Area man to apply for job with police

Policing and justice devolution moves one step closer, as the commander of the Northern Alliance sallies forth:

Alliance Party Council last night recommended that Leader David Ford can now nominate a candidate for Justice Minister. Party Council agreed that the two conditions which Alliance raised have now been met. Sinn Fein and the DUP have agreed on the community relations strategy and genuine progress has been made on agreeing a Justice Department policy programme.

Everyone expects that this candidate will be Fordy himself. He’s senior, he’s got a certain amount of gravitas, nobody doubts his ability and, most importantly, he’ll be able to command support in the required cross-community vote in the Assembly. By virtue of being the least offensive possible candidate, there’s no better man for the job.

And yet… Fordy? An Alliance man? A liberal? From listening to the pensioners on the bus, they don’t want a liberal in charge of policing. They want somebody who looks the part, somebody who you really believe is going to beat the crap out of the hoods. They want Dirty Harry. And, while Fordy has the inestimable advantage of not being Monica McWilliams, nobody would ever mistake him for Dirty Harry.

I think Sinn Féin have missed a trick here. It’s true that they forswore the job of justice minister, figuring that the prospect of Alex Maskey or Gerry Kelly in the post would cause unionists to have conniptions. But there’s nothing to stop them nominating someone from outside the party, and if a loophole could be found that would allow a nominee from outside the Assembly, that would provide an opportunity to advance all-Ireland politics. There’s a man in Limerick who’s between jobs right now, and his no-nonsense approach might be right up the DUP’s street…

Rud eile: Hot off the press, Eddie McGrady has finally announced his retirement. God knows, Margaret has been waiting long enough for a run at the South Down seat.

Peelers plead poverty

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Let’s take a brief look at the peelers today. First, there’s been this big kick-up about the Sped scheme. For the uninitiated, Sped stands for Special Purchase of Evacuated Dwellings, and is a scheme whereby people who have been intimidated out of their homes have these homes bought by the government, and are then given the money to resettle. It’s a very Norn Iron scheme in that it does fulfil a useful function for people in dire straits, but it’s also wide open to scamming. It was well known during the Troubles that some RUC officers would quite cynically apply for rehousing money to boost them up the property ladder.

Anyway, it seems that around seventy people have been waiting in limbo to be rehoused, because several months ago the Sped kitty ran dry. This must have been known about, at least in the Department for Social Development, but nobody seems to have regarded this as a matter requiring attention. That was until this last week, when it became apparent that there was a cop on the rehousing list, who was having a hard time of it while waiting to be rehoused. All of a sudden, social development minister Margaret Ritchie and finance minister Sammy Wilson were falling over themselves to get the fund replenished. Well, if that’s what it takes to get things moving…

Elsewhere, the invaluable Newton Emerson was taking on the subject of the enormous police budget. The peelers are currently putting on the poor mouth as a result of having to make savings of £17 million out of their £1.2 billion annual funding. A few highlights from Newt’s deconstruction:

The PSNI feels aggrieved because it is already cutting long-term spending at the Treasury’s request.

Nevertheless, an organisation of this size that cannot save another 1.4 per cent has its wire stretched pretty thinly indeed.

To see how stretched, you need to examine the PSNI’s annual report…

It includes such budget items as £30m for compensation and injury awards, £11 million for “agency services (other)” and £15.8m for “supplies, catering and publications”.

Essex Police claims to have saved £11 million in a year through tackling trivial expenditure, leading to The Daily Mail headline ‘Police force puts 239 new officers on the beat by cutting down on tea and biscuits’.

Perhaps similar parsimony would yield similar results here. But the PSNI believes it is cutting down on the tea and biscuits quite enough already…

Overtime and the size of the full-time reserve have been cut by a third in the past three years and hiring new community police support officers has been postponed for the next three years but pay and pension levels are seemingly sacrosanct. In fact, the PSNI is still budgeting for annual rises of 2.5 per cent for officers and 4 per cent for civilian staff. Why are even modest cuts in police pay so completely out of the question? Inflation is now zero and wages have outpaced inflation for years.

With nearly 10,000 applicants for 440 posts this year, meeting all the Patten requirements for improved representation, there is no issue with attracting recruits.

A 3.2 per cent across the board cut would save £17m, protect jobs and services and leave everyone no worse off than they were in 2007.

There is no need to impose even this slight reduction on rank-and-file officers and civilian staff. A cut could be skewed heavily towards senior management, who are absurdly overpaid.

