Showing posts with label Canada. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Canada. Show all posts

Sunday, May 20, 2012

Police use tear gas, smoke bombs after Molotov cocktails reportedly tossed


By Monique Muise, The Gazette May 19, 2012

Tuition-hike protesters continue to march the streets of Montreal on Friday, May 18, 2012.
Photograph by: Tijana Martin , The Gazette

MONTREAL - Appeals for calm from various student associations and political leaders following the passage of a controversial new law in Quebec appeared to be largely heeded as several thousand people protested peacefully in Montreal from Friday night until 3:30 a.m. Saturday.

About two hours into the event, however, police reported a series of Molotov cocktails had been thrown at officers by a handful of protesters, prompting the riot squad to deploy smoke bombs, percussion bombs and CS gas against the entire crowd.

Until that point, Friday's demonstrators had followed a sequence of events that has become familiar to police, event organizers and the average Montrealer over the last three months; leaving Parc Émilie-Gamelin around 9 p.m. and winding their way slowly toward the downtown core. As usual, police followed closely and adjusted as the march changed course several times; at one point stopping in front of the Montreal courthouse and completely reversing direction.

Also as per usual, a small group of violent protesters attempted to cause mayhem, getting into scuffles with police shortly after the event began. But for the most part, all seemed to be unfolding peacefully.

The police response just before 10 p.m. came fast and furious, however, allegedly in response to attacks by a small group of violent demonstrators near the entrance to Montreal's Chinatown along René-Lévesque Blvd. The huge crowd immediately scattered in panic, then regrouped and kept marching peacefully en masse, chanting, "We stay together!"

While police declared the gathering illegal, they still had not intervened again as of midnight. The crowd continued to walk, splitting into smaller groups that eventaully met up again. There were scattered reports of broken windows and at least one altercation involving a bystander. Four arrests were made: two for armed aggression related to the Molotov cocktails, one for assault on an officer and one for being nude in public. Report reported that the window of a Bank of Montreal was broken and the building itself vandalized.

There was a palpable undercurrent of anger rippling through the crowd throughout the evening, likely stemming from the passage just hours before of new provincial legislation that will have a direct impact on public protests in Quebec.

The law, Bill 78, which passed in the National Assembly at 5:30 p.m. and came into effect hours later with the signature of the province’s Lieutenant Governor, stipulates that protest organizers must disclose the start time, end time and route of their planned demonstration to police eight hours before the event begins. Montreal police said they were provided with that information Friday night. Near midnight, however, the police tweeted, via @SPVM, that "Bill 78 can't be enforced this evening, because the #SPVM has to ensure the modalities of application before."

Many of those who came out for the event said they want to see the law scrapped entirely.

"I read the law, and it doesn't make sense," said high school student Laurence Simard, 16, before the march began. "The government is just closed off to the demands of students."

Her friend, Oliver Cohen, 15, said he wasn't too concerned about possible violence during the event, but added that "people are angry. And they have the right to be angry."

Friday night’s demonstration also came on the heels of the passage a controversial new municipal regulation. A bylaw adopted by Montreal city council early in the day made it illegal to wear a mask, scarf or hood during a public demonstration in the city without a valid excuse, or hold that demonstration without first providing police with a route.

Those rules are expected to come into force on Saturday morning.

Read more: http://www.montrealgazette.com/news/Police+tear+smoke+bombs+after+Molotov+cocktails+reportedly+tossed/6647402/story.html#ixzz1vOlYIrJd

Saturday, May 19, 2012

Multiple injuries,109 arrests at Victoriaville tuition riot

Sat May. 05 2012 ctvmontreal.ca


MONTREAL — A protester is fighting for his life after suffering head
injuries, one of several injuries that occurred after events got out of
hand at a tuition protest in Victoriaville at around 6:45 p.m. Friday.

Demonstrators stormed past barriers, tossing rocks and other projectiles
while police responded with tear gas and rubber bullets, in a series of
skirmishes that ended with 109 arrests.

Three SQ police officers were hurt, two seriously, and six demonstrators
were also injured in the clashes.

Along with the protester clinging to life, another two suffered serious
injuries, one a man with an injury to the head and the other a woman
coping with a blow to the face.

At least two police vehicles were vandalized.

The protesters had been transported in about 30 buses to make their voices
heard at the Quebec Liberal Party annual convention, taking place this
weekend.

The demonstrators dismantled the barriers, which had been placed far from
the convention centre and advanced towards the hotel, tossing projectiles
in the form of billiard balls, chunks of cement and rocks.

Police helicopters hovered low atop a cloud of tear gas, as visibility was
diminished. Many on the ground, including CTV Montreal reporter Laura
Casella were caught in the crossfire and choked by the gaseous fumes (see
video at right).

Police representative Jean Finet later confirmed that rubber bullets and
other impact weapons had been employed in an effort to push the more
aggressive demonstrators back.

The scuffles lasted about two hours and included an exchange in which a
police officer was attacked and beaten by some of the estimated 2,500
demonstrators after a police car advanced towards the crowd, presumably to
help the other officer. A police official later reported that the officer
did not suffer serious injuries.

Protesters were eventually forced to withdraw but tensions remained high
after the initial skirmish

Some demonstrators who had hoped to protest peacefully reportedly fought
with other of their more aggressive brethren over the direction that the
protest had taken.

The situation eventually calmed down after rain started falling and many
of the aggressive troublemakers were rounded up.

Eventually people were allowed in and out of the hotel after several hours
of all doors being locked.

Provincial police were not immediately able to supply details concerning
arrests but busloads of rounded-up demonstrators were apparently being
brought for police processing late Friday.

According to several text entries on Twitter, some buses transporting
protesters out of Victoriaville after the protests Friday were stopped by
police attempting to round up more suspects.

During the riots several student leaders attending a meeting with
government officials in Quebec City came out to talk to media and
denounced the violence in Victoriaville and urged cooler heads to prevail.

Earlier Friday afternoon, Premier Jean Charest appeared relaxed and
reassured at the kickoff of the Quebec Liberal Party annual meeting in
Victoriaville, in spite of the specter of massive student protests.

The party's annual general meeting is being held at a convention centre
adjoining the Hotel Le Victorin.

Prior to the meeting, the convention centre was surrounded by fences and
police officers, in an effort to avoid possible disruption by protesters.

Charest was scheduled to speak at 7:20 p.m. to about 500 party members on
a topic entitled, "Together for a Greater Quebec."

Charest, in his speech, said that the tuition hikes are just and
equitable. "It's high time the student boycotters return to class," he
said.

He also spoke harshly about PQ leader Pauline Marois, who he argued does
not possess leadership qualities.

Marois, in turn, denounced what she describe as Charest's "authoritarian"
approach to the tuition dispute at the PQ annual general meeting in Quebec
City Saturday morning, a meeting attended by about 400 party delegates.

Prior to the clashes, Victoriaville demonstrators appeared pleased by news
that student leaders were convening in Quebec City with government
officials.

"We are really happy because it's a good moment to talk and find a
solution to this crisis but we never know how it's going to end," she
said.

Another young woman who had come with her mother sought to demonstrate
that many of the protesters were everyday people.

"There's a lot of protesters who look perfectly normal like me and my my
mom but there's a lot of police but for nothing," she said.

A luncheon meeting was scheduled for Saturday and to be presided over by
Education Minister Line Beauchamp and Finance Minister Raymond Bachand,
who were to address the tuition issue. Beauchamp later backed out of that
meeting, citing the ongoing discussions in Quebec City.

Victoriaville had been on a war footing for several days and Mayor Alain
Rayes outlined the preventative measures the city would be taking, for
example, a car dealership near the hotel had removed the vehicles from its
lot to prevent damage.

And the CEGEP de Victoriaville, which declined to take part in the school
boycott, closed its doors for two days to prevent possible damage.

On the upside, every hotel room in the city was booked for the weekend
with the influx of visitors.

