A Tory/ Ulster Unionist/ DUP Pro-British Front?

The shady talks that took place in England over the weekend would seem to suggest that despite claims by the Conservative Party that they want to offer an alternative to the tribal politics of Northern Ireland, there may be scope for a Pro-British Front to be formed.

Presumably the aim of such a move, were it to happen, would be to share the electoral spoils among unionist parties by way of pacts in constituencies such as South Belfast and Fermanagh/ South Tyrone.

Frankly, if there were to be pacts, it would be retrograde step which would show up those involved as putting sectarian power-grabbing ahead of principle or progress.

If the Ulster Unionists and Tories have something truly to offer voters as an alternative to the DUP, then why would they step aside in some areas and not give people a choice? It would hardly ring of democracy. Also, what would be the point in the UUP and DUP remaining separate parties?

David Cameron claims that he want to run Tories in all seats in the Union- this won't happen if they step aside for the DUP in some areas.

Of course, we could be barking up the wrong tree. There is certainly no love lost between either the Tories or the Ulster Unionists and the DUP, so maybe pacts aren't on the cards. However, the fact that there has been no definitive denial of such possibilities doesn't exactly kill speculation that it's an option.

Clear Blue Water Conservatives

It's one month since the Ulster Unionists and Conservatives got together to create a New Force in politics. There was a lot of work done in the background to ensure that Ulster Unionist party members (and representatives) didn't oppose the deal. Some Unionists thought it was a chance for them to recover electorally as part of a bigger movement, a chance for them to make a difference in UK politics, to win more Westminster seats, and possibly a Cabinet seat in the next UK government. Other Unionists preferred Labour policies, including their only MP who practically followed a Labour whip, and has been very quiet recent.

The Conservaties wanted a full merger with the UUP, and a new party called NICUP (NI Conservative Unionist Party). The UUP rejected the notion of a merger and instead chose an electoral alliance. The UCUNF (Ulster Conservative and Unionists - New Force) joint-ticket was formed and David Cameron flew to Belfast to pro-claim: May the force be with you, Reg Empey.

However, it's unlikely UCUNF will have any real electoral success. The Conservatives have never done well in NI. They only have one elected councillor - and he was elected as a UUP candidate in 2005 before defecting. They may have a chance to become the next UK government, but I think it's unlikely they'll achieve enough success in NI to warrant a local person on the UK Cabinet, especially a UUP representative.

Also, the two parties have squabbled over all the details, which led to them choosing such a terrible name. Jeffrey Peel (Vice Chair of Conservatives NI) resigned in protest at the way it was all handled, when he realised the UUP didn't have "the interests of Conservativism at heart". Sir Reg Empey has also angered many Conservatives by saying they are "clearly to the left of Labour" on many policies.

The UUP leaked the new full name to the press early, and the Conservatives responded by leaking the new logo. The new alliance was off to a bad start.


Conservative HQ demanded control of the local associations website (conservativesni.com) and re-directed it to an NI page on their main website. Many Conservatives aren't happy, and renegades have set-up a group calling themselves 'Clear Blue Water Conservatives' who are twitting away about their disapprovals. It's not looking good for the UUP-Conservative pact!

DUP/ Sinn Féin Axis Ministers Should Hand Back Their Salary

One of the main roles of Stormont Ministers is to act together as a collective in the form of the Executive. The whole point of this is to agree on the best way to do the job they were elected to do and to justify the rather large sums of money they get as Ministers.

However, with the DUP and Sinn Féin refusing to meet, the process of government has ground to a standstill.

As SDLP Social Development Minister Margaret Ritchie has said: The cancellation of Thursday’s Executive meeting is totally unacceptable.

“I am outraged that amongst the many other important issues which are being held up in this logjam I am not able to progress my own housing agenda.

“The people who elected us have the right to expect much better from the Ministers they entrusted with power.

“This year I have set out to deliver a progressive and innovative strategy to deliver social and affordable housing.

“This is now being frustrated by the continued procrastination of Sinn Fein and their refusal to play ball at Executive level.

“I have been unable to table three bills to the Executive and following a previous cancellation wrote to the Office of First Minister and Deputy First Minister to seek assurances that future meetings will go ahead.

“This letter was not even acknowledged, which is hardly progressive government.”

