A-Infos (en) Robert Graham: "We Still Do Not Fear Anarchy" and René Berthier's comment par Eric Vilain

The quote in the title is taken from Bakunin himself, who first publicly identified 
himself as an anarchist in 1868, around the time that he joined the International. It is 
surprising then that in another book along similar lines, René Berthier argues that the 
anarchist movements that emerged Social Democracy & Anarchism in the International 
Workers' Association 1864 - 1877 from the struggles within the International regarding the 
proper direction of working class and socialist movements constituted a break with rather 
than a continuation of "Bakuninism," and that Bakunin is better described as a 
revolutionary socialist or syndicalist than as an anarchist. I think my book provides a 
good counter-argument to that position.

https://robertgraham.wordpress.com/2016/05/22/we-still-do-not-fear-anarchy/
Robert Graham's Anarchism Weblog
Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian
Ideas
 We Still Do Not Fear Anarchy
This month marks several
noteworthy anniversaries: the
suppression of , the Haymarket
affair, and Bakunin's birthday
(May 18 on the the Paris
Communeold Russian
calendar; May 3o on the
modern calendar), among
others. It has also been about a
year since the publication of
‘We Do Not Fear Anarchy
- We Invoke It': The First
International and the
Origins of the Anarchist
 Movement (AK Press). I
discussed the roles of both
Bakunin and the Paris
Commune in the emergence of
self-proclaimed anarchist
movements in Europe and the
Americas in that book. The quote in the title is taken from Bakunin
himself, who first publicly identified himself as an anarchist in 1868,
around the time that he joined the International. It is surprising then
that in another book along similar lines, René Berthier argues that
the anarchist movements that emerged (Social Democracy &
Anarchism in the International Workers' Association 1864 -
1877) from the struggles within the International regarding the
proper direction of working class and socialist movements
constituted a break with rather than a continuation of
"Bakuninism," and that Bakunin is better described as a
revolutionary socialist or syndicalist than as an anarchist. I think my
book provides a good counter-argument to that position. I also
included several selections from Bakunin's anarchist writings in
Volume One of Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian
Ideas. But this is a blog, not a book, so today I thought I would just
present some quotations from Bakunin in which he identifies himself
as an anarchist and describes what he is advocating as a form of
anarchism, in terms of tactics, methods, means and ends.

Bakunin's Anarchism

"We do not fear anarchy, we invoke it. For we are convinced that
anarchy, meaning the unrestricted manifestation of the liberated life of
the people, must spring from liberty, equality, the new social order, and
the force of the revolution itself against the reaction. There is no doubt
that this new life-the popular revolution-will in good time organize
itself, but it will create its revolutionary organization from the bottom
up, from the circumference to the center, in accordance with the
principle of liberty, and not from the top down or from the center to the
circumference in the manner of all authority."[Program of the
International Brotherhood]

"Outside of the Mazzinian system, which is the system of the republic in
the form of a State, there is no other system but that of the republic as a
commune, the republic as a federation, a Socialist and a genuine
people's republic - the system of Anarchism. It is the politics of the
Social Revolution, which aims at the abolition of the State, and the
economic, altogether free organization of the people, an organization
from below upward, by means of a federation."[Circular Letter to My
Friends in Italy]

"I am the absolute enemy of a revolution by decrees, which is the
application of the idea of a revolutionary State and a sequel of it; that is,
a reaction disguised by revolutionary appearances. As against the
system of revolutionary decrees I oppose the system of revolutionary
action, the only effective, consistent, and true system. The authoritarian
system of decrees, in seeking to impose freedom and equality, destroys
them. The Anarchist system of action evokes and creates them in an
infallible manner, without the intervention of any official or
authoritarian violence whatever. The first leads inevitably to the ultimate
triumph of an outspoken reaction. The second system establishes the
Revolution on a natural and unshakable foundation."[Letters to a
Frenchman on the Present Crisis]

"Let us turn now to the Socialists, who divide into three essentially
different parties. First of all, we shall divide them into two categories:
the party of peaceful or bourgeois Socialists, and the party of Social
Revolutionists. The latter is in turn subdivided into revolutionary State
Socialists and revolutionary Anarchist-Socialists, the enemies of every
State and every State principle."[World Revolutionary Alliance of
Social Democracy (Berlin: Verlag, 1904)]

