Politics loves some people and hates others. It’s usually reasonably obvious why particular MPs prosper, and others don’t, especially if you meet them first by seeing them on a TV programme, as most of us do.
These days, you absolutely have to look and sound good on TV, above all other things. This has created a new type of politician, one who often looks odd and seems odd off screen, but is touched with magic on it. Anthony Blair is one such. Youth is usually important or at least the appearance of being youthful, so fat, ugly or even awkward people, or intense and thoughtful people, or people with big eyes, or people who don’t smile all the time, are cursed with disadvantages before they even begin.
Looking back at the political figures of my own youth, most of whom looked either like tortoises or like sausages, it is hard to imagine any of them rising to prominence now.
And looking at the politicians of today, often barely out of their teens, in most cases unable to deliver a speech with force or elegance, Olympically ignorant of history, geography and morals (they have an obsession with man-made global warming where their morals ought to be) , untouched by hard experience, it is impossible to see any of them even being MPs in, say, 1955.
Mrs Theresa May doesn’t quite fit in with this pattern. Born in 1956, she’s of an older generation than David Cameron (born 1966) than George Osborne (born 1971), Michael Gove (born 1967) and even of William Hague (born 1961). I can’t offhand recall the names or faces of any other Cabinet members, though I’m sure that with an effort I could do so. I find it easier to remember the names of the Duke of Marlborough’s four great victories (Blenheim, Ramillies, Oudenarde and Malplaquet, since you ask).
And it’s a significant gap. Someone born in 1956 would have grown up at last partly in pre-revolutionary Britain, consciously living in a world before supermarkets, ring roads and colour TV were universal, and before modern music, with its unending drumbeat and guitar jangle, had become the default background noise of life. She’s a clergyman’s daughter, so quite possibly her upbringing was untypically old-fashioned.
But there’s no sign of intellectual ferment. Asked to choose (in one of those website quizzes) between Edmund Burke’s ‘Reflections on the Revolution in France’ and a novel by Louise Bagshawe (now Mensch), she said she wouldn’t read either of them, adding ‘sorry’. She won her way to Oxford in the mid-1970s, from a grammar school which she tends to describe as a comprehensive (which it became after she had been there some time). That betokens some cleverness. But her subject of choice was Geography, not the politician’s degree of Philosophy, Politics and Economics. I know I often say that politicians don’t know any geography, but I think most readers will know that by that I mean they don’t know historical geography, the faultlines of power.
Even so there are clear signs, early on, of political ambition, a desire (confessed by her) to be a Tory MP from the age of 12, membership of the Oxford University Conservative Association, (through which she met her husband, an investment banker of whom we know pretty much nothing at all), a willingness to stand in hopeless seats(Durham NW 1992 and Barking in a 1994 by-election).
Then there was a long zone of non-excitement working for the Association for Payment Clearing Services, a name so unglamorous that you might almost suspect it of being an MI6 front, from 1985 to 1997, and a councillor in the London borough of Merton from 1986 to 1994.
She’s a fellow of the Royal Geographical Society. She lists among her interests education, disability and local government, and her recreations as walking and cooking.
Everyone knows about her famous ‘nasty party’ speech, which paced her firmly on the side of those who wanted to deconservatize the Tory Party in the Hague, IDS and Michael Howard eras. This is the faction now very much in charge. Now she’s supposed to be engaged in a punch-up with Michael Gove. This is to some sort of contest to see who’s tougher on ‘Islamist militants’. Those favourite bogeypersons of our age. Being ‘tough’ on these bearded persons is a useful distraction when you have entirely lost control of the national borders, and of crime.
She recently had a well-publicized brawl with everybody’s least favourite pressure group, the Police Federation, which apparently impressed many of my fellow scribblers, though it left me quietly muttering the word ‘triangulation’ to myself.
I’ve written before (in March 2013) about the attempt to turn her into the New Iron Lady. I thought this might be a good moment to reproduce that article. I’m told she’s the new Maggie Thatcher. I’m no admirer of Lady Thatcher, who doesn’t seem to me to have been especially conservative in practice, but this still seems to me to be more or less delusionary.