Accepting pay when they aren't fulfilling their roles as expected is an insult to the voters and taxpayers of the north. Cutting ribbons and posing for photos isn't enough. Ministers are paid to negotiate with each other and deliver. Instead, the DUP and Sinn Féin are acting like spoilt idiots. Rather than negotiate with each other, they'd prefer to delay progress here and go running to 10 Downing Street for solutions.

The time has come for the DUP and Sinn Féin to grow up and start acting like they mean business. Otherwise, what is the point of their existence?

DUP To Launch 'Irish Language Unit'

In a move which some will see as an attempt to emulate Sinn Féin's ill-fated 'unionist outreach' charade, the DUP is to create an 'explorative' Irish Language Unit to examine how the island's native tongue can be sidelined handled in a way which is consistent with unionism.

Clearly this is as a way for Paisley's party to portray itself as somewhat progressive without having to actually concede anything to the Irish language.

However, this shouldn't come as such a big shock. After all, at the Ulster Unionist Convention of 1892 in Botanic Gardens, 20,000 delegates were greeted by the banner 'Erin go Bragh', which appeared on the pavilion, surmounted by a harp and shamrocks.

Wonders never cease...

Update- Yes, it's an April Fool's joke, although the way things have been going in recent times, perhaps it isn't beyond the realms of belief!

Unionists Beginning To Recognise The Benefits Of A United Ireland?

Former Ulster Unionist councillor Harvey Bicker has joined Fianna Fáil. The ex-British soldier has not been active in frontline politics for several years. Whether or not one is a supporter of Fianna Fáil, it's certainly good news that those who formerly pledged allegiance to the British Crown are beginning to turn to the Irish Harp!

Ulster Unionists Win Dromore Bye-Election

In a shock result, the Ulster Unionist Party has retained its seat on Banbridge District Council after a bye-election in the Dromore area. The DUP, which had forced the bye-election following the resignation of UUP councillor and former rugby player Tyrone Howe, thought it would be a walk in the park. But they hadn't budgeted for the arrival of Jim Allister's Traditional Unionists on the scene.

I was on the ground in the area last night during polling. A lot of people were of the opinion that TUV transfers would go back to the DUP and see them over the finishing post in first place. However, the animosity between the DUP and the two smaller Unionist parties was palpable, and I must admit I had a strong suspicion that the TUV would extract enough support from erstwhile DUP voters for the Ulster Unionists to slip up the middle and win. And that's what happened, with the TUV dislike of the DUP being reflected in their transfers, which benefited the UUP more than many would have assumed.

Although bye-elections aren't the most important in the electoral calendar, they are interesting for the purposes of giving a snapshot at a given time. Given that not a lot was at stake in Dromore, it's clear that many of those who would have traditionally supported the DUP opted to support the TUV in this election to send out a message to Paisley over his Chuckle Brothers routine. It may not be a bloody nose, but it'll certainly sting.

The question now is whether Jim Allister can build momentum for his movement. Certainly there were reports last night of DUP election workers being barracked at polling stations over their decision to abandon everything they had stood for for decades to go into government with Sinn Féin. Certainly this result, which saw the TUV put in a respectable showing, has leant some credibility to Allister's new party. If the Dromore results are reflected in future Assembly elections in other DUP strongholds, then the Paisleyites will be in trouble.

Perhaps this threat to the DUP will come to nothing, but it'll certainly be interesting to watch.

Basil McCrea To Make Leadership Move Against Reg Empey?

I attended an interesting debate in Queen's Students' Union last night which pitched political representatives against each other under the chairmanship of Jim Fitzpatrick. The event was part of the union's 'Political Activism Week.'

South Belfast DUP MLA Jimmy Spratt was booked as one of the speakers, but we were informed upon arrival that he had pulled out as MEP Jim Allister had been added to the bill. Spratt was replaced by his unsuccessful fellow Stormont candidate Christopher Stalford. Making up the rest of the line-up was John Barry from the Greens, Carmel Hanna from the SDLP, Basil McCrea from the UUP, David Ford from Alliance, and Sinn Féin's Alex Maskey (who arrived 25 minutes late- no jokes please about Sinn Féin always being behind everyone else).