With a file from The Canadian Press

Sunday, April 22, 2012

40 Years on, 1960s Black Radical Still Suffers Racial and Political Injustice

Sunday, 15 April 2012 08:26 By Rania Khalek, Truthout

Gary Freeman, Chicago(Image: Jared Rodriguez / Truthout)The consequences of America's racist history still linger deep into the present. No one understands this better than Gary Freeman, a 1960s black civil rights activist whose life has been turned upside down by the racial and political injustice perpetuated first by the United States and now by Canada.
Freeman has spent the last four years separated from his Canadian wife and four grown children due to false allegations that he is a former member of the Black Panthers Party. This accusation stems from an incident that took place in 1969, when Freeman, just 19 at the time, shot a white police officer in the arm, which he claims was in self-defense.
Freeman, known back then as Joseph Pannell, was charged with aggravated battery and attempted murder, which carried a 30-year jail sentence. Given the racial bigotry of the time, he feared a fair trial was impossible, so he changed his name and began a new life in Canada, where he spent nearly four decades building a life as a father, husband and research librarian.
That all changed in 2004, when he was arrested at gunpoint and thrown into pre-extradition Canadian detention, where he spent four years fighting extradition to Chicago.
In 2008, following three years of negotiations with prosecutors, Freeman agreed to voluntarily return to Chicago, where he accepted a plea bargain in exchange for a 30-day prison sentence and two years' probation, which he finished serving in 2010 without incident. He was also required to donate $250,000 to the Chicago Police Memorial Foundation, a fund for families of officers killed or injured in the line of duty.
Since then, Freeman says, "American authorities have treated me with dignity and respect." Canada, on the other hand, refuses to allow Freeman back into the country, not because of the shootout, but based on the discredited rumor that Freeman was formerly a member of the Black Panthers Party.
Still, if not for the injustice perpetrated against Freeman by the United States, Canada would not be in the position to refuse him entry. So, let's rewind and examine how this all began.
A White Cop Stops a Black Kid
On March 7, 1969, 19-year-old Freeman (still known then as Joseph Pannell) was stopped in the south side of Chicago by Terrence Knox, a 21-year-old white police officer. Knox claimed that he stopped Freeman to ask why he was not in school and that Freeman responded by inexplicably firing shots at him.
Freeman vehemently disputes Knox's version of events, saying he was compliant until Knox attempted to frisk him. Freeman refused on the grounds that the officer lacked probable cause, at which point Knox threw him over his squad car, put a gun to his head and began screaming, "I'm gonna blow your head off, nigger."
"I was waiting to be killed. I turned my head around and closed my eyes," recalled Freeman.
 "And then I heard a voice. We were in front of a school. Some of the black kids were hanging out at the window asking, 'Hey brother, what's wrong, what's happening?' That paused him [Officer Knox] for just a second."
"Things were very fast, but in slow motion," said Freeman. "So, I drew my own, I swung around and he started firing and I started firing and I happened to be more accurate. My purpose was to disarm him."
Black and Radical in 1960s Chicago
Freeman insists that he was carrying a firearm because it was, "a dangerous time."
"The question was and remains why self-defense is not okay for those held to be the 'other,' or less than that," argues Freeman.
Chicago was indeed a scary place for African-American youth in the 1960s. As the Boston Review points out, "Chicago police led the nation in the slaying of private citizens, who were euphemistically characterized as 'fleeing felons' to mask the routine use of excessive force by police against racial minorities."
In 1969, the same year the shooting occurred, 11 black youths from Chicago's South Side were killed at the hands of Chicago police. Meanwhile, the FBI's Counterintelligence Program (COINTELPRO) was illegally surveilling, infiltrating and disrupting lawful political activity with the participation of the Chicago Police Department, and adhering to an obsessive focus on the Black Panther Party. John Edgar Hoover, the FBI director at the time, even called the Black Panthers, "the greatest threat to internal security of the country."
In fact, in 1969, Chicago Police actively conspired with the FBI to carry out the pre-meditated murder of 21-year-old Black Panther leader Fred Hampton, whose apartment was sprayed with nearly 100 bullets in a midnight raid, two of which were fired in his head at point blank range.
Black men fared no better in Chicago's prisons. The UN Committee on Torture has even compared the treatment of black men in Chicago jails from 1971 to 1991 at the hands of Chicago police to the unaccountable torture unleashed on prisoners at Guantánamo Bay and Abu Ghraib.
Was Freeman on the FBI's Radar?
Although he was not a Black Panther, it is conceivable that Freeman was on the FBI's radar.
During his time in Chicago, Freeman worked with the Rainbow Coalition, a multiracial alliance made up of black, Puerto Rican, white and poor people's organizations that sought to continue the fight for social justice following the passage of the Civil Rights Act under the Lyndon Johnson administration. As it turns out, the FBI's COINTELPRO was actively sabotaging the Rainbow Coalition as demonstrated by "The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI's Secret Wars Against Domestic Dissent."
Even more dubious is that Knox, the officer Freeman shot, was named as a defendant in a 1974 lawsuit filed by the Alliance to End Repression against the Chicago Police Department's Subversive Activities Unit, otherwise known as the "Red Squad." The Red Squad was the intelligence unit of the Chicago Police Department that gained notoriety in 1985 when the group was found guilty of unconstitutionally spying on lawful political organizations. Court depositions listed Knox as a Red Squad "control officer."
Freeman would later learn that a woman he was dating in Chicago was an informant for Knox, which is likely how his whereabouts were known by Chicago authorities as early as 1974. Truthout obtained a copy of a letter dated August 1, 1974, written by Knox to the Canadian Immigration Center, specifying Freeman's location.
Freeman told Truthout that he planned on going to trial, but as the trial date approached, he was threatened by two white men in suits at a neighborhood bar and shot at by an unknown party whom he could only assume was sending a threatening message.
An Angry Cop Seeks Vengeance
Although Freeman always planned on one day returning to Chicago to deal with his past, he says that, on at least two occasions, he had lawyers in the United States search for a warrant for Joseph Pannell, to no avail. Freeman maintains that as recently as 1997, following the passing of his father, there were no warrants out for his arrest in the United States.
Nevertheless, in 2004, Freeman was arrested at gunpoint by a Canadian tactical team (equivalent to a US SWAT team) outside the Toronto Reference Library, where he worked. He spent the next four years in Canadian pre-extradition custody fighting extradition to the United States. Earlier that year, Knox, who was a successful AT&T executive at the time, had approached Chicago police about renewing the search for Freeman. According to Knox's obituary in the Chicago Tribune (he died last year) he never gave up on the search for Joseph Pannell.
The media immediately labeled Freeman a cop-killer, black militant and Black Panther, trumpeting the statements of Knox as fact. Even after he returned to Chicago for a plea bargain, the headline of an Associated Press article read, "Ex-Black Panther pleads guilty to '69 police shooting."
Still, Freeman received an outpouring of support from prominent figures like Yousuf Gabru, the deputy speaker of South Africa's Western Cape Province. In 2007, Gabru wrote a letter to Canada's Minister of Justice urging Canada not to extradite Freeman to the United States for fear that he, "may not receive a fair trial" and, "may be the victim to retaliatory punishment."
According to Freeman, Chicago prosecutors began discussing a plea bargain as early as 2005. In late 2006, Freeman wrote a letter to Knox suggesting that the money Knox demanded he put towards the Chicago Police Memorial Foundation go instead to, "a Police/African-American Reconciliation Scholarship fund created to benefit the children of all those killed in police/community confrontations." But Knox never responded, leaving Freeman to ask, "How could you not want to take part in a fund that provides for all children?"
Negotiations went on until the night before the plea bargain was made. Ultimately, it was the candidacy of Barack Obama that convinced Freeman to return to Chicago. The possibility of America electing its first black president left Freeman feeling hopeful that perhaps the United States had changed since the days of the Red Squad.
Canada Picks Up Where America Left Off 
Having served his time, Freeman is considered by the US government to be a free man. He has an American passport and can travel around the world as he pleases - everywhere except Canada.
According to Access to Information (the Canadian equivalent to the US Freedom of Information Act) documents, Canadian authorities acknowledge that, "there exist considerable humanitarian and compassionate considerations" to allow Freeman back into the country to reunite with his family. They even admit that Freeman is harmless and poses no threat to national security. Despite this admission, the documents also reveal that they rejected a request for a temporary visa to attend his father-in-law's funeral in 2009 because Freeman, "has been linked to an organization which used terror in pursuit of its goals," a reference to the Black Panthers.
In 2010, Freeman obtained an American passport and filed for a Canadian visa under spousal sponsorship. Under Canadian law, the immigration office had two options: 1) Accept the application on humanitarian grounds, or 2) reject it based on his criminal conviction, in which case his wife would have the option to appeal to the Immigration Appeal Division. Instead, the immigration office never responded. According to his lawyer, Barbara Jackman, "By not making a decision on his case they're preventing his wife from filing an appeal," leaving Freeman in legal limbo.
"I think they're acting in bad taste," said Jackman. "They've picked up on this Black Panthers claim, but it was never substantiated. I think that they intended to sit on it until he was eligible to overcome criminal conviction," which takes five years. Jackman believes that the Canadian government is punishing her client for his politics.
Although there is no evidence to prove that Freeman was a Black Panther, Jackman argues, "Even if that was the case, it shouldn't matter." After all, Angela Davis, a prominent 1960s activist once on the FBI's most wanted list, was closely associated with the Black Panthers, yet travels in and out of Canada all the time.
Nevertheless, on April 12 Freeman recieved a letter from the Canadian Government informing him that he is permanently inadmissable to Canada "for membership in the Black Panther Party, an organization for which there are reasonable grounds to believe has engaged in terrorism." The letter goes on to say that "no appeal may be made to the Immigration Appeal Division" because Freeman "has been found inadmissible on security grounds."  
Freeman currently spends his days in Washington DC, where he was born, waiting to find out where his future lies and missing his family terribly. He has already missed the birth of his first grandchild, his father-in-law's funeral and, more recently, the death of an old friend. His life has been turned upside down by a United States unwilling to confront its racist past and a Canadian government determined to punish a political dissident.