The chief constable makes £184,000 a year, or half as much again as the secretary general of the United Nations. This does not include a house, car, pension and expenses. Dozens of other uniformed and civilian PSNI managers earn six-figure sums. This week The Belfast Telegraph uncovered details of an additional £100,000 bonus scheme for the PSNI’s eight most senior staff. Information on further bonus schemes is being withheld under the increasingly useful Data Protection Act. There is no evidence whatsoever that these schemes are required to attract or retain qualified people.

Amen to that. Actually, given the fact that only a 1.4% cut in total expenditure is being asked for, you wouldn’t even need to cut headline pay – a slightly more parsimonious line on compo and overtime would do the trick. But then, the Norn Iron cops wouldn’t know parsimony if it was handed to them on a china plate with tartare sauce. And there’s a big section of our political spectrum which believes the peelers should get whatever resources they ask for.

Finally, there’s the ongoing row about the closure of stations. I’m not going to get into the trouble in Short Strand that followed the Provos’ celebration of the closure of Mountpottinger barracks, save to wonder whether Short Strand’s policing needs really require an enormous Fort Apache-style construction in an area with an acute housing shortage. The point is the reaction of the unionists. Let’s leave aside the Fermanagh unionists, who are professing to be much exercised by the dissident threat and who reckon that the Israeli “separation barrier” is an example of best practice when it comes to porous borders. Much deeper into the north, you can see evidence of the common unionist belief that every hole in the hedge needs to have a fortified barracks.

There was a fascinating example of this in the Newtownards Chronicle the other week, where local DUP MLA Simon Hamilton was brandishing a leaked Policing Board document naming a number of rural stations that have been earmarked for possible closure. Many of these stations, located in tiny villages with virtually no crime, are only vestigially manned, and local folks are aware that you’ve a better chance of finding a cop down the Chinese than at the station. Nonetheless, Simon reckons this to be a threat to a vital public service.

Counterposed to this was the technocratic argument from acting Chief Constable Judith Gillespie, who posited that the physical infrastructure of policing in the north was a hangover from the Troubles and not really suited to modern policing. Specifically, she said that there were too many stations, they were too big and they were in the wrong places. By offloading some of its surplus real estate, she reckoned, you could have a more mobile and responsive police force while staying within budgetary restrictions. Simon, however, was having none of it.

Actually, Simon Hamilton’s whole approach to this issue is illustrative of the common unionist position, that they want to be British, and for the British state to lavish them with goodies, but they don’t want to pay for it. A common conversation might go like this:

Unionist: We have to keep the RUC Reserve.
You: Who’s going to pay for it?
Unionist: Don’t care.

And so the Chronicle debate could be summed up along similar lines.

Simon: See these police stations in Killyleagh and Saintfield? We need to keep them open, and fully manned forbye.
Judith: Our budgetary settlement won’t allow for that.
Simon: Don’t care.

Of course, nationalist politicians have a similar attitude. They just have different priorities.

Not exactly the Sweeney…

Here’s a lovely little vignette from yesterday’s Andytown News, subsequently picked up on Talk Back. It isn’t very significant in the scheme of things, but it does add a little colour.

The gist of the story is that Broadway woman Deirdre Morrison got a phone call at seven in the morning on Wednesday. It turned out to be the police. Apparently they had got a report that there was a dead body lying in the street, and they wanted Deirdre to go and take a look at it. She initially thought the caller was taking the hand, but it turned out that it was in fact Woodbourne barracks and their request was quite serious. Luckily, when she went out and took a look, it turned out it was just some woman passed out drunk.

“The cop seemed relieved when I said it was just someone drunk. A couple of minutes later an ambulance and police patrol arrived,” she added.

“But it was really cheeky of them to ask me to do their job. Imagine if it had been a dead body, I would have been traumatised. This has just proved to me that the cops are incompetent and lazy.”

Actually, when I first heard this I too thought it might have been a joke. But no, the cops have admitted it happened. Which is all too plausible, in fact. Here’s the conclusion of Ciarán Barnes’ article:

The Broadway dead body debacle is not the first time the PSNI has found itself caught up in a self-inflicted farce. During the summer officers refused to chase vandals over a fence because of “health and safety issues”, while in January they refused to respond to an emergency call in case they were attacked with snowballs.

One might add the peeler who was quoted last week as blaming the credit crunch for an upsurge of armed robberies in Derry. The question is, what does this tell us about the new middle-class intake of PSNI officers?