"To the Communists, or Social Democrats, of Germany, the peasantry,
any peasantry, stands for reaction; and the State, any State, even the
Bismarckian State, stands for revolution... Altogether, the Marxists
cannot even think otherwise: protagonists of the State as they are, they
have to damn any revolution of a truly popular sweep and character
especially a peasant revolution, which is anarchistic by nature and
which marches straightforward toward the destruction of the State. And
in this hatred for the peasant rebellion, the Marxists join in touching
unanimity all the layers and parties of the bourgeois society of
Germany."[Statism and Anarchy]

"Since revolution cannot be imposed upon the villages, it must be
generated right there, by promoting a revolutionary movement among
the peasants themselves, leading them on to destroy through their own
efforts the public order, all the political and civil institutions, and to
establish and organize anarchy in the villages."
"When the peasants have felt and perceived the advantages of the
Revolution, they will give more money and people for its defense than it
would be possible to obtain from them by ordinary State policies or
even by extraordinary State measures. The peasants will do against the
Prussians what they did in 1792. For that they must become obsessed
with the fury of resistance, and only an Anarchist revolution can imbue
them with that spirit."
"But in letting them divide among themselves the land seized from the
bourgeois owners, will this not lead to the establishment of private
property upon a new and more solid foundation? Not at all, for that
property will lack the juridical and political sanction o f the State,
inasmuch as the State and the whole juridical institution, the defense of
property by the State, and family right, including the law of inheritance,
necessarily will have to disappear in the terrific whirlwind of
revolutionary anarchy. There will be no more political or juridical rights
-there will be only revolutionary facts."
"Once the wealth of the rich people is not guaranteed by laws, it ceases
to be a power. Rich peasants are now powerful because they are
specially protected and courted by the functionaries of the State and
became they are backed up by the State. With the disappearance of the
State, this backing and power also will disappear. As to the more cunning
and economically stronger peasants, they will have to give way
before the collective power of the peasant mass, of the great number of
poor and very poor peasants, as well as the rural proletarians-a mass
which is now enslaved and reduced to silent suffering, but which
revolutionary anarchy will bring back to life and will arm with an
irresistible power."[Letters to a Frenchman on the Present Crisis]

"We revolutionary anarchists who sincerely want full popular
emancipation view with repugnance another expression in this[Social
Democratic]program - it is the designation of the proletariat, the
workers, as a class and not a mass. Do you know what this signifies? It
is no more nor less than the aristocratic rule of the factory workers and
of the cities over the millions who constitute the rural proletariat, who,
in the anticipations of the German Social Democrats, will in effect
become the subjects of their so-called People's State."[Letter to La
Liberté]
"The road leading from concrete fact to theory and vice versa is the
method of science and is the true road. In the practical world, it is the
movement of society toward forms of organization that will to the
greatest possible extent reflect life itself in all its aspects and
complexity.
Such is the people's way to complete emancipation, accessible to all-
the way of the anarchist social revolution, which will come from the
people themselves, an elemental force sweeping away all obstacles.
Later, from the depths of the popular soul, there will spontaneously
emerge the new creative forms of social life."
"We, the revolutionary anarchists, are the advocates of education for
all the people, of the emancipation and the widest possible expansion of
social life. Therefore we are the enemies of the State and all forms of the
statist principle. In opposition to the metaphysicians, the positivists, and
all the worshippers of science, we declare that natural and social life
always comes before theory, which is only one of its manifestations but
never its creator."
"Such are our ideas as social revolutionaries, and we are therefore called
anarchists. We do not protest this name, for we are indeed the enemies
of any governmental power, since we know that such a power depraves
those who wear its mantle equally with those who are forced to submit
to it. Under its pernicious influence the former become ambitious and
greedy despots, exploiters of society in favor of their personal or class
interests, while the latter become slaves."
"Our polemic had the effect of making them[the Marxist Social
Democrats]realize that freedom or Anarchism, that is, the free
organization of workers from below upward, is the ultimate aim of
social development, and that every State, their own people's State
included, is a yoke, which means that it begets despotism on one hand
and slavery on the other."
"They say that this State yoke-the dictatorship-is a necessary transitional
means in order to attain the emancipation of the people:
Anarchism or freedom is the goal, the State or dictatorship is the
means. Thus to free the working masses, it is first necessary to enslave
them."
"While the political and social theory of the anti-State Socialists or
Anarchists leads them steadily toward a full break with all
governments, and with all varieties of bourgeois policy, leaving no other
way out but a social revolution, the opposite theory of the State
Communists and scientific authority also inevitably draws and enmeshes
its partisans, under the pretext of political tactics, into ceaseless
compromises with governments and political parties; that is, it pushes
them toward downright reaction."[Statism and Anarchy]
"Between the Marxists and ourselves there is an abyss. They are the
governmentalists; we are the anarchists, in spite of it all."[Letter to La
Liberté]
"In accepting the Anarchist revolutionary program, which alone, in our
opinion, offers conditions for a real and complete emancipation of the
common people, and convinced that the existence of the State in any
form whatever is incompatible with the freedom of the proletariat, and
that it does not permit the international fraternal union of nations, we
therefore put forth the demand for the abolition of all States."[Program
of the Slav Section (Zurich) of the International]