Tuesday, March 20, 2012

Guelph ABCs G20 Repression Update: March

March 18, 2012 Guelph ABC

Introduction

It has been one and a half years since the leaders of the twenty richest nations and their commercial and financial interested convened in Toronto for a glamorized photo-op. In June 2010, the G20 Summit took over and militarized the core of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, and saw a week of protests, actions and mass arrests.

In the lead up to the summit, police from different municipal, provincial ,federal policing and intelligent agencies formed the G20 Joint Intelligence Group to network and coordinate the state repression surrounding the G20 Summit. This included a number of tactics, including twelve undercover operations which led to the arrests of over twenty people on conspiracy charges.

During the weekend,militant actions were called by the Southern Ontario Anarchist Resistance (SOAR) and by a number of autonomous anarchist and indigenous groups. On June 25th, a break-away demonstration was called by SOAR called “Get Off the Fence”. This action saw a five hundred plus anti-capitalist bloc wreak havoc on Toronto’s financial and shopping districts, followed by generalized rioting throughout the core for hours following the demo.

What we have compiled here are some updates about anti-authoritarians and anarchists who have been facing serious criminal charges following the actions of people in the streets, and in meetings prior to the summit. Many of these cases are still open and there are many other people who have been convicted and are serving sentences who aren’t tied to anarchist networks. We hope this will shed some light on what has happened since the riot.

G20 Main Conspiracy Group

www.conspiretoresist.wordpress.com (G20 main conspiracy group)
www.boredbutnotbroken.tao.ca (Mandy Hiscocks Prison Blog)

Twenty-one people were charged with being part of the G20 main conspiracy group,the crown alleged that there were upwards of fifty other co-conspirators who were never indicted. These charges stemmed from a one and a half year infiltration operation undertaken by OPP officers Bindo Showan and Brenda Carey.

The undercovers started infiltrating anarchists in Guelph in 2008, and later spread the operation to Kitchener-Waterloo, Toronto and other communities in Southern Ontario. There were other undercover operations in Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal and upwards of a dozen police infiltrators.
By the time the case reached its preliminary hearing, charges were dropped against three defendants and one defendant received a suspended sentence in a plea resolution negotiated independently. In November, the remaining seventeen came to a plea resolution that saw charges of eleven of the defendants withdrawn and six agreed to pleading guilty and serving varying prison sentences.

The Convictions

The sentence lengths listed are before taking into account pretrial custody, house arrest, etc. Most people will serve about half of their sentences listed here.

Erik Lankin – 8 month sentence for one count of Counselling to Commit Mischief. Sentence began on November 28th 2011. Erik was released on January 26th 2012.

Adam Lewis – 6 month sentence for one count of Counselling to Commit Mischief. Sentence began on November 28th 2011. Adam was release on February 5th 2012.

Peter Hopperton – 8 month sentence for one count of Counselling to Commit Mischief. Sentence began on November 28th 2011. Peter was released on March 15th, 2012.

Leah Henderson – 14 month sentence for one count of Counselling to Commit Mischief. Sentence began on December 20th 2011. Leah is scheduled for release in June, 2012.

Alex Hundert – 18 month sentence for one count of Counselling to Commit Mischief, and one count of Counselling to Obstruct Police. Alex hasn’t begun to serve his sentence yet.

Mandy Hiscocks – 18 month sentence for one count of Counselling to Commit Mischief, and one count of Counselling to Obstruct Police. Sentence began on January 13th 2012. Mandy is scheduled for release in December 2012.

Jaggi Singh – Received a suspended sentence for one count of Counselling to Commit Mischief of 12 months probation. Jaggis probation began on June 21st 2011.

Leah Henderson
Vanier Centre for Women
P.O.Box 1040
655 Martin Street
Milton, Ontario
L9T 5E6 Canada

Amanda Hiscocks
Vanier Centre for Women
P.O.Box 1040
655 Martin Street
Milton, Ontario
L9T 5E6 Canada

Robin Henry

Robin was the first G20 defendant to be convicted of two counts of Mischief Over 5000 dollars and one count of Masked with Intent for breaking windows at a Starbucks and Bell store.

Robin served nine months under strict bail conditions before his sentencing. In March 2011, Robin was sentenced to one year house arrest, followed by two years probation, a 5000 dollars fine and three hundred plus community service hours. Robin is currently serving his sentence in London, Ontario.

Ryan Rainville

On December 5th, 2011 Ryan Rainville received a conditional sentence of four months under house arrest, followed by four months curfew and then one year probation. Ryan had plead guilty to three counts of Mischief Over 5000 dollars for using a red and black flag and a hammer to destroy Toronto Police cruisers during the G20 riot. He also plead guilty to a Breach of Peace.

Ryans sentence took into account the ninety-six days he spent in the Toronto Metro West Detention Centre and Maplehurst Correctional Complex following his initial arrest on these charges. Ryan fought and won a trial where he contested charges of Assault Police with a Weapon and Obstruct Officer. These charges stemmed from accusations that a police cruiser Ryan had damaged was occupied.

On December 20th 2011, a member of the G20 Investigative Team came to his home at Sagatay Men’s Residence to serve him with an appeal of his sentence. The State believes Ryans sentence was too light. It is clear that Ryans pride in his convictions and anarchist values have led them to target him in an attempt to send a clear message to other anarchists, that our politics and bodies will be criminalized if we do not fall in line.

Before his sentencing, Ryan had served over three months in prison, eight months under house arrest and five months of a restrictive curfew. He is currently serving his sentence for these charges of four months house arrest, four months curfew, followed by a year probation. It will be three years after the original event before Ryan is free of these charges.

Ryan’s appeal hearing is scheduled for this spring.

GABC has just released a zine of Ryan’s statement to the courts before his sentencing.

Print: Ryan Rainville Statement to the Courts

Web: Ryan Rainville Statement to the Courts

Girr Rowley

See Guelph ABC’s statement: “In the Face of the Courts”

Girr was arrested in November of 2010 by the G20 Special Investigation Team for his alleged participation in the black bloc action. He was placed under house arrest in Rockwood, just outside of Guelph. He eventually had his conditions reduced to a curfew.

Following his preliminary hearing, he plead guilty to one count of Mischief Under $5000, one count of Masked with Intent and one count of Public Nuisance. He was convicted on February 3rd, 2012 and is currently serving a nine month sentence. This is his first conviction.

Greg Noltie-Rowley
Maplehurst Complex
PO Box 10
661 Martin St.
Milton, ON
L9T 2Y3

Kelly Pflug-Back

Kelly has been presented in the media as the “ring leader” of the black bloc action. She has faced some of the harshest repression. She spent two months in prison, before being released to house arrest with her parents. Kelly currently has a curfew and a lengthy non-association list which includes upwards of a hundred people.

Kelly was charged with thirteen counts including Mischief Over 5000 dollars, Conspiracy, Obstruct Police, Assault Police With a Weapon and Intimidation of a Justice System Participant. Kelly has had some of these charges dropped, currently she is facing seven counts of Mischief over 5000 dollars. Kelly has plead guilty and is awaiting sentencing. The Crown is looking for upwards of 2 years.

George John Horton Norabuena

George is facing nine charges for allegedly participating in the black bloc. George was arrested in Peterborough by the local police in on September 28th 2010. He was then transferred to Toronto by the G20 Investigation Team. George was denied bail and spent a week in the Toronto West Detention Centre, before being released.

George was originally charged with Assault Police Officer, Intimidation of Police Officer, Obstruct Police Officer, Masked with Intent, Weapons Dangerous, Possession of Stolen Property under 5000 dollars, and three counts of Mischief under 5000 dollars.

In Mid December 2011 George pled to three counts of Attempted Mischief Under 5000 dollars and one count of Disguised with Intent to Commit a Crime. The Crown dropped the possession of stolen property and weapons dangerous charges.

George has been in trial for the past two months for the remaining charges of Assault Police Officer, Intimidation of Police Officer and Obstruct Police Officer. These charges are related to the attack on the Police Scout Car 766 at the beginning of the breakaway march. Nicholas Cote and Ryan Rainville both had their charges dropped from the attack on the squad car.

Georges trial will have it’s closing arguments and sentencing in March. The Crown is seeking nine months in prison for George.

Jae Muzzin

Jae Muzzin was arrested for breaking two windows at the Toronto Police Headquarters during the Get Off the Fence demo. Jae plead guilty to two counts of Mischief Over $5000 and Common Nuisance. The crown originally was asking for 1 year of jail.

Jae took a plea deal and was sentenced on February 17th, 2012 to an intermittent sentence of 60 days, to be served on 10 consecutive weekends. His Sentence will be finished by late April. Jae was also ordered to pay restitution of $2,500.

jae is currently serving his weekend sentences at Mimico Correctional Centre.

Byron Sonne

http://www.freebyron.org/

Guelph ABC is not currently in contact with Byron or his support group.

On June 22th, 2010, Byron Sonne was arrested in his home in Forest Hill north of Toronto in relation to the G20 Summit. The police created a media spectacle of his arrest, making him out as some “bomb wielding terrorist” to justify the massive expenses of policing the meeting of the richest countries of the world.