The assassination of Commissioner Blair

Oh lordy, what about Brown’s reshuffle? One thing’s for sure, you’re not going to rejuvenate a jaded government by bringing back the likes of Margaret Beckett and Nick Brown. In Margaret’s case, although she was a longtime stalwart of the Labour front bench in opposition and even briefly acting leader, so comprehensively has she failed to impress in government that I’d almost forgotten she was foreign secretary. I suppose you could make the argument that they lend a little gravitas to a cabinet full of overpromoted lightweights, but that’s not an argument Gordon might find congenial.

Then you have the inexplicable immortality of Geoff Hoon, Britain’s answer to Martin Cullen. He’s still there! Why?

As for Mandelson… well, you can sort of see some logic in that Gordon wants to protect his right flank from the persistent sniping of the ultra-Blairites. But to bring back Mr Subprime himself, probably the most despised, and certainly the most divisive, man in the Labour Party? That smacks not a little of desperation. A word of advice, Gordon – next time, and there will be a next time, bury the bastard at a crossroads with a stake through his heart.

Meanwhile, trouble amongst the cops with the Tory putsch at Scotland Yard. And to me, this confirms even further that Wacky Jacqui is one of those overpromoted lightweights. It is true that, as she has said, the commissioner’s job is in the gift of the Home Secretary (acting in the name of the monarch) and not the mayor. It is also true that, while the commissioner is accountable to the Metropolitan Police Authority and the mayor is ex officio chair of the MPA, the commissioner is not personally accountable to the mayor. But she could, if she felt so strongly about it, have refused Ian Blair’s resignation and told Boris where to get off. Maybe it wouldn’t have worked – it’s hard to imagine the commissioner carrying on without the confidence of the mayor – but it would have been a better move than accepting the resignation with alacrity and then whining about it like a little girl with a grazed knee.

Anyway, although Boris denies this, it’s fairly clear that party politics was involved, and specifically the identification of Blair as Ken’s cop. But beyond that, there are competing visions of policing at stake. The de Menezes case notwithstanding – and Blair deserves all the odium that’s coming to him for that – there is little evidence to suggest that Blair is the Judge Dredd-style fascist that the left like to paint him as. In fact the evidence suggests that by instinct he’s a liberal reformer, which is why the hardened reactionaries in the Police Federation hate him so much.

And this is where Livingstone comes in. Ken’s big idea for the Met was, post-Stephen Lawrence, to sweep away racist policing. To do that, he had to marginalise the Gene Hunt types at the Yard and forge an alliance with those senior officers who were prepared to get with the programme, Blair in the first instance. This is what led to a situation of hardened factionalism in the Yard, which is a big part of what’s done for Blair. But it also turned out to be damaging for Ken in that, while it was hard to point to concrete examples of changes in the Met culture – you really had to take Blair’s word for it to a big extent – the logic of the Livingstone-Blair alliance also meant that Ken had to defend Blair through every example of his personal ineptitude, and fatally end up defending the indefensible over Stockwell. Blair should certainly have resigned over that, which doesn’t necessarily mean that his knifing by Boris is a good thing.

So it remains to be seen whether this makes any difference to policing. Boris, it’s true, was elected on a platform of being tough on crime, but he was remarkably short on specifics. The problem is that it’s extremely hard to police a city like London, and even harder to police it aggressively without causing riots. Ken, who was Mr Multiculture after all, understood this; Boris may be expected to be less sensitive to the concerns of minorities. It may be the case that the wave of stabbings in the black community opens the door to calls for tougher policing from minorities, but unless you recruit large numbers of black police (or go down the West Belfast route of subcontracting policing functions) then you run the risk of returning to the 1980s, when Brixton was not unlike West Belfast, with the cops in the role of occupying army.

Can the mayor square the circle? Given that this is the man who brought you Boris Island, possibly after a visit to the Spectator drinks cabinet, you wouldn’t want to bet on it.

Man stops biting dog to watch liberal getting angry

And here’s something else – the Big Plan for getting policing and justice devolved to Stormont. The most interesting thing about the DUP-PSF deal (the outcome of which was predictable even if the timing was a bit up in the air) was not the deal itself so much as the spin around it.

Here’s the thing. The two biggest parties agreed that there would be a single justice minister, which is sensible after the debacle of appointing four victims’ commissioners in a futile effort to please every constituency. And they agreed that neither one of them would take on the job. So far so good.