Issues discussed included the sustainability of mandatory coalition- Jim Allister was clearly against it, but offered no alternative. However, it was interesting to hear Basil McCrea repeating comments he had made previously about the idea of the UUP going into opposition. McCrea made the point that if the two Ulster Unionist ministers couldn't get their hands on the cash they needed to run their departments then they should pull out of the Executive. This is clearly at odds with the position of his party's leadership, which appears to be to stay in there and make the most of what they've got.

When pressed about whether this was an announcement by McCrea that he was going to challenge Reg Empey for the leadership of the party, far from denying it, he simply said that he would confirm nothing, adding "if I was, I wouldn't announce it here."

That doesn't exactly sound like a vote of confidence in old Reg.

Now I've no particular interest in the internal workings of the UUP- I've met Reg and Basil before and both seem affable enough chaps, but this kind of infighting in the public domain does nothing for the already battered image of their party. It's not so long ago that public spats and disagreements tore the party apart, ironically over going into government with Sinn Féin just as defectors such as Arlene Foster have gone ahead and done anyway. Alongside somewhat extreme views being expressed by David McNarry, which appear at odds with UUP attempts to move to the centre-ground, it certainly doesn't inspire confidence that they are all singing from the same hymnsheet.

If people like Basil McCrea don't want their party in government, surely they should be discussing the issue behind the closed doors of Cunningham House rather than in the public arena. There may well be disagreement in the UUP over strategy, but they need to either come to a position and get behind it or those who are disgruntled need to put their money where their mouth is and challenge the leadership. Otherwise, the good ship UUP will continue to drift.

Sinn Féin Hypocrisy On Burma

I was shocked to hear about the failure of the Sinn Féin group on Belfast City Council to back a motion tabled at the monthly council meeting last night which asked councillors to support the suffering people of Burma and their democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991.

The images are fresh in our memories of the brave people of Burma standing up to the brutal regime there. It's only right that the people of the world back their struggle for justice, democracy and freedom. Sinn Féin, however, appears to disagree.

SDLP councillor Carmel Hanna had asked the Belfast councillors to agree that it would be a fitting tribute to Aung San Suu Kyi to consider offering her the Freedom of the City of Belfast. The proposal was supported by UUP, Alliance and DUP councillors (unprecedented on a human rights issue), but not by Sinn Féin, who would not support the motion because it advocated economic sanctions against the ruling Burmese military junta.

What's their problem?! Surely that's a good thing! Why should we prop up such evil tyrants economically?

Given this line of 'thinking' by Sinn Féin, presumably they would have opposed economic sanctions against the sickening South African apartheid regime in the 1980s. The Burmese junta is comparable to, if not worse than, the South African regime in terms of its brutality.

It does strike me as being a little hypocritical when Sinn Féin sings the praises of the SDLP's sister party the ANC, its 'International Department' claims that "Sinn Féin has built up fraternal links with many struggles throughout the world. We actively campaigned against Apartheid in South Africa..." and its public representatives turn out for Burma demonstrations while demanding that the regime's activities "must be tackled by the international community" and then it turns around and fails to put its money where its mouth is in relation to the Burmese dictatorship when it counts. The party also failed to back a similar motion in the Assembly.

Let's not forget, the Burmese regime is guilty of jailing people without trial, engaging in extra-judicial executions and torture.

The call for sanctions against the Burmese regime has been backed by a wide range of leaders such as Gordon Brown and the deputy leader of the European Parliament. It is too much to ask that lil' ol' Belfast City Council do the same? It seems it is.

The words saoirse, ceart agus síocháin clearly don't feature in the Sinn Féin lexicon. Do the military trappings of the Burmese dictatorship evoke a little bit too much nostalgia for the party to condemn the regime?

Problem Parties? The Only Problem Is The DUP And Sinn Féin's Misunderstanding Of Democracy

You've got to hand it to Martin McGuinness- for someone without RADA training it must have taken some skill to keep a straight face yesterday when he described the SDLP and UUP as the "problem parties". Clap, clap, clap. Bravo.

Perhaps Mr McGuinness suffers from amnesia (probably useful given his past), but if he casts his mind back just a decade, then he will see what real problem parties were, including his own- on one side we had Sinn Féin advocating the resurrected campaign of terror being waged by the IRA and refusing to condemn provo killings, and on the other we saw the DUP refusing to entertain the idea of sharing power with nationalists and displaying just about every sectarian cliché in the book. The only problem with the SDLP and UUP for Sinn Féin and the DUP in the current administration is that they won't roll over and do what they're told by the right-wing axis at the centre of the Executive.