Originally, Byron was arrested on six charges ranging from explosives to intimidating of a justice participant by threats. Byron was held without bail for total a total of 330 days. In February, Byron had four of his charges dropped and is currently in trial for the remaining two charges of Possession of Explosives for an Unlawful Purpose and a Counselling offence.

Julian Ichim

Julian Ichim, one of the original G20 Main Conspiracy Group defendants who had his charges dropped was charged with six counts of Disobey Court Order in relation to a number of posts on his personal blog. He is now facing federal offences before the courts.

In these posts, the crown alleges that Julian violated a publication ban around the G20 Main Conspiracy Group case by writing about his personal experiences with two undercover operatives. The publication ban was put in place in part to conceal the names and identities of undercover officers Brenda Carey (undercover identity: Brenda Dougherty) and Bindo Showan (undercover identity: Khalid Mohammad), but has since been rescinded due in part to the continued outing of these operatives on the internet.

Julian’s trial is scheduled for mid-March.

Dan Keller

Dan’s house was invaded and he was arrested on August 25th 2011 by the OPP Anti-Racketing Branch. He was charged with one count of Defamatory Libel and one count of Council Assault for allegedly posting information on a Kitchener-Waterloo activist website, www.peaceculture.org about the identity and where-abouts of G20 undercover operative Bindo Showan (Khalid Mohammad). Dan’s pre-trial is scheduled for February and the crown is seeking two and a half years.

Anger, tears at Montreal anti-police brutality march

Police report more than 150 arrests


MONTREAL - Mia Laberge and Naomie Décarie could hardly withhold their angry tears after Montreal police charged toward demonstrators Thursday and, seemingly unprovoked, fired tear gas into the crowd.

“They are operating on a strategy of fear,” said Laberge, a law student at the Université du Québec a Montréal. “We have the right to demonstrate, but as a woman, I felt threatened by them.

“These are the people who are supposed to protect us, but we’re not safe at all.”

Read live updates from our reporters as the demonstration unfolded

A joint demonstration by students protesting rising tuition fees and people against police brutality began at about rush hour at Berri and Ste Catherine Sts. About 2,000 protesters headed north, then west along Sherbrooke St., but no police were visible along the route, although they were positioned on adjacent streets and in the métro.

When about six officers did appear, a few protesters started throwing rocks at them. At Aylmer and Sherbrooke Sts., police fired off two loud sound grenades, sending a panic through the crowd. Protesters ran in all directions, but riot police formed a line, and banging on their shields with their batons, marched forward, shoving demonstrators north.

Montreal police spokesman Ian Lafrenière said police had to stop the march for the safety of motorists on Sherbrooke.

“(Demonstrators) have rights but so do others,” he said, adding that police hadn’t been informed of the march’s route.

One man, trying to stop some young men from throwing rocks, was hit in the forehead with a tear-gas canister and it exploded.

Scott Weinstein, a nurse in the crowd who was providing first aid when needed, poured water over the man’s eyes, as the man screamed in anger.

“If he hadn’t been wearing ski goggles, he could have been blinded,” Weinstein said. “His hair was singed and his goggles covered in chemicals.

“I’ve never been in a demonstration ever where police threw explosives into the crowd,” said Weinstein, who says he’s been in dozens of demos. “It’s a terrible path to take because these people will lose their eyes.”

The man, who said he had a 20-month-old child, sat on the steps of an apartment building and tried to comprehend what had just happened.

“I was being peaceful and this is what they do to me?” he yelled.

The crowd then broke up into different groups, with some demonstrators, like Décarie and Laberge, deciding to leave the march.

“I feel totally traumatized by this,” Décarie said. “They’re treating us like terrorists and no one is even armed.”

Police reported more than 150 arrests, two injured police officers and a few vandalized store fronts. One police car was flipped over and smashed. Police said a second one was damaged as well.

They also reported looting at Future Shop.

On Ste. Catherine St., Tina Tsimiklis, in town from Halifax for her children’s March break, was taking photos of her sons in front of a smashed store window.

“This is pretty fricking awesome,” said 16-year-old Dimitri Tsimiklis. “Nothing ever happens like this in Halifax.”

Tina Tsimiklis said they saw protesters and police in riot gear coming along the street and, not knowing what was going on, they convinced a reluctant security guard at the Eaton’s Centre to let them in.

A young woman, who didn’t want to give her name, held a bag of ice to her right eye after a police officer whacked her with his baton.

“(Riot police) were coming towards us and my friend dropped his cellphone so I bent down to pick it up with my arms raised in the air, so one hit me in the face and my back,” she said.

Lafrenière defended the police force’s tactics, saying they had warned people ahead of time that pepper spray and tear gas would be used if necessary.

Police made the majority of the evening’s arrests in front of the Bibliothèque Nationale, on Berri St.

Weinstein said those arrested were just standing still, arms locked, in front of the library chanting.

“They were the least provocative of the whole march,” he said. “They were catchable.”

Lafrenière claimed the demonstrators “wanted to put on a show.”

“They were chasing us all night long because they wanted to get arrested,” he said.

Sunday, January 29, 2012

Erik Lankin Released!


Jan. 26, 2012 Guelph Anarchist Black Cross

Great News!

Today, January 26, 2012, Erik Lankin was released from jail in Penetang.
He served 60 days (2/3 of a 3 month sentence) for counseling to commit
mischief at the G20 in Toronto. We are ecstatic to have our comrade back
in our arms.

Special thank to all the people who send erik letters, postcards and
reading materials, We know he deeply appreciated all the support he
received.

-Sincerely, Guelph Anarchist Black Cross (GAyBC)

Monday, January 16, 2012

Mandy Hiscocks Sentenced to 16 Months

Support Mandy
Jan. 13, 2012 Guelph ABC

“White supremacy is wrong, it’s violent and dangerous, whether it’s at the hands of a fringe group like the KKK or an accepted institution like the criminal justice system.”
“…This is why we, myself and the people in the other room, don’t have decorum in this system.”
-Mandy Hiscock’s statement to the courts

On Friday (January) the 13th 2012, Mandy Hiscocks was sentenced to 20-24 month for 1 count of Counseling to Commit Mischief and Counseling to Obstruct Police. With 31 days in pretrial custody and harsh bail conditions taken into account, Mandy’s remaining time to serve is 16 months.

With the courthouse filled with supporters, more than could even fit in the courtroom, Mandy delivered an awesome speech chastising the justice system and enlightening the judge as to why exactly, her desires have not been deterred by her sentence.

The Judge took it upon himself to try and engage her on many of the points she brought up, defending the state and capital, and even at one point announcing that he is also apart of the “99%”. Warm cheers and chants from supporters for Mandy’s words brought threats of contempt charges and removing all her supporters from the courtroom.

if you would like to stay up to date on Mandy’s incarceration, check out the support blog set up for her, or check back in with Guelph ABC for relevant updates. Mandy’s Blog: http://boredbutnotbroken.tao.ca/

If you want to write Mandy, you can send your letters, fan mail and Battle Star Galactica fan fiction to:

Amanda Hiscocks
c/o Vanier Centre for Women
665 Martin Street
Milton, Ontario L9T 5E6
Canada

-Guelph Anarchist Black Cross (GAyBC)

Mandy’s Statement to the Courts Below:

It’s not every day you get the opportunity to speak directly to a judge, and I have a lot to say. This is my first opportunity to speak since this entire process started last June so I hope you’ll hear me out until the end.

I plan to take about ten to fiteen minutes at most.

I don’t know you as a person or as a judge, so my comments are directed at the legal system in general.

I want to address some of the things you said on this matter in earlier sentencing hearings, particularly your references to the KKK.

When you sentenced Peter, Adam, Erik and Leah to jail, you stated that this is not political, it is about our tactics. You mentioned the KKK, and compared their actions to those of the non-violent civil disobedience protesters of the 60s. I agree with you that the tactics used by the KKK are reprehensible. I disagree with you that that kind of violence against people is anything remotely like the property damage that occurred on the streets of Toronto during the G20 summit.

Regardless, by focusing on the KKK’s tactics and not their politics you’ve missed the point entirely. The problem with the KKK isn’t only their tactics. It’s the fact that they’re a white supremacist group.

White supremacy is defined as “an historically based, institutionally perpetuated system of exploitation and oppression of continents, nations and peoples of color by white peoples and nations; for the purpose of establishing, maintaining and defending a system of wealth, power and privilege.”

I don’t think you disagree with me that there is a system of wealth, power and privilege in this country. I benefit from this system every day, and so do you. We benefit on the backs of others, most of whom are people of colour.

Systemic oppression is widespread in the legal system. Racial profiling affects who gets arrested in the first place, who gets charged and who gets sent home, whose charges the Crown decides to proceed with and whose they drop, who gets bail and who doesn’t. It’s not a secret that if you’re in custody during your trial, your chances of conviction are higher. And even if you do get out on bail, who gets compliance checks and who doesn’t means some people end up back in jail on a breach while others don’t. Who in this is more likely to plead guilty right away because they don’t have the time, tools or money to defend themselves?

The fact is that lawyers are expensive and your chance of conviction depends on how much time your lawyer is willing to put into your case. Most judges are white, and the jury selection process means that if you’re poor you’ll almost certainly not end up with a jury of your peers. And finally, sentencing relies on privilege (your education level, your chance of employment, your income, prior run-ins with the law, and so on.)