You might just as well call her the new Shirley Williams, or the new Harriet Harman, it seems to me. :
The Mystery of Theresa May
Now that the Cameron Delusion has exploded in a miniature mushroom cloud of dead ducks, rusty wind farms, broken promises, and the bristling moustaches of infuriated activists , the doomed Tory Party are once again looking for a new false hope. They have got the sticky-backed plastic and the old washing-up bottles out, plus a few bowls of papier-mache, and are trying to construct a new hope out of the Rt Hon Theresa May MP. The media voices that once told us that Mr Cameron could lead the Tories out of the Wilderness of Zimmer, or wherever it is they have been wandering since the fall of Mrs Thatcher, are now proposing Mrs May as the New Mrs Thatcher. This would be very funny if it were not also very sad.
I suspect this has a lot to do with Mrs May’s attractive, resourceful and hard-working special adviser, Fiona Cunningham, who in my limited experience is a good deal more animated and adventurous than the Home Secretary. I have noticed Ms Cunningham appearing recently in news pictures with her boss. This is a development frowned upon in the civil service. Officials who get into the picture generally have to buy cakes all round for the whole private office. But I applaud it. We should know more about these important figures. Special advisers (Spads for short) are often hugely significant people, whose influence is often forgotten. They are also, in many cases, the Cabinet Ministers of the day after tomorrow. This is partly because they are often the main link between senior politicians and the national media and so understand very well the important relation between these two elites, explored in my book ‘The Cameron Delusion’ but largely unknown to the public.
I cannot say if this is the case with Ms Cunningham, since I have not made any great efforts to ( as the phrase goes) 'get alongside' . I have the impression Mrs May doesn’t much like me, and I can quite understand why that might be so. Fortunately, I have no great desire to be liked by politicians.
I have often pointed out that Mrs May is in fact hugely politically correct. I have compared her to Labour’s Harriet Harman, and pointed out that the two women got on rather well during the passage of Labour’s Equality Act, which Mrs May was meant to be opposing. The Act pretty much set in concrete European Union directives on ‘Equality and Diversity’ which have turned this slogan (a polite expression for Political Correctness) into Britain’s official ideology. This profound change has led very quickly to the official dethroning of Christianity in English law, as the ultimate source of law, and the ultimate test of good.
It is not just me saying this. In ‘The Times’ of 24th November 2011, we read (in an article by Anushka Asthana) :
‘Britain's equality chief has praised Theresa May, the Tory Home Secretary, arguing that she fights just as hard for women's rights as Labour's fiercest advocates on the issue.’
The article said that Trevor Phillips, the chairman of the Equality and Human Rights Commission, had (like me) compared Mrs May to Harriet Harman . It recounted ‘But Mr Phillips said that he was just as impressed by the Tories' most senior female figure. “Theresa May, in my opinion, is just as aggressive as Harriet Harman was on women's equality,” he said. “Equality is an issue that can transcend politics, and we should judge people not on their political label but what they are doing and what they deliver.” Mr Phillips is also recorded as having praised Mrs May for resisting pressure to do a U-turn on the Equality Act and fighting off attempts to remove workplace protections for women.’
Somehow or other this person is now being portrayed as a ‘New Iron Lady’, because of some neo-liberal stuff on privatising health and education (which, whatever it is, is not conservative) and because she is making promises (on which she must be pretty sure she will never be tested ) to repeal the Human Rights Act.
Is this credible? Back in December 2009, Mrs May was puffed by the Guardian in an admiring interview, during which she let slip that she now favoured all-women shortlists for the selection of Tory candidates This was the same Mrs May who, in an earlier incarnation, had said (in 2002): ‘: 'I'm totally opposed to Labour's idea of all-women shortlists and I think they are an insult to women. I've competed equally with men in my career, and I have been happy to do so in politics too.'
I would also like to harp on here about Mrs May’s curious portrayal of her own education. She repeatedly says in official reference books that she went to Wheatley Park Comprehensive School, a reasonably well-regarded rural comp, based on an old manor house outside the small town or large village of Wheatley, a few miles to the East of Oxford.
Actually, it is not quite that simple. She attended a private convent school till she was 13. Then in 1969, she went (presumably after passing a selective exam) to Holton Park, a girls’ grammar school. In 1971, two years later, this was merged with Shotover School, a nearby mixed sex secondary modern, and became Wheatley Park Comprehensive. It was normal practice, during such mergers, for the existing grammar school pupils to continue in a ‘grammar stream’ until the end of their education. I cannot say for certain that it was the case during Mrs May’s schooling, but it is highly likely.
Now, I know of at least one former Labour MP who described his school (in reference books) as a ‘comprehensive’ even though the city in which he was educated had no comprehensive schools at the time, and the school involved was a secondary modern. He was so keen to emphasise that he had undergone this egalitarian baptism, that he overcame this little detail (and in truth there’s not much difference between most comps and most secondary moderns). I can see why a committed socialist might want to blur the boundaries.
