater local authority over Crown land and the police. In general, Britain has allowed overseas possessions to vote on independence and separate. But for those that choose to remain under its sovereignty, it has insisted on retaining enough powers to ensure reasonably effective administration.
Mr Ewing says “the blame should be laid squarely at the feet of the British government” for failing in its responsibility for “maintaining and highlighting good governance”. But it was under direct rule that the territory received a British loan guarantee that stabilised loose public finances, and that a Special Investigation and Prosecution Team amassed enough evidence in Mr Misick’s case to bring charges. The islands’ leaders and voters would be wise to think carefully about what they wish for.