I don’t have proper statistics for all of the above, and anyway I know you know this stuff. I just want you to be aware that I know it too, and so do most of the people in this room today and in the video room.

However, here are some statistics that I do have: According to the federal correctional investigator, over the past decade there has been a 52 per cent leap in the proportion of black offenders in federal incarceration. Black people make up roughly 2.5 per cent of Canada’s population but 9.12 per cent of federal prisoners. In Ontario, 20 per cent of the federal prison population is black. Keeping in mind that people of colour have been hardest hit by the economic downturn and the conservative policies of our current government, and keeping in mind all the ways in which the legal system disadvantages people of colour, is it really any wonder?

My point is that a few broken windows and burned police cars at a protest will not lead us down the path of the KKK. The KKK targeted black people with overt violence and terror, and this system targets them with institutionalized racism, which is just a more subtle form of violence. In fact this legal system is doing the work of the KKK more than any anti-G20 protester ever could. It’s very telling that the KKK was comprised in large part of wealthy businessmen and lawmakers – the kinds of people our society and our legal system hold up as the best of the best. Perhaps this is why in 1987 Weatherman Linda Evans was sentenced to 40 years for using false ID to get a firearm and harbouring a fugitive, despite the average sentence for that being 2 years. In the same year, a KKK leader named Don Black, who was planning an invasion of Dominica with a boatload of explosives and automatic weapons, was sentenced to 8 years, 5 of which were suspended, so that he ended up serving 3.

White supremacy is wrong, it’s violent and dangerous, whether it’s at the hands of a fringe group like the KKK or an accepted institution like the criminal justice system.

**********

It’s not always what the “justice” system does that causes the problems, sometimes it’s what it doesn’t do. The courts simply do not consider systemic oppression and inequality.

In a book called The Red Lily, Anatole France stated that “The law, in its majestic equality, forbids the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal bread.” The book was written in 1894 in France, but that statement still applies here, today.

A crime is a crime, you say, regardless of who committed it, and what leads people to crime doesn’t matter.

In 1999 the Supreme Court of Canada tried to address systemic injustice in their ruling on Regina vs Gladue. They stated that we need to acknowledge the circumstances of Indigenous people, the reasons they may wind up in the justice system, and the racist treatment and attitudes they encounter there. They recommended alternatives to prison sentences that mesh more with Indigenous cultures.

According to people who work in the field, many Indigenous accused still don’t know about Gladue reports or how to get them, and they aren’t always informed by their lawyers. Judges continue to resist the sentencing principles outlined at the conclusion of the Gladue case.

According to Statistics Canada, in 2008/2009, 10 years after the ruling, Aboriginal women represented 28% of all women remanded and 37% of women admitted to sentenced custody. Today Aboriginal women, though less than two per cent of the Canadian population, make up 34 per cent of female federal inmates.

My point being, I don’t have the power to change what happens in this legal system. I’m trying to indicate why I don’t respect this legal system.

**********

The crown wants this sentence to be a deterrent. It won’t be. Please take a second to have a good look around the room. When i get taken out of here do you think you’ll have increased anyone’s faith in the system?

I am certainly not deterred, I’m just angry.

No matter what my sentence is today, it won’t be about justice. Your system is not about justice. If it was, don’t you think we would have come to you when the G20 decided to set foot here to pursue their obviously unjust austerity agenda? Don’t you think we would have asked for your help when the police started to put up their fences and cages, and randomly arrest whoever they felt like so they could systematically abuse them in the detention centre?

If this system was about righting wrongs, don’t you think we would come to you to hold the rich to account for their abuses against the poor, immigration officials to account for their abuses against people without status, and settlers to account for our abuses against Indigenous people?

We didn’t and don’t come to you. We won’t ever come to you.

A court of real justice would defend people against aggressors. In this society, the privileged are the aggressors, but time after time you choose to protect their privilege and their property against people who are struggling to survive. You’re doing it wrong. Let’s not debate. The obvious answer to the violence and the chaos is the cops brought that. I’m going to try and finish.

This legal system that we have here is not equal, it’s not fair and its not just. And a lot of people out there believe that it is. What I would like to impart to you is that I don’t buy it and the statistics dont support it.

You speak of dignity, that everyone should be treated with dignity. I agree with you. But you can’t treat someone with dignity, or expect to be treated with dignity in return, while one person is up high and the other person is down low, while your boot is on their neck.

This is why we, myself and the people in the other room, don’t have decorum in this system.

Throughout this farcical legal process that’s coming to an end today the accused have been told that our actions were an attack on the rule of law, which is at the heart of our society. Well good. Our society is racist and colonial, its rooted in wealth and power, and so is the rule of law that upholds it.

And I’m going to leave this court room today, to quote Chilean anarchist Diego Rios:

“I am carrying all my hatred and contempt for power, its laws, its authority, its society, and I have no room for guilt or fear of punishment.”

-Mandy Hiscocks

Tuesday, December 20, 2011

Anti-Harassment Statement by Members of Occupy Vancouver

December 19, 2011

The undersigned members of Occupy Vancouver would like to condemn and express our
outrage at the actions of an individual who has been representing himself as an
official voice of our movement, all the while committing persistent acts of bullying
and harassment. Bullying and harassment are forms of active violence that should not
be tolerated within our movement. As stated in our basis of unity: “We are also
committed to safeguarding our collective well-being – including safety from
interpersonal violence.”
Greg Renouf has repeatedly been asked by a wide range of individuals (including
respected community activists, lawyers, and journalists) to stop his abusive
campaign of harassment against Harsha Walia, a long-time organizer and activist. Yet
Renouf presents his personal attacks and persistent harassment of her as
“questioning”, and our attempts to explain to him that his behaviour is abusive and
bordering on stalking have been ignored. Renouf continues to make unreasonable
public demands of her (and only her), writes dozens of daily slanderous and
inaccurate posts about her, has attempted to “report” her and others to the
Vancouver Police Department and RCMP, viciously attacks anyone who tries to hold him
accountable, and is creating an unnecessary climate of division and fear-mongering.
This is not actually an issue of tactics or strategies, which many of us have
discussed and debated, and it should be noted that many supporters of diversity of
tactics have affirmed and respected tactical non-violence in the Occupy movement.
What concerns us is a one-sided campaign of intimidation, aggression, and obsessive
fixation with one person (who is not even heavily involved in Occupy) by a man that
many other members of Occupy Vancouver also feel threatened by, as his threats
are spreading to other individuals. We feel that this is unacceptable and we are
forced to speak out against Renouf’s actions. This type of behaviour must stop.
Occupy Vancouver should no longer tolerate abusive behaviour from individuals who
are the ones actually committing real harm and violence in our movement.
Until this harassment stops, the undersigned members of Occupy Vancouver will not
participate in any Occupy Vancouver meetings or gatherings where Greg Renouf is
present. Since Renouf characterizes anyone who speaks out about his behaviours as
part of “Harsha’s gang of supporters”, it should be known that most of us are not
formally affiliated with any of the groups that Harsha is part of and many of us are
actually new to activism through Occupy Vancouver.
Bob Ages
Maryann Abbs
Robin Anderson
Virginia B-H
Carla Bergman
Joy Bartlett
Lisa Barrett
Riaz Behra
Cameron Bode
Sarah Beuhler
Clayton Bromley
Fathima Cader
Kat Code
Stephen Collis
Wayde Compton
Charles Cox
Nathan Crompton
Gareth Davies
Anna Dayley
Levi Elijah
Emma Ellison
Faroe
Britta Fluevog
Caelie Frampton
Grant Fraser
romham padraig gallacher
Lauren Gill
Peter Gill
Kate Gram
Kelsey Grimm
Dayla Hart
Peter Haywood
Robyn Heaslip
Michael H. Hejazi
Courtney Harrop
Sema Ibbetson
Erin Innes
Jordan Jack
Gregor Jahn
Reg Johanson
Dana Kagis
Mathew Kagis
Edward Lacarte
Ian MacDonald
Gerrard MacKinnon
Lindsay McGregor
Alex Mah
Tracey Mann
Anthony Mayfield
Ruth Meta
Eli Mills
Sabrina Anne Modder
Isaac K. Oommen
Jay Peachy
Maria Persdotter
Richard Porteous
Jasmine Rezaee
Isaac Rosenberg
Eddie Rothschild
Daniyah Shamsi
Chris Shaw
Stephanie Smith
Naava Smolash
Tammie Tupechka
Aaron Vidaver
Chris Waddell
Catherine Welsh
David Wilde
Sasha Wiley
Danielle Lee Williams
Tash Wolf
Maxim Winther
Mya Wolf
Usman X
Sandra Yee
Sabina Zahn
Stopthepave.org
Community Solidarity Working Group*
Consensual Housing Working Group*
* CSWG and CHWG are eleven members of Occupy Vancouver who commit to coming to a
General Assembly in person to discuss and consense on a proposal if needed, but do
not feel safe sharing personal information in this atmosphere of harassment.
If you are part of OV and wish to join us please send your name to:
ov.anti.harassment@gmail.com

Wednesday, August 31, 2011

When they knock down your front door, how`re you gonna come?