But why would a Conservative MP, in describing her schooling, choose to describe it so? The Tories say emphatically that they won't build any new grammar schools, but they sort of acknowledge they were a good thing and won't (for now) destroy the few remaining ones. I think it is at least interesting, and not very encouraging to those who fancy that Mrs May is some sort of saviour from the right.
Then of course there is her description of the Tories in 2002 as ‘The Nasty Party’. Few doubted that she intended to strike at those who were resisting the moral, social and cultural revolution launched by New Labour, then very much under way. As for the praise she gets for avoiding the political traps into which previous Home Secretaries have fallen, let us note here that the main source of those traps was always the old Home Department’s responsibility for prisons , Judges and courts – which has now been handed over to the Ministry of Justice. (Just as all countries which have Ministries of Culture tend to be cultural deserts, countries with Justice Ministries tend to be pretty short of justice, but that’s a discussion for another time).
Now, what has such a person got against the Human Rights Act, or the Court? In my view, I can’t see why she should quarrel with it on any principle.
What did she actually say? I haven’t so far been able to obtain a full copy of her speech. But this is one key passage : ‘We need to stop human rights legislation interfering with our ability to fight crime and control immigration. That's why, as our last manifesto promised, the next Conservative government will scrap the Human Rights Act, and it's why we should also consider very carefully our relationship with the European Court of Human Rights and the Convention it enforces. When Strasbourg constantly moves the goalposts and prevents the deportation of dangerous men like Abu Qatada, we have to ask ourselves, to what end are we signatories to the convention? Are we really limiting human rights abuses in other countries? I'm sceptical.’
She also said : ‘By 2015 we'll need a plan for dealing with the European Court of Human Rights. And yes, I want to be clear that all options - including leaving the Convention altogether - should be on the table.’
Now, those who were diddled by Mr Slippery’s ‘pledge’ of a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty should recall how important the detailed language turned out to be. The Slippery Team managed to argue that Mr Cameron’s pledge was annulled by the fact that the Treaty had been ratified (I always note here the very interesting fact that this ratification was not achieved until after the Tory conference of that year, so sparing the Slippery Team from having to make this rather tattered defence in front of a hall full of actual Tory Party members).
Now, Mrs May here speaks of ‘The next Conservative Government’. Well, when will that be, say the Bells of Old Bailey? Even if Mr Nigel Farage is silly enough to offer the Tories some kind of pledge in 2015 (and if he does this he will drive his party straight over a cliff), the Tories cannot win the next election (or the one after, or the one after that). As I have been pointing out now for at least seven years, the Tories will never again form a majority in a United Kingdom Parliament. So pledges of this kind are not just post-dated cheques. They are cheques signed in invisible ink, drawn on a non-existent account. We all know what happened to Mr Cameron’s ‘British Bill of Rights’ (he seems not to know we already have one) and the commission set up to look into it. Mrs May’s pledge is from the same dodgy shop, the sort which, when you take your wonky goods back a week later, has whitewash smeared on the window and a sign saying ‘Closed!’ upon the door.
As for the ‘option’ of leaving the European Convention on Human Rights, an option is presumably a choice. Thus, what she has actually said is that a *choice* of leaving or not leaving the ECHR (in which she might take the choice of staying in) will be *on the table* (which does not mean that it would be adopted, or that she would adopt it, or that it couldn’t also be snatched *off* the table at a later stage) and all this would only happen *if the Tories win the next election*, which of course they will not do.
My goodness, this is not tough talk. Cloud Cuckoo Land, or the summit of Kanchenjunga, seem accessible by comparison with these remote and unattainable conditions, as does a nice slice of Pie in the Sky, and an attractive holiday in a Castle in the Air (paid for in full, in advance). Anyone who is taken in by it deserves everything he gets.
We are back with my favourite derisive rhymes – ‘With a ladder and some glasses, you could see the Hackney Marshes, if it wasn’t for the houses in between’, and ‘If we had some ham, we could have some ham and eggs, if we had some eggs’. Indeed we could. I think it is best summed up by pointing out that, if Mrs May were a verb, she would be no more definite or reliable than her pledges. Why do people take this sort of thing seriously? For the same reason people believe all kinds of daft things – because they want to. Why do they want to ? Because they’d rather not realise how bad things really are. And so on. Thus universal suffrage democracy marches onward to the cliff-edge, singing as it goes.