I know Sinn Féin and the DUP are fairly new to this whole democracy thing, but they really could have done their homework and tried to understand how it works. Unlike the internal operation of their parties, democracy involves freedom of thought and expression and emphasis being placed on accountability. They also seem to misunderstand that unlike voluntary coalitions such as the one currently in power in the south, members of the Stormont Executive are not bound into speaking with the one voice and operating within an agreed agenda. Under the consociational model, ministers are there as of right- their mandate affords them the right to take an independent approach to government if they wish, and stand by their principles and manifesto promises- their only responsibility is to their voters and the people of the north. The SDLP and UUP are not duty-bound to dance to the DUP/SF axis' tune. And it's a good thing too.

The SDLP and UUP are doing nothing other than working the system that they created- it has nothing to do with being an 'opposition within the Executive'- it's about holding the axis to account and providing checks and balances. If Sinn Féin and DUP want a more positive response from the SDLP and UUP, then perhaps they should be more constructive rather than squeezing their budgets. Margaret Ritchie has stated that she has not been given enough cash to build the necessary social housing- it is her duty to point this out, but the axis seem to think that she should just shut up and accept whatever they dish out. Tough- that's not going to happen. And the more the axis attacks the SDLP and UUP, the more they will react adversely to such bully-boy tactics- when you force a dog into a corner, it will bite.

It's good to see the SDLP and UUP acting as the voice of reason in the Executive- the fact that the DUP/ SF axis is pumping out nasty and personal statements against those two parties' ministers merely shows that they are rattled.

Message to Margaret, Reg and Michael- keep up the good work!

The Importance Of Being Bilingual

With the ongoing debate and needless politicisation of the Irish language issue by the DUP, I hope I'm not barking up the wrong tree by showing this video as a lighthearted example of how an ability to speak both English and Irish is a good thing. There's nothing fishy about the idea of an Irish Language Act- it will help secure and enhance a linguistic heritage that belongs to everyone on this island, and will promote a greater understanding of where we have come from as we look at where we are going. The DUP and other politicians such as David McNarry may throw dog's abuse at the Irish language and its supporters, but that will not deter those who believe that an act is necessary. Enjoy!

Update: This is what might just happen without an Irish Language Act. Clearly this bird was monolingual. Better not taking any chances, eh..?

The SDLP: A Republican Party?

I’ve recently been having an argument debate on Wikipedia over whether the SDLP is an Irish republican party- I say it is; others disagree. I pointed out that the SDLP has described itself as a republican party, but others seem to think that it depends on the perception which people have of a party which counts (an altogether less tangible measurement).

So what is the definition of ‘republican’? Well, as an adjective one tends to find explanations such as “a person who favours a republican form of government” and “having the supreme power lying in the body of citizens entitled to vote for officers and representatives responsible to them or characteristic of such government.” As a noun, we find “One who favours a republic as the best form of government.” Clearly the SDLP adheres to these definitions- it favours a republican form of government, as it has stated many times, and believes in a system in which the citizens have the ultimate say in who governs.

So what exactly is the problem? It seems that for some, an organisation can only be Irish republican if it does, or has, advocated the use of violence as a means of achieving its goals. Clearly this is rubbish. The use of violence is wholly irrelevant- it is a means rather than an end goal.

And to say that it ought to be based on people’s perception rather than the political outlook of the respective party is also rubbish. This brings it entirely within the field of subjectivity, which is clearly going to spark opinions based on personal political beliefs and outlooks rather than cold, hard facts. If I were to go on the UUP’s Wikipedia page and state that they are a unionist party, would it be legitimate for someone to block this because they believe the UUP has attempted to sell the union down the river by signing-up to the Good Friday Agreement? Clearly not. Whatever one’s opinion of the UUP’s tactics and competence are, it has publicly stated that it favours the union and wishes to maintain it- therefore it is a unionist party. That is a fact.

And the facts are that the SDLP, in terms of its manifesto commitments and track record, is republican in the truest sense- it has described itself thus and believes in a republican form of government in a united Ireland. Regardless of how the SDLP is perceived, in this circumstance a party can only be judged on its record and ideological outlook, and even the briefest of analyses reveals the simple truth that by definition the SDLP falls into the category- it is an Irish republican party.