August 29, 2011 Anarchist News


(French follows)

A few reflections on the GAMMA squad

Word on the street is, there’s a new police squad in Montreal called GAMMA
- short for “Guet des activités et des mouvements marginaux et
anarchistes” – whose goal is to investigate and repress anarchist and
marginal movements. The following is a series of reflections on this
development from a few anarchists. Needless to say, it’s not meant to be
representative, but is rather our own analysis of this situation, and can
hopefully stimulate some discussion amongst our various circles.

We understand the GAMMA squad to be a sign of the state adapting its
strategy not only to an increasing amount of attacks against it, but also
to a broader context of increasing austerity, and therefore of potential
rebellions to come. Its ultimate goal, of course, is the maintenance of
social control, necessary for the preservation of this system.

Why GAMMA?

The new squad is part of the “Specialized Investigations” division of the
SPVM, which is the umbrella group that has organized crime as one of its
focuses. Taking a cue from how the police investigate street gangs, mafia,
and the bikers, GAMMA has a mission to profile and accumulate information
on the actions, interests, and lifestyles of people considered anarchist
or marginal, and so specifically targets anyone who questions the dominant
social order.
Why, then, a specialized squad to target anarchists? There are several
reasons that we can think of. One the one hand, this is the state’s
attempt at shaping the discourse around anarchist ideas and actions. By
using the media to single out anarchists, the state tries to personify the
anarchist as a dangerous terrorist and asks the population to become
pre-emptive snitches in order to protect themselves from this supposed
menace. An example of this sort of discourse put into practice is the
citizen-snitches during and after the English riots this August,
organizing vigilante squads, taking cell-phone photos, and calling in
toll-free numbers to denounce the rioters. In casting the anarchist as
“the dangerous other”, the specter of GAMMA hopes to draw a clear dividing
line between those who are anarchists and will therefore be criminalized,
and everyone else (who presumably doesn’t want to be criminalized) – a
sort of classic divide and conquer, separate and box in. This is meant to
discourage everyone else from getting any ideas about rebelling
themselves, of identifying with the rebels, because they just may. Because
in reality this line is a blurry one, and the desire to fight this social
order is by no means unique to “the anarchists”, so in doing this the
state is attempting to paint a line over already stormy, ever-shifting
waters.

By creating a squad with this intention, the state is contributing to the
maintenance of social control that capitalist society needs in order to
function. In fact, it is physically impossible for the police to be
everywhere at once – they can’t be everywhere all the time. They can try
to get around this fact by installing all sorts of other technology of
control - surveillance cameras on every corner, wiretapping phones,
mapping out networks through facebook and twitter, store anti-theft
detectors, ID cards, biometrics, collecting people’s DNA, x-ray machines
at customs, flying drones over borders, the threat of prison – but the key
element of social control is our own internalization of it, ie. the cop
inside our head. It is the residue of the fear that they create. In the
end, police squads like GAMMA accomplish as much through the ghost of
their possible presence, as through their actual physical existence.

Of course, there is also a material logic to the creation of GAMMA. It
appears to be a bureaucratic re-organization of police forces in order to
more efficiently collect and process information about our struggles. They
are focusing on anarchists and consolidating their databases to try to
better understand patterns and draw links between distinct events.

Repression more broadly, and a rejection of the discourse of “rights”

GAMMA can only be understood by looking
at the role repression plays more broadly. Repression has always been an
integral part of the functioning of the state. Every state has at its
foundation the monopoly on organized violence which it expresses through
its laws, its police and its prisons. It therefore isn’t surprising to see
the police trying to repress a struggle that has as its honest intention
the total negation of the state.
Likewise, political profiling has always existed. Liberals like to boast
about how we have freedom of speech, and that other one – freedom of
thought. As long as ideas remain exclusively in the realm of just ideas,
we have these “freedoms”. As soon as people start to put their ideas into
practice, however, and when these challenge the dominant social order,
repression suddenly makes itself felt and these freedoms fade into a
quickly distant memory, echoed in the walls of the Toronto East detention
centre, in Pinochet’s torture chambers, in the ruins of Warsaw, and in the
sandy cemeteries of Afghanistan. The rights that constitute this
democratic state are compromises that are offered us in exchange for the
maintenance of social peace (ie the absence of rebellion) and our
obedience in the face of this system of misery. Within the discourse of
rights is implicit the need for the police, the laws and the state to
exist, to protect them. In reality, however, as soon as state power is
threatened, rights rapidly disappear. To quell the uprisings in England,
the government imposed a state of exception. Prime Minister Cameron
ordered the police to use all the tools at their disposal in order to
reestablish order – to do whatever it takes. The law was on their side. As
soon as order was transgressed, democracy turned tyrannical. It started to
look like scenes from a science fiction movie. The police symbolized the
limits of the possible. In our context, rights are often invoked in a
moral way, a mythology to which people can refer to, the glorious
constitution and such. We argue that rights are a concept that can, like
all language, change its meaning, application, and intentions, and can be
used or let go by the state depending on circumstances, as convenient. In
building a serious struggle against the state, then, banking solely on our
rights and throwing our lot in with that concept is a form of insanity. We
need something else.

Democracy and fascism are two sides of the same coin, and it flips based
on the social, political, geographic and economic context.

Repression in the austerity era

And the context is changing. We’re now full on in the era of austerity.
Everywhere in the world, states are cutting their social and public sector
policies, as well as their spending on public health, education, and
social welfare. In order to deal with the current global financial crisis,
the welfare state, established after the Second World War, is now being
drawn back, with increasing privatization of whatever remains. By cutting
social measures the State is also preparing to face the revolts of an
increasing number of those exploited or excluded completely from the
system, many of whose labor power has become redundant and who teeter
around the service economy, trying to ink out a living. Austerity is the
engine that is influencing the changing face and form that repression
takes. Meanwhile, a real rage is simmering under this surface, and there
are always those who chose to fight for freedom and for the destruction of
this prison world that envelops us.

As anarchists, not only are we not surprised by these developments, but we
refuse to hide behind the veil of justice to claim our innocence. What
role does innocence play in a struggle anyway? For us, the courts are not
the terrain of struggle on which we can win this war, even though we may
have victories here and there. We refuse to use the discourse of the
courts. In a world based on exploitation and misery, our desires for total
freedom will always be criminal. The law’s main function is the
maintenance of this system. Our struggle is against capital and the state
in its entirety, and against all manifestations of this in our daily life,
against the police and other forms and institutions that serve and
reinforce the state's power and control. As our struggles grow, develop,
and intensify, it is not surprising that they will try to respond with
greater repression.

How can we respond?

The question is, then, how do we respond? How many people hate this
system? How many hide their rage, feeling isolated and alone? A world that
needs prisons isn’t ours. Each pig is a symbol of rational domination over
the body. Because we imagine a million other possible ways to live, and we
have dreams, we refuse to bow our heads in front of the social order and
its laws. Our power lies in the fact that we are not the only ones who are
suffocating in this and who choose to fight it. The state's control over
our lives grows proportionally to the increase in people’s general sense
of alienation. In the city, urban planning leads to a mapping of every
inch of space, where there are less and less places to hide. Capital wages
war on us by appropriating every centimeter of our space, every muscle of
our bodies and the ideas in our heads. If we refuse to be colonized by
this, we must find ways to fight it. We’ve made the choice to be in active
conflict, together, in the face of this system rather than waiting in
front of the television hoping that this system will collapse on its own.
If the rioters of London, or those of the ghettos of Paris, or Egypt, or
Greece, chose to take their lives into their own hands, we are surely
capable of doing the same.

Now is the time to find each other as comrades in struggle, to
self-organize. We need to create the things we want to see ourselves,
because nobody will do it for us. We need to develop our practices in
terms of communication, creativity, and conflictuality. The gap between
ideas and action is really not that wide at all.

Now is also a time to work out our differences, and build a critical
solidarity with each other, not letting the state tear us apart over petty
conflicts. This doesn't mean that we should erase our differences, or that
we all have to work together, but we can still support each other.

Finally, we should be careful not to get cornered, or to get stuck in a
war of attrition against the police. If we remain few, we will eventually
lose. The repressive strategy of the Canadian state, similar to France,
US, England and other dominant countries, is based on the theory of
permanent counterinsurgency. This means that they must try to repress each
social struggle in its infancy, before it has had a chance to grow or
reach a certain critical mass.

Our greatest strength, then, is not our passion, nor our rage, nor even
the sharpness of our revenge, but rather the possibility that our ideas
and practices will spread to the powder keg that is this fragmented
society.

Quand ils défoncent ta porte, tu répond comment ?

Quelques réflexions sur l'escouade GAMMA

Nous avons eu la puce à l'oreille récemment qu'au sein du Service de
Police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM), il s'est constitué une nouvelle
unité : l'escouade GAMMA (le Guet des activités et des mouvements
marginaux et anarchistes).