So it was suggested, repeatedly, that the job would go to the Alliance Party. This greatly upset the SDLP, who pointed out that under the d’Hondt system they were next in line for a ministry. (Which is true, if you assume the justice minister to be of a piece with the Executive instead of a standalone post.) But everybody else seemed to think it a good idea.

Or so it seemed. The other day, the Radio Ulster midday news carried a report on the deal, and the probability of Alliance taking the job. Immediately afterwards, Alliance leader David Ford was on Talk Back. It is no exaggeration to say that Fordy was hopping mad. Not only did he not propose that his party would take the justice ministry, he demanded to know how this story had got about. Apparently none of the journalists who assumed Alliance would take justice had bothered to ask Alliance. This, Fordy gave out, was just a lot of spin from the Northern Ireland Office that the media had accepted uncritically.

You know, that has the ring of truth about it. But it’s quite funny to hear this from the party who were the willing instrument of the NIO for decades. By the way, the spin now is that the SDLP’s Alban Maginness, a man who everyone can do business with, is being lined up for the big job. But that’s just speculation. I expect the Green Party’s Brian Wilson will find his name being touted about next if he’s not careful.

In any case, Fordy underlined that Alliance would continue to carve out a role as Stormont’s opposition. This makes sense for them, and flags up a little conundrum for Alliance’s main rivals, the Official Unionists. On the one hand, Alliance’s position outside the big tent pissing in means that they can throw some populist shapes about Executive decisions. Granted that even the parties in the Executive pretend to be the opposition, to the point that you would think the government consisted solely of Peter Robinson, but it doesn’t carry much conviction if you’re on the inside. And granted too that Alliance aren’t very good at populism – just look at the motions on a typical conference clár for a flavour – but then neither are the Unionist Party these days.

On the other hand, there was the possibility being talked up of Alliance’s strongest electoral performer, the redoubtable Naomi Long, becoming the minister. I must confess, I quite like Naomi – despite her talking nineteen to the dozen, and having that great female talent of being able to go twenty minutes before she has to draw breath, she’s a very useful public representative. But Sir Reggie, as an East Belfast rep whose own seat isn’t entirely safe, must have been more than a little disquieted at the thought of Naomi gaining an even higher profile than she already enjoys.

Ah, Machiavellianism…

The affair of Garda Singh’s turban

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So the latest news is this big barney about the Sikh reserve garda who wants to wear his turban, only to find that the Boys in Blue aren’t having it. Incredibly, the claim from the guards is that the turban isn’t allowable under the National Action Plan Against Racism.

My view on this is very simple. I think this fellow should be allowed to wear his turban. While there are Sikhs who wear turbans as a cultural symbol, my understanding is that the man in question is a baptised Sikh, which makes the uncut hair and turban a very big deal in religious terms. Now, almost everywhere you go in the world where there is a Sikh community, there are Sikh cops. You see them in India and Pakistan, of course. You see them in London. You see loads of them in Vancouver. Yet the gardaí, it seems, are the only police force in the world that can’t accommodate a turban-wearing Sikh.

There are some objections that could be made, that I don’t think hold much water. One is that we should support secularism – well, the 1937 Constitution does separate church and state, but it doesn’t enshrine the sort of hardcore secularism they go in for in France. In any case, if there are religious pressures on the Irish state, they don’t come from the 1500-strong Sikh community. Then again, this is an area where enforced uniformity doesn’t help minorities – Sikhs, Muslims and Orthodox Jews may have religious dress codes, but Catholics don’t. Not unless they’re clergy, and even then it’s sometimes hard to tell these days.

It’s a bit of a test for modern anti-racist Ireland, not to mention a bit of a test for the guards. I mean, the cops have been trying to build bridges with the Sikh community for a while now. They can’t very well square their community relations programme with not cutting Garda Singh a bit of slack.

More on this from Wednesday.

Rud eile: Liam has an entertaining account of Swiss Toni’s address to the broad masses last week.

Paramilitaries retain role in police oversight

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I note from today’s Belfast Telegraph that since proconsul Hain rejigged the Policing Board, Dawn Purvis of the PUP/UVF no longer sits on this august body. She has been replaced by party colleague David Rose, so the loyalist paramilitaries will continue to be represented at the heart of policing.

 Also in today’s Tele, the unmissable Gail Walker column. This week Gail has a go at Channel 4 News presenter Jon Snow (59) for allegedly having an affair with a 34-year-old woman. To which I say, so what? It’s not like he picked up some teenage girl from Methody. Still, all’s fair when you’re having a go at the “liberal left”.