The SDLP may not bear arms. The SDLP may not shove the tricolour in people’s faces. The SDLP may not parade around in berets. But that does not reduce its legitimacy as a republican organisation- in fact, given its history of success in achieving its goals and advancing the primacy of citizen power, it may even be the most republican of all.

FitzGerald says no to FF/SDLP merger

Former Taoiseach and Fine Gael leader, Garret FitzGerald, has a piece on a possible Fianna Fáil/SDLP merger in today’s Irish Times. He is not taken with the idea and believes that such a merger would compromise the chances of the UUP and SDLP working together as an opposition against Sinn Féin/DUP.

He writes: “Northern Ireland is probably unique in today’s Europe in being governed by a coalition of two basically working-class parties, the DUP and Sinn Féin. But the experience of recent decades throughout Europe suggests that in Northern Ireland the future may lie rather with parties more sensitive to and reflective of middle-class interests – so that over time the SDLP/UUP vote could grow at the expense of the DUP/Sinn Féin Axis.

“The involvement of a party or parties from the Republic in Northern Ireland politics might make it much more difficult for the UUP to ally itself with the SDLP – an alliance that offers what may be the only prospect of the emergence in Northern Ireland of a cross-community political system and the end of sectarian politics.

“Given that the whole history of the SDLP testifies to the value of that party remaining aloof from involvement in the party politics of the Republic, it would be surprising if these considerations did not weigh strongly with many members of that party.”

FitzGerald says “no” then.

Martin and the green-eyed monster

Interviewed after six months as Deputy First Minister, Sinn Féin’s Martin McGuinness, made some curious remarks. He commented that there were members of the SDLP who walked past him in the corridors of Stormont “as if I didn’t exist”. McGuinness is not bovvered though; he believes that they and the UUP are just jealous that Paisley and himself get along so well. They have not had as much as a cross word during their time in office, according to McGuinness.

Of the many surreal moments that the peace process has thrown up, this must rank as one of the oddest. After all, we were constantly told in the run-up to the Good Friday Agreement and all that followed that McGuinness was “the volunteers’ volunteer”, the hard man who was needed to persuade other hard men that he would keep an eye on Gerry Adams, a dangerous intellectual. (His books have not gone away, you know.)

Yet it seems strange that the cold shoulder would cause McGuinness such annoyance and his explanation for the cause of that coldness – the green-eyed monster of jealousy of a stable DUP/Sinn Féin marriage – is thin. It is an argument that has all the sophistication of a schoolboy turning up for P.E. in his brand new football boots while his classmates have to make do with old gutties. (The problem for McGuinness is, of course, that the boots are hand-me-downs from Seamus Mallon and Mark Durkan.)

The bombast is understandable. McGuinness has simultaneously reached both the top and the end of his political career. He will never be Sinn Féin president, a job that Adams will continue to hold, and McGuinness has no political future in the Republic where he has a much lower profile amongst the electorate than Adams. Being Deputy First Minister is McGuinness’ be all and end all; this is as good as it gets for him; as good as it will ever get. But he obviously feels the slight to his dignity and the need to bare his soul to all. Let us hope that he follows Gerry Adams’ example and pens a memoir. ‘From Cold Cell to Cold Shoulder’ would be an apt title.

The Stormont Ministry Choices- What It Means

There is no doubting that yesterday’s development which saw the four main parties agree which ministries they would seek in the assembly was a positive step forward- who would have thought that by April we would have seen the Paisleyites and the Provos sitting face-to-face divvying up ministerial seats alongside the UUP and SDLP?

The choice of ministries the parties have made generally reflects the tack they will be taking when devolution is restored.

Democratic Unionist Party

The DUP took Finance, Trade and Enterprise, Environment, and Culture, Arts and Leisure.

In recent weeks the DUP has been casting itself as the tough negotiator in terms of squeezing cash from a tight-fisted British Treasury- clearly it intends to continue in this role, opting to control the purse strings of the assembly.

The selection of the Trade and Enterprise portfolio has been designed by Paisley’s party as a way of curbing North-South cooperation. If the DUP cut back on links, it will only be to the detriment of people across this island- although the island of Ireland is one nation, the fact remains that it is administered as two separate entities- as such, our friends in the republic are our nearest neighbours. It makes perfect sense to not only benefit from the economies of scale cross-border cooperation would bring, but also to capitalise on the success of the Celtic Tiger by allowing the benefits it has brought to permeate through the border to the north-eastern counties. Can the DUP continue their move beyond rhetoric, or will they continue to see northsouthery as anathema despite the fact that it would bring benefits?