Il nous a semblé important de diffuser publiquement nos réflexions et de
faire une critique en partant de notre position, soit en tant
qu'anarchistes. Nous ne voulons pas nous faire porte-parole DES
anarchistes, nous nous exprimons en tant qu'individus. Nous espérons
stimuler des discussions à ce sujet.

Selon nous, l'escouade GAMMA doit être comprise telle une autre adaptation
de l'État dans un contexte d’austérité qui s'accentue. Son mandat est
certainement de faire en sorte que l'État maintienne son pouvoir de
contrôle social en réprimant la révolte.

Pourquoi GAMMA ?

La nouvelle escouade se situe sous la direction de la Section des Enquêtes
spécialisées, dont font partie, entre autres, la division du crime
organisé. Comme pour les gang de rues, la mafia ou les motards, GAMMA a
pour mission de profiler et d'accumuler des informations sur les actions,
les intérêts et les manières de vivre des personnes « marginales et
anarchistes », donc quiconque qui questionne l'ordre établi. En tentant
d'établir de nouveaux réseaux d’accointance, de liens, d'affinités entre
individus, l'État montre son intention d'aiguiser la répression, une
répression qui n'est évidemment pas nouvelle.

Plusieurs motifs justifient le fait que le SPVM doit aujourd'hui disposer
d'une escouade visible spécialisée en la matière. Pourquoi la police
doit-elle explicitement viser les anarchistes? En les pointant du doigt
avec l'aide des médias de masse, l'État personnifie l'anarchiste sous un
visage de dangereux terroriste et appelle la population à jouer les
délateurs afin de se protéger de sa soit-disant menace. Nous avons vu ces
citoyens-flics agir en Angleterre avant et après les émeutes, s'organiser
en milice d'autodéfense citoyenne et téléphoner au numéro sans-frais pour
dénoncer les émeutiers. Cela nous donne un exemple cauchemardesque de ce
futur possible. En projetant l'anarchiste comme ''Le dangereux'',
l'escouade GAMMA veut tracer une ligne claire entre les anarchistes
criminels et tout les autres (que l'on présume ne pas vouloir être
criminalisés)- un classique; diviser pour conquérir, metre les gens dans
des boîtes isoler les uns des autres. Ils croient pouvoir décourager toute
autre personne à utiliser ces moyens d'action quand leur viennent des
inspirations potentielles de révolte ou à s'identifier avec les rebelles.
En réalité, cette ligne n'est absolument pas clair et le désire de
combattre l'ordre social est loin d'être unique aux anarchistes.

Notre société, en fait, pour fonctionner, a besoin de dominer les
manifestations du vivant. Nous savons aussi qu'il est physiquement
impossible pour la police d'être présente à chaque centimètre de notre
environnement, partout et en même temps. Ils peuvent essayer de nous
contraindre à l'aide d'une multitude de dispositifs tels un nombre infini
de caméras de surveillance à tout les coins de rues, leur capacité de
mettre les téléphones cellulaires sous écoute et l'accès aux conversations
texto, en traçant nos réseaux avec facebook et twitter, les anti-vols aux
portes des magasins, les outils biométriques, les rayons-X aux douanes,
les détecteurs de chaleur bordant les chemins de fer aux frontières, la
collecte des ADNs, les drones survolant les forêts, les prisons où l'on
est menacé d'être enfermé si on ne respecte pas la loi ou la discipline
qu'on nous inculque dès la maternelle, mais l'élément clé du contrôle
social est notre propre introjection de celui-ci ; le flic dans ta tête.
C'est le résidu de la peur qu'ils créent. Au final, les flics doivent
aussi leur pouvoir de contrôle à leurs fantômes transcendants plutôt qu'à
leurs présences réelle.

Enfin, d'un point de vue matériel, GAMMA est probablement un réarrangement
organisationel et bureaucratique qui permettra aux policiers d'être plus
efficace dans leur cueuillette d'informations. Focussant sur les
anarchistes, ils consolident leur base de données pour mieux comprendre
les patterns et faire des liens entre des événements distincts.

Nous l'avons souligné plus tôt, la répression est partie intégrale du
fonctionnement de l'État; tout État dans son fondement détient le monopole
menaçant de la violence organisée avec ses lois, sa police et ses prisons.
Il n'est pas surprenant de voir les flics tenter de réprimer une lutte qui
a pour honnête intention la négation de l'État et de la domination
industrielle.
Quant au profilage politique, il a lui aussi toujours été. Le libéralisme
ne cesse de vouloir nous convaincre d'à quel point nous avons la liberté
de penser et d'exprimer nos idées. Aussi longtemps que ces idées restent
des idées, nous avons ces ''libertés''. À partir du moment où les gens
commencent à mettre leurs idées en pratique et que celles-ci ne
correspondent pas à l'ordre sécuritaire du statu-quo, la répression se
fait ressentir et ces libertés s'estompe en une courte mémoire. Cela fait
écho aux murs du centre de détention dans l'est de Toronto (G-20), aux
chambres de torture de Pinochet, aux ruines de Varsovie et aux cimetières
sablonneux d'Afghanistan. Les droits composants notre État démocratique
sont des compromis qui nous sont offerts en échange de la paix sociale
(l’absence de rébellion) et de notre obéissance face à ce système de
misère. On veut à tout prix nous faire comprendre que c'est la police, les
lois et l'État qui protègent nos droits. Pas de chance ; dès le moment où
le pouvoir d'État est menacé, les droits sont rapidement supprimés. Pour
calmer les émeutes britanniques, le gouvernement imposa des mesures
d’exceptions. Le premier ministre Cameron ordonna aux policiers d'utiliser
tout les moyens à leurs dispositions pour rétablir l'ordre. La loi était
de leur coté. Lorsque l'ordre est transgressée, la démocratie devient
tyrannique. On se croirait dans un film de science-fiction. Les flics
symbolisent les limites du possible. Ils encadrent l'existant. Le droit
joue un rôle moral, une mythologie de vérités auxquelles tous se réfèrent.
Nous venons de démontrer que le droit est un concept qui peut, comme
toutes formes de langage, changer de signification, d'application, de
mandat, d'intérêt, de fin ou de justification selon les circonstances.
Puisque nous voulons construire une lutte sérieuse contre l'État, la
dépendance du droit devient une folie. Nous avons besoin d'autre chose.

La démocratie et le fascisme sont les deux cotés d'une même médaille, et
celle-ci tourne selon le contexte social, politique, géographique et
économique.

La répression dans l'ère des mesures d'austérité

Désormais, ce contexte change. Nous sommes dans l’ère des politiques
d'austérité. Partout dans le monde, les gouvernements coupent dans les
budgets alloués aux mesures sociales, aux emplois du secteur publique, à
l'éducation et à la santé. Afin de gérer la crise financière globale,
l'État-Providence, établit suite à la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, se
rétracte progressivement pour laisser place à une gestion du privé. On
fait primer l'intérêt économique avant tout, même dans des domaines qui
jusqu'à présent, concernait les affaires publiques. En coupant dans les
mesures sociales, l'État s'attend à devoir faire face à la révolte de
toujours plus d'exclus et planifie ainsi son appareil répressif.
L'austérité est un moteur qui influence les changements quant à la forme
que prendra la répression. Une rage bien réelle se mijote chez un nombre
croissant de personnes exploitées et de parias; chez ceux qui ont choisi
de se battre pour la liberté et pour la destruction de se système-prison
qui nous engloutit.

En tant qu'anarchistes, non seulement nous ne sommes pas surpris de ces
développements, mais nous refusons de nous cacher derrière le voile de la
justice pour clamer notre innocence. Quel rôle a l'innocence dans la
guerre contre le capital de toute façon? Pour nous, la cours n'est pas un
terrain de lutte où il est possible de gagner cette guerre. Si, parfois,
quelques défenses ont du succès ici et là, nous refusons d'utiliser le
discours de la loi. Dans un monde basé sur l'exploitation et la misère,
nos désirs pour une libération totale seront toujours criminalisés. La loi
a avant tout pour fonction le maintien de ce système. Notre lutte se pose
contre le capital et contre l'État dans son entièreté, contre toutes ses
manifestations dans nos quotidiens ; contre les flics et toutes autres
formes sociales leur servant à maintenir leur pouvoir et contrôle. Alors
que notre lutte prend forme et s'intensifie, cela ne fait que trop de sens
de voir la police répondre de la sorte.

Comment peut-on répondre?

La question pour nous est de réfléchir à comment répondre à cette répression.
Combien de gens détestent ce monde
quadrillé? Combien de gens refoulent cette rage, croyant être seuls et
impuissants? Un monde qui a besoin de prisons n'est pas le nôtre. Chaque
flic symbolise la domination rationnelle des corps. Parce que nous
imaginons mille autres choses et que nous avons des rêves, nous refusons
de baisser la tête devant l'ordre et la loi. Notre puissance se trouve
dans le fait que nous ne sommes pas seuls à étouffer et à vouloir
combattre la source de cet étouffement. Le contrôle de nos vies augmente
avec l'expansion de l'aliénation; des plans d'urbanisme lissés en bloc et
où les recoins et les cachettes n'existent pas, nous sont imposés. Le
capital nous fait la guerre pour s'approprier chaque centimètre de nos
espaces, chaque muscle de nos corps et les idées dans nos têtes. Si nous
refusons la colonisation par le capital, nous devons nous battre. Nous
avons fait ce choix d'être en conflit, ensemble, face à ce système plutôt
que d'attendre devant la télévision en croyant que le système s'effondrera
de lui-même. Si les émeutiers de Londres ou de Paris ont choisi de prendre
leur propre vie en mains, nous bouillonnons d'envie de faire de même.