Shadow of the spooks

I know this has taken a while, but it’s difficult to know what I can add to the acres of discussion about the O’Loan report – the Police Ombudsman’s report into Mount Vernon is available here (pdf) and readers might also be interested in this article by Liam Ó Ruairc of the IRSP. Although I’m not in total agreement with Liam – among other things, I’m dubious about his description of Henry McDonald as a “reputable journalist” – he gives a good overview of the situation.

The first thing to say is to pay tribute to the courage and tenacity of Raymond McCord, without whose determination to see justice done for his son the investigation probably wouldn’t have happened. Also this represents good work by Mrs O’Loan herself, in the face of persistent and long-term obstruction by a force in which RUC officers still rule the roost, and where the prevailing culture is that the cops are under no obligation whatsoever to be accountable to anyone for anything.

What’s disappointing about the O’Loan report – at least the published part – is that it doesn’t fundamentally tell us anything we didn’t already know. Anybody with eyes to see and ears to hear knew that the peelers were running gangs of loyalist killers for decades. What the O’Loan report does, though, is lay out enough evidence to make the strategy impossible to deny – not that that has stopped unionists from trying.

What transpires is that, during the dozen years that Mark Haddock was a police informer, he was involved in at least 16 murders, 10 attempted murders and scores of other crimes that we know about. And over these years the cops gave him £80,000. Now bear in mind the Mount Vernon death squad was one small section of the UVF – an investigation into Robin Jackson and Billy Wright’s activities in Portadown would almost certainly reveal the same scenario on a bigger scale. What this means, in effect, is that for decades on end the Brits had a small army of Fred Wests and Dr Shipmans running around, doing their dirty work on the state payroll. And in fact the state actively covered up for them, as O’Loan details when describing the phoney interviews and destroyed evidence. This of course is totally consistent with Jonty Brown’s description of the Special Branch modus operandi.

Now let’s look at the “security” justifications. This comes into play because former RUC Special Branch boss Chris Albiston, latterly head of the colonial police in Kosovo, stated in the Telegraph that mere laypeople (and implicitly, especially not uppity Catholic women) couldn’t judge operational decisions. But the main justification for running informers is to protect the public from worse crimes that might be committed – allowing informers to commit mass murder is hardly consistent with that. Again, the relationship between handler and informer means that any informer can be called in at any time and ordered to turn Queen’s evidence, but that seems never to have occurred to Special Branch. Not to mention that the Mount Vernon UVF was so riddled with informers that it could have been closed down at will.

The affair also points up the key difference between republicans and loyalists. It is true that informers in the Provos, some at a very high level – and who really thinks Scap and Donaldson are the end of that story? – were left in place for a long time and allowed to get away with all sorts of murky deeds. But the Provos were ostensibly a revolutionary movement aiming at the overthrow of the northern colony, which is why informing was a capital offence. The loyalist gangs, on the other hand, saw themselves as a “gloves-off” extension of the state forces, and it is clear that the feeling was mutual.

Probably more interesting is the political reaction. Unionism has reacted in the predictable way – Jeffrey Boy Donaldson referred to a handful of bad apples, and that view was echoed by the DUP’s Policing Board representatives under the leadership (I use the term lightly) of Ian Óg Paisley. The OUP, meanwhile, in the persons of Lord Ken Maginnis and Dirty Dave Burnside, has been even deeper in denial, protesting about the apparent “witch-hunt” against Special Branch. This is of a piece with the OUP’s recent and not entirely unsuccessful efforts to outflank the DUP on the far right.

Nationalism, meanwhile, has proclaimed that “that was then, this is now”. The SDLP of course is covering it ass, pretending that its membership of the Policing Board since 2001 has forced radical changes. The Provos, on a parallel track, have argued that the O’Loan report demonstrates why they should join policing structures in order to, um, force radical changes.

Here’s why I think this approach lacks credibility. The sealed part of the O’Loan report is probably much more interesting than the published part. Most commentators’ guess is that this part deals with the role of MI5 and its influence over Special Branch. People with any kind of attention span will have noticed that MI5 is due to take over anti-subversion responsibilities in the “Province” later in the year. To this end, it is building a whopping great new headquarters outside Belfast, which should itself cast doubt on the Gerryites’ boasting that British withdrawal is on the cards. Not to mention that MI5’s Norn Iron operation is stuffed full of, you’ve guessed it, former RUC Special Branch officers.

That was then, this is now? More like plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose.

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