The selection of the Environment ministry may be a sop to Jim Wells- there have been rumblings of discontent from the South Down MLA over the DUP’s decision to enter government with Sinn Féin, and it is understood that he was the only MLA who voted against the move at the recent party executive meeting. Last year he stood down as the party’s environment spokesperson, but his background in the RSPB and interest in nature may see him elevated to the role of Environment Minister in order to keep the assembly party unified.

The selection of the Culture, Arts and Lesiure portfolio can be viewed as a direct attempt by the DUP to stymie moves to introduce an Irish Language Act. Only this week, Ian Paisley said that he would not countenance any such legislation being passed by Stormont. Even if the act is passed by the Westminster Parliament, the DUP may use this ministry to frustrate its implementation.

Sinn Féin

Sinn Féin chose Education, Regional Development, and Agriculture.

Some commentators were surprised at Sinn Féin choosing to head-up Education again, but with Martin McGuinness having enjoyed a high level of publicity during his ‘reign’, particularly in relation to the eleven-plus, Sinn Féin will see the selection of this ministry as enabling them to finish what they started under the previous assembly. The proposal to abolish the eleven plus is popular among nationalists, with both the SDLP and Sinn Féin calling for it to be scrapped, so Sinn Féin will wish to capitalise on the idea that under the old assembly they started the move to get rid of the dreaded transfer test, and under the new assembly they will replace it with something altogether better.

The Regional Development portfolio is a potential hot potato for Sinn Féin, given that they will have to deal with issues such as water rates. Indeed, only yesterday Mitchel McLaughlin appeared on television stating that people will have to pay for their water, which is bizarre given the barrage of attack Sinn Féin has mounted against the SDLP for apparently saying the same thing a few years ago.

Sinn Féin’s decision to deal with Agriculture comes as no surprise- with the exception of West Belfast, Sinn Féin’s Westminster MPs all come from largely rural constituencies, the same constituencies in which the party did particularly well in the recent assembly elections. With a line of dark green stretching from West Tyrone round to Newry & Armagh, Sinn Féin will see delivery on agricultural issues as a way of maintaining their strength in these areas.

Ulster Unionist Party

The UUP has taken Health and Employment and Learning.

The Ulster Unionists recently said that Health Education was the ministry they would be targeting, and so it has has not come to pass. Although the Health portfolio is fraught with danger, there is no doubting that it is high profile and the UUP could definitely benefit if they box clever and deliver. Bairbre de Brún, despite producing mixed results when she was Health Minister, managed to use the role to boost her personal profile to the extent that she easily took a seat in 2004 when she ran for Sinn Féin in the European parliamentary elections. Indeed, there is a strong chance that UUP deputy leader Danny Kennedy could take up the Health ministry, paving the way for his candidacy in the 2009 European elections where, if he decides to run, he will be seeking to hold the seat of his erstwhile constituency-mate Jim Nicholson.

The UUP’s selection of Employment and Learning will see them dealing with issues such university tuition fees, again something from which they could benefit if they do a good job. They may also need to deal with pay issues in Further Education colleges where lecturers have been forced to strike repeatedly on account of the British government holding back on pay rises to which they are entitled.

Social Democratic and Labour Party

The SDLP has taken Social Development.

This is an interesting choice from the SDLP, but one which may enable them to get back to their community roots. One of the SDLP’s biggest problems in recent years has been the party’s perceived detachment from grassroots politics. If they are seen to deliver for communities and people living in disadvantaged areas, it could lay the foundation for a rejuvenation of the SDLP’s strength at local level across the north. There is also the prospect that they may be able to call a halt to the British government’s proposed bankrolling of the UDA, a move which would be a vote winner in nationalist (and likewise many unionist) areas. Indeed, this ministry could enable the SDLP to guide funding for disadvantaged areas away from paramilitary-linked organisations and towards groups who exist to genuinely improve the lot of people living in their respective communities.

Although these choices are not set in stone, yesterday’s gentleman’s agreement will most likely see them remain as they stand. The question now is- how will they perform?