C'est le moment de nous retrouver comme camarades de lutte et de nous
organiser nous-même, en groupes affinnitaires, et MAINTENANT. Il nous faut
créer se que nous voulons voir exister par nous-même car personne ne le
fera pour nous. Nous devons développer nos pratiques en therme de
communication, de créativité et de conflit. Le saut de l'idée à l'action
n'est pas si grand.

Il est aussi temps de travailler sur nos différences et construire une
solidarité critique entre nous, ne pas laisser l'État nous diviser pour
des conflits ridicules. Cela ne veut pas dire que nous devons éfacer nos
différences, ou que nous devons tous faire les chose ensembles, mais
pouvons-nous au moin nous supporter?

Nous devons faire gaffe à ne pas nous faire prendre dans une guerre
d'usure contre la police. Si nous ne restons que quelques-uns, nous ne
pouvons éventuellement que perdre. La stratégie répressive de l'État
canadien, tout comme celle de la France, des États-Unis, de l'Angleterre
et de tout les pays dominants, est basée sur la théorie de la
contre-insurrection permanente. Cette dernière évoque le besoin de
réprimer chaque lutte sociale avant même qu'elle n'ait la chance de se
répandre et de rejoindre une certaine masse critique. Notre plus grande
force n'est donc décidément pas notre passion, notre colère ou ni même
notre revanche, mais la possibilité que nos idées et pratiques se
répandent dans ce baril de poudre à canon qu'est notre société.

Thursday, May 05, 2011

Cops break up May Day march in Montreal

6 arrested as anti-capitalist demonstration turns rowdy

May 2, 2011 Montreal Gazette

MONTREAL - Police broke up an anti-capitalist May Day march on Sunday
after sporadic acts of violence and fears it was about to deteriorate.

A mix of communists, anarchists, Trotskyists, skinheads and members of
other left-wing groups, estimated by Montreal police to number 700 to 800
people, began demonstrating peacefully shortly before 4 p.m. at Émilie
Gamelin Park at Berri and Ste. Catherine Sts.

Six people were arrested for minor infractions, and seven police officers
suffered minor injuries, Monteal police Constable Raphael Bergeron
reported.

The march was stopped because it was "no longer peaceful," and among
objects seized were a metal bar and a Molotov cocktail, he said.

It followed an earlier demonstration in Plateau Mont Royal, supported by
Quebec's big labour federations, that attracted 400 participants,
including Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe.

Mathieu Francoeur, a spokesperson for Convergeces des luttes
anticaptitalistes Montréal, contrasted the two demonstrations, saying the
labour movement's goal is to reform the laws governing society, while the
afternoon march was "an invitation to rebel against capitalism and
patriarchy."

One man wore a T-shirt saying, "I hate everything you love," and the
biggest group were red-flag-waving members of the Maoist Parti communiste
révolutionaire.

Before the march began, police Commander Alain Simoneau announced via a
loudspeaker that demonstrators would be allowed to proceed as long as they
followed the direction of traffic and were peaceful. If there were any
infractions, "We will put an end to the demonstration," he said.

That is exactly what police did. About 4:10 p.m., someone ignited a flare
and tossed it toward police at St. Urbain and Sherbrooke Sts.

Marchers' ranks began to thin out as demonstrators headed west on
Sherbrooke St. At 4:58 p.m., the police tactical squad began tapping
nightsticks against their shields, a signal they were moving in to stop
the march.

The demonstration was to end at the Ste. Catherine St. W. campaign offices
of Westmount-Ville Marie Conservative candidate Neil Drabkin.

Monday, March 14, 2011

Montréal: Anarchist Arrested at Anti-Austerity Demo

March 12, 2011 CMAQ

Today, March 12, 2011, 12 people were arrested at an anti-austerity
demonstration in Montreal, QC. The demo, which was around 3000 strong( or
should we say 3000 weak?), was organized by various student and worker’s
unions throughout the city. A group of anarchists chose to insert
themselves into this demonstration, but were isolated by the unions and
the lack of a larger anarchist presence.
Rest of the text:

The unions, those disgusting organizations that have turned themselves
into state collaborators, and demo “security” continued to push the
anarchists to the back of the demo. At this point a swarm of between 30-50
riot police on foot and horseback encircled everyone dressed in black. It
was later confirmed that this was the “preventative arrests” squad who
were deployed to break up the contingent.

Some people were able to fight their way out, but twelve people were
arrested. The mounted police formed a circle around the group being
arrested to prevent anyone to pass through. The union security formed an
outer ring to help the police in their efforts. Everyone else stood by
passively with the exception of a dozen or so sideliners who shouted
“Porc, Flics, Assassin,” and “let them go”, which in presence of the crowd
seemed to fall upon the dead ears of the unionists. A lack of rage and
action penetrated the rest of the demo as people marched obediently from
point A to point B. Many of us who just narrowly escaped police hands had
lost our voices trying to get through to the crowd. Their pathetic
fighting spirit did nothing to help free our comrades from the guard dogs
of the state.

The Montreal Gazette has reported that ten people are being charged with
conspiracy, any details beyond this are unknown. A solidarity
demonstration is being planned for 9pm outside of their holding cells.

This is a continuation of targeted state repression against anarchists,
which is not something that surprises us but instead just increases our
rage and desire to act against them. Conspiracy is becoming a big deal.

Solidarity is our Weapon. Confrontation must spread.
Fuck the Police and their collaborators.



Aujourd’hui, le 12 mars 2011, 12 personnes on étéarrété a une
manifestation contre le budget de la province du québec, à montréal. La
manifestation d’eviron 3000 fort (disonsfaible)a été organiser par diver
syndicats et group d’étudiants. Un ensemble d’anarchistesontchoisi de
participé à la manifestations. Ils se sonttrouvéisoler par les syndicats
et aussi par un manque de présence anarchist plus grande. Les syndicats
(organisations dégoutable qui choisissentce temps ci de collaborer avec
l’état) et la “sécurité” de la manifestation ontpoussé le bloc anarchiste
en arrière de la manifestation. A ce point ci, 30 à 50 policiers à pied et
à cheval ontencerclé tout le mondehabiller en noir. Ça a été confirmer que
la brigade policièreest un group qui spécialise à faire des
“arrestationspréventive.”

Quelquepersonnesontpuéchapé au contrôlepolicier, mais 12 camarades se
sonttrouvéarrété. La police à cheval ontencreclé le group et ontempéché au
gens d’intervenir. La “sécurité” des syndicatsontcréer un cadre défensif
pour défendre la police. La pluspart du monde a resterpassif, avec
l’exceptiond’unedouzaine de personnes qui crier “porc, flics, assassins”
et “libérénoscamarades,” maiscescrisontseullementtrouvé les
oreillessourdes de membre syndical. Le reste de la manifestation a
continuer de marcher avec obéissance du point A au point B, sans rage et
sans actions. Leur esprit combatif a étépathétique et n’ariendonner à nos
efforts pour libérénoscamarades du contrôle des chiens de gardes de
l’état.

La Gazette de Montréal a reportéquedixpersonnesferont face àdes
accusations de complot dans le but de commettre un crime (conspiration),
toutesautredétailsont inconnu. Une manifestation en solidarité avec les
inculpésprendra place a 21 heures (à montréal) al’entour du poste de
police ouilssontdétenu.

Cetattaquecontrenoscamaradesn’estqu’une continuation de la répressionciblé
par l’étatcontre les anarchist. Ca nous surprends pas,
maissurementaugementenotre rage etnos desires d’agircontreeux. Les
accusations de conspirationsdeviennentsérieuses.

La solidaritéestnotre arm la plus forte. Que les confrontations s’étandent.
Nique la police et leurs collabo!

Monday, March 07, 2011

B.C. inmates attempt to form first prison labour union in Canada

March 7, 2011 Globe and Mail

Inmates at a B.C. prison are in the final stages of applying to create a
labour union, saying the historic event would be a first in Canada.

Their lawyer Natalie Dunbar says organizers at Mountain Institution in
Agassiz are trying to sign up members for ConFederation, Canadian
Prisoners' Labour Union, Local 001.

But Ms. Dunbar says prisoners are facing resistance from administrators.

She says the inmates are not trying to create another prisoners' rights
group but want the right to assemble as any other workers to vote about
forming a union that will deal with their various complaints.

Ms. Dunbar says there's a lack of resources at federal institutions to
address issues that plague prison populations as a workforce.

She says inmates in Canada want to haul prison life nearer the 21st
century so they can work towards their own rehabilitation, and that
similar attempts to create unions have taken place in the United States
and the United Kingdom.