"The lack of a government begets anarchy, and anarchy leads to the
destruction of the State, that is, to the enslavement of the country by
another State, as was the case with the unfortunate Poland, or the full
emancipation of the toiling people and the abolition of classes, which,
we hope, will soon take place all over Europe."[Science and the Urgent
Revolutionary Task]
"In a word, we reject all legislation - privileged, licensed, official, and
legal - and all authority, and influence, even though they may emanate
from universal suffrage, for we are convinced that it can turn only to the
advantage of a dominant minority of exploiters against the interests of
the vast majority in subjection to them. It is in this sense that we are
really Anarchists."[God and the State]

&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&

Reply by René Berthier

Concerning Bakunin's "anarchism"
There is of course something of a provocation in my assertion about
Bakunin not being an "anarchist" but if one cannot be a bit iconoclastic with
anarchists, where do we go? Naturally, I keep on saying that Bakunin is an
anarchist when I have a conversation on the question, because nobody
expects Bakunin not to be an anarchist and I don't necessarily feel like
giving a half-hour explanation each time.
Besides, I can easily imagine the mess that would result in the
historiography of anarchism if it was agreed that Bakunin was not
"anarchist", but something else - revolutionary syndicalist, as the French
anarchist Gaston Leval said (author of "Bakounine, fondateur du
syndicalisme révolutionnaire" http://monde-nouveau.net/spip.php?article3. -
"Bakunin, founder of revolutionary syndicalism").
I was a member of his "Centre de sociologie libertaire" when he
published this series of articles. Today I confess I do not entirely share
Gaston's approach, although mostly I agree with him. My reluctance is that I
do not think Bakunin has founded revolutionary syndicalism but that he was
a precursor. And I rather think he was a precursor of anarcho-syndicalism.
But that's another debate.
7
However, I maintain that there is something in what I wrote in SocialDemocracy
& Anarchism: although Bakunin occasionaly claims to be an
anarchist, he nevertheless did it rarely and reluctantly.
The best is to go and see the texts. Robert Graham gives 14 quotations
of Bakunin using the word "anarchy", but I'm afraid he is not convincing.
Examination of Robert Graham's quotations
? Among the 14 quotations, seven refer to "anarchy" as chaos or
disorder, which is the way Bakunin usually understands the word.
In the second quotation[Circular Letter to My Friends in Italy], Graham
makes a mistake because in the original Italian text Bakunin does not use
the word "anarchism"[political doctrine]but "ANARCHY" (in capital letters -
chaos).
? In 4 cases Bakunin uses the word "anarchy" or "anarchist" but feels
necessary to add an explanation, as if the concept was not immediately
understandable by the reader. As in God and the State: "...It is in this sense
that we are really Anarchists "...
? Concerning the third quotation[Letters to a Frenchman on the Present
Crisis]: this quotation comes from a text (Letter I) where the word "anarchy"
can be found 5 times:
a) "the present-day economic anarchy". In other words the perfectly
ordinary meaning of the word: disorder, chaos.
b) They[the authoritarian revolutionaries]don't understand "the
power and life that lies in what the official people of all colors, from lily
[royalists]to dark red[communists]call anarchy". Obviously, Bakunin
refers to disorder, chaos: the power of popular uprisings to move the
masses.
c) The French revolutionaries of 1789: "Far from restricting freedom
of popular movements for fear of anarchy, they provoked them in all
ways." Here again, Bakunin means chaos: the outbreak of a popular
uprising creates the conditions for a revolution - a perspective Bakunin
sees favorably, but which has nothing to do with a particular doctrine or
social system.
d) & e) The French revolutionaries of 1789: "Revolutionaries for good,
they soon recognized in the masses the true revolutionaries, and allied
themselves with them so as to instil the revolution, anarchy, and to
organize the popular revolutionary anarchy." Same as above. Apart from
the fact that nobody thought of anarchism (in the modern political sense
of the word) in 1789 in France.
? In 3 of the quotations, the word "Anarchy" could be understood as a
political doctrine or system.
? One of the quotations Graham makes seems to me totally counterproductive
if his intention was to prove Bakunin was an "anarchist" in the
modern and positive sense of the word. Graham quotes Bakunin saying that
"the lack of a government begets anarchy, and anarchy leads to the
destruction of the State, that is, to the enslavement of the country by another
State" - in other words anarchy=enslavement. I don't quite see where the
positivity of anarchism lies.
Robert Graham's 14 quotations show that if Bakunin undoubtedly used
the word "anarchy", a close (and critical) examination of these texts shows
that Graham most of the time (not always, though) misinterprets what
Bakunin really says.
It is of course not my intention to dispute the fact that Bakunin uses the
word "anarchist" and its derivatives in the positive sense of social or political
doctrine - but he does it quite rarely. I just want to show that if we want a
somewhat serious approach to the issue, we must analyze the texts closely.
One then realizes that things are more complicated than some believe:
* Bakunin felt really uneasy in the use of the word.
* When he wanted to define his membership to a political current, he
would call himself a collectivist, a revolutionary socialist or a federalist.
* He never uses the word "Anarchism" (except once).
&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&
I made a study on Bakunin's use of the word "anarchy" because all along
my thourough reading of the Russian revolutionary's works, I often found
passages where he uses the word, and rarely in a positive way.
So I made a search in the CDRom of his works issued by the Amsterdam
Institute of social history and I divided his writings in several parts:
* Positive references: 11 texts, 0,7Mo
* Negative references: 38 texts, 4,05 Mo
* Ambiguous references: 17 texts, 2,4 Mo
* Positive claim as anarchist: 9 texts, 0,5Mo
* "Anarchy" as a simple historical fact: 11 texts, 0,6Mo.
Of course someone else can do the same job as I did and find
differences in the results, but not substantially, I think.
This shows that the reference to "anarchy" in Bakunin deserves at least a
critical examination.
Peter Kropotkin wrote that Bakunin and his friends "even avoided to
claim the anarchist name. The word an-archy (that is how it then was written)
seemed to link the party to the Proudhonists whom the International at that
time was fighting the ideas of economic reform." (Paroles d'un révolté.)
"Collectivist", "revolutionary socialist" or "federalist" were the words
Bakunin and his friends used to call themselves.
Of course, this is a blog, and I will not develop this question, but I invite
those who read French to refer to a study I wrote (which is still provisional)
on the occurrence of the word "anarchist" and its derivatives in Bakunin's
works:
L'usage du mot "anarchie" chez Bakounine (The use of the
word "Anarchy" in Bakunin. - http://mondenouveau.net/spip.php?article185
Most of the times, Bakunin uses the word in its normal sense, that is
chaos, disorder. In a letter to Celsio Ceretti (13-27 March 1872), mentioning
the situation of the International in Turin, he complains that "there is nobody
in Turin to bring order to this disgusting anarchy". This is how most of the
time he uses the word "anarchy", even in his "anarchist" period - after 1868.
One month later, Bakunin writes to Tómas González Morago (21 May 1872)
saying he defends the idea of open debate within the International and says
it must not adopt a unique, mandatory program. And he adds:
"I challenge you to formulate any explicit doctrine that could
unite under its banner millions, nay, tens of millions of
workers. And unless you impose the beliefs of one sect to all
others, it will lead to the creation of a multitude of sects, that is
to say, the organization of genuine anarchy in the proletariat
for the greatest triumph of the exploiting classes."
One is entitled to question a writer who is qualified as an anarchist but
who so often uses the word in the common sense of disorder. This issue
deserves to be seriously examined.
In the texts which I point as "ambiguous", Bakunin may use the word
positively, but he takes great care to precise the sense of the word, as if he
was reluctant to use it: "we, anarchists, that is to say..."
In "The Slavic question", a text he sent to Herzen in August 1867, Bakunin
says: "I am an anarchist", but he adds that "not to give good reason to my
enemies for so little, I am a federalist from head to foot". It follows that it is his
enemies who qualify him as an "anarchist", and that the term is synonymous
with federalism. Bakunin feels necessary to provide an alternative term -
which he does quite often.
In a letter to Albert Richard of March 12, 1870, Bakunin evokes anarchy, but
he feels obliged once again to give an explanation: "...that is to say, the true, the
frank popular revolution".
In a chapter of "Knouto-Germanic Empire" entitled "Historical Fallacies of
the School of doctrinaire German Communist" he uses the word "anarchist"
but he adds "This is the way we are really Anarchists".
In "Mazzini's Political Theology and the International", he writes: "...the
social-revolutionaries, otherwise known as anarchists",
Etc.
&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&
The most interesting class of texts is probably what I call "Anarchism as
a simple historical fact" and which causes quite a number of
misinterpretations, including with Robert Graham, it seems. In these cases,
Bakunin uses the word in the normal sense of chaos, disorder, particularly
the subsequent chaos to large political and social crises in which society
disintegrates and no global organization survives.
And this is exactly what Bakunin means in the very first quotation
Graham makes and that he uses as the title for his book:: "We do not fear
anarchy, we invoke it. For we are convinced that anarchy, meaning the
unrestricted manifestation of the liberated life of the people...", etc. The
anarchy Bakunin (and Graham, obviously) refers to in this text is nothing but
the chaos following the collapse of a social system, it is by no means a
positive political or social doctrine or system.
Insofar as this quote uses the word "anarchy" in the common sense of
"chaos", it was maybe not necessarily a good idea to refer to it in the title of
a book about the First International...
Of course, ordinary bourgeois consider such situations of chaos/anarchy
with horror. Bakunin also sees anarchy as chaos, but unlike the members of
the ruling class, this chaos does not frighten him, because, according to him,
the destruction of a social order is necessarily followed by its reconstruction
on new foundations. His Hegelian training is never far away, but this kind of
dialectics remains highly questionable.
And Bakunin never refers to "anarchism" (as a political doctrine, except
once and rather ironically concerning Carl Vogt). He always speaks of
"anarchy".
&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&
My book (Social Democracy & Anarchism in the International Workers'
Association, Merlin Press) develops an idea with which Robert Graham
disagrees, and which can be discussed of course, but it is based on facts:
after the Congress of Saint-Imier (1872) two currents, which had been
hitherto (relatively) inconspicuous, eventually confronted within the "antiauthoritarian"
International. I also say that one of these currents, which was
to become the anarchist movement, totally contravened (Verviers Congress,
6-8 September 1877) the principles set forth by Bakunin, who repeated that
the International should not develop a mandatory program, even if it was
anarchistic. This can easily be verified.
In other words Bakunin clearly distinguished the work of activists in the
mass organization (IWA) and their activity as a specific group (the Alliance).
The two activities were to be complementary in Bakunin's view, but they
never were. This can also be easily verified.

And I say that by imposing an "anarchist program" to the IWA in 1877,
the anarchist current did exactly what Bakunin had accused Marx of having
done.

The thesis I develop in my book is that these two currents, whose
opposition had remained strangely unseen, anticipated anarchism and
revolutionary syndicalism. There is nothing really original in such a
statement, but whether you agree or not with this thesis, it remains that I
provide a number of arguments that deserve being examined.
An Italian historian, Maurizio Antonioli, provides powerful insights
concerning the links between Bakunin, James Guillaume, revolutionary
syndicalism and anarchism in a text written 40 years ago:
Bakunin tra sindacalismo rivoluzionario e anarchismo:
organismi specifici e organismi di massa / Maurizio Antonioli,
L'Antistato, Milan 1977,
and recently translated into French:
Bakounine entre syndicalisme révolutionnaire et anarchisme /
Maurizio Antonioli; postface de René Berthier / Paris: Noir &
rouge, 2014.

 Perhaps it is time to translate it into English?
I conclude my remarks by saying that I took great pleasure in reading We
Do Not Fear Anarchy, We Invoke It, in which I learned a lot. The international
libertarian movement has produced during the past twenty years a number of
books that will remain references. The only regret I have is that these works are
rarely translated into other languages and are confined to their original
language sphere.
In solidarity
René Berthier

http://monde-nouveau.net/spip.php?article621

http://federation-anarchiste.org/
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