Showing posts with label Bolivia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bolivia. Show all posts

3/19/10

Fight for Mother Earth


E mau Ke Ea March 2010- Indigenous Peoples in Copenhagen- Part 3 from Malia N on Vimeo.

The March 2010 E Mau Ke Ea show is the third and final show that features footage from the UNFCCC meeting in Copenhagen, Denmark. Malia Nobrega attended and filmed the a few shots at the Global Day of Action as well as a meeting the International Indigenous Peoples Forum on Climate Change had with President Evo Morales from Bolivia.



UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF MOTHER EARTH
[draft February 2010]
Preamble

We, the peoples of Earth:

gratefully acknowledging that Mother Earth gives us life, nourishes and teaches us and provides us with all that we need to live well;

recognizing that Mother Earth is an indivisible community of diverse and interdependent beings with whom we share a common destiny and to whom we must relate in ways that benefit Mother Earth;acknowledging that by attempting to dominate and exploit Mother Earth and other beings, humans have caused severe destruction, degradation and disruption of the life-sustaining communities, processes and balances of Mother Earth which now threatens the wellbeing and existence of many beings; conscious that this destruction is also harmful to our inner wellbeing and is offensive to the many faiths, wisdom traditions and indigenous cultures for whom Mother Earth is sacred;

acutely conscious of the critical importance and urgency of taking decisive, collective action to prevent humans causing climate change and other impacts on Mother Earth that threaten the wellbeing and survival of humans and other beings;

accepting our responsibility to one another, future generations and Mother Earth to heal the damage caused by humans and to pass on to future generations values, traditions, and institutions that support the flourishing of Mother Earth;

convinced that in order for communities of humans and other beings to flourish we must establish systems for governing human behavior that recognize the inalienable rights of Mother Earth and of all beings that are part of her;

convinced that the fundamental freedoms and rights of Mother Earth and of all beings should be protected by the rule of law, and that the corresponding duties of human beings to respect and defend these rights and freedoms should be enforced by law;

proclaim this Universal Declaration of the Rights of Mother Earth to complement the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to serve as a common standard by which the conduct of all human beings, organizations, and cultures can be guided and assessed; and

pledge ourselves to cooperate with other human communities, public and private organizations, governments, and the United Nations, to secure the universal and effective recognition and observance of the fundamental freedoms, rights and duties enshrined in this Declaration, among all the peoples, cultures and states of Earth.

Article 1. Fundamental rights, freedoms and duties

(1) Mother Earth is an indivisible, self-regulating community of interrelated beings each of whom is defined by its relationships within this community and with the Universe as a whole. Fundamental aspects of these relationships are expressed in this Declaration as inalienable rights, freedoms and duties.

(2) These fundamental rights, freedoms and duties arise from the same source as existence and are inherent to all beings, consequently they are inalienable, cannot be abolished by law, and are not affected by the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory within which a being exists.

(3) All beings are entitled to all the fundamental rights and freedoms recognized in this Declaration without distinction of any kind, such as may be made between organic, living beings and inorganic, non-living beings, or on the basis of sentience, kind, species, use to humans, or other status.

(4) Just as human beings have human rights, other beings may also have additional rights, freedoms and duties that are specific to their species or kind and appropriate for their role and function within the communities within which they exist.

(5) The rights of each being are limited by the rights of other beings to the extent necessary to maintain the integrity, balance and health of the communities within which it exists.

Article 2. Fundamental rights of Mother Earth

Mother Earth has the right to exist, to persist and to continue the vital cycles, structures, functions and processes that sustain all beings.

Article 3. Fundamental rights and freedoms of all beings

Every being has:
(a) the right to exist;
(b) the right to habitat or a place to be;
(c) the right to participate in accordance with its nature in the ever-renewing processes of Mother Earth;
(d) the right to maintain its identity and integrity as a distinct, self-regulating being;
(e) the right to be free from pollution, genetic contamination and human modifications of its structure or functioning that threaten its integrity or healthy functioning; and
(f) the freedom to relate to other beings and to participate in communities of beings in accordance with its nature.

Article 4. Freedom of animals from torture and cruelty

Every animal has the right to live free from torture, cruel treatment or punishment by human beings.
Article 5. Freedom of animals from confinement and removal from habitat

(1) No human being has the right to confine another animal or to remove it from its habitat unless doing so is justifiable with reference to the respective rights, duties and freedoms of both the human and other animal concerned.

(2) Any human being that confines or keeps another animal must ensure that it is free to express normal patterns of behavior, has adequate nourishment and is protected from injury, disease, suffering and unreasonable fear, pain, distress or discomfort.

Article 6. Fundamental duties of human beings

Human beings have a special responsibility to avoid acting in violation of this Declaration and must urgently establish values, cultures, and legal, political, economic and social systems consistent with this Declaration that:
(a) promote the full recognition, application and enforcement of the freedoms, rights and duties set out in this Declaration;
(b) ensure that the pursuit of human wellbeing contributes to the wellbeing of Mother Earth, now and in the future;
(c) prevent humans from causing harmful disruptions of vital ecological cycles, processes and balances, and from compromising the genetic viability and continued survival of other species;
(d) ensure that the damage caused by human violations of the freedoms, rights and duties in this Declaration is rectified where possible and that those responsible are held accountable for restoring the integrity and healthy functioning of affected communities; and
(e) enable people to defend the rights of Mother Earth and of all beings.

Article 7. Protection of the law

Every being has –
(a) the right to be recognised everywhere as a subject before the law;
(b) the right to the protection of the law and to an effective remedy in respect of human violations or attacks on the rights and freedoms recognized in this Declaration;
(c) the right to equal protection of the law; and
(d) the right to equal protection against any discrimination by humans in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.

Article 8. Human education

(1) Every human being has the right to be educated about Mother Earth and how to live in accordance with this Declaration.

(2) Human education must develop the full potential of human beings in a way that promotes a love of Mother Earth, compassion, understanding, tolerance and affection among all humans and between humans and other beings, and the observance of the fundamental freedoms, rights and duties in this Declaration.

Article 9. Interpretation

(1) The term “being” refers to natural beings which exist as part of Mother Earth and includes a community of other beings and all human beings regardless of whether or not they act as a corporate body, state or other legal person.

(2) Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms in it.

(3) Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as restricting the recognition of other fundamental rights, freedoms or duties of all or specified beings.

Republished from PWCCC website


9/24/08

US Hands off Latin America - No more Pinochets


>>>>Emergency Rally in Solidarity<<<<

BOLIVIA-VENEZUELA-PARAGUAY-ECUADOR-EL SALVADOR
5.30pm Friday, September 26th
GPO, Corner Bourke and Elizabeth St, CBD Ph Sean 0415 122 135

Latin America now faces its most serious crisis since the rebirth of democratic and progressive movements at the end of the 20th century. On the 35th anniversary of the military overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile in 1973, which had the overt support of the United States, the presidents of Bolivia and Venezuela asked the US ambassadors accredited to their countries to leave.


They both believe they are facing the possibility of an imminent coup in which they accuse the United States' administration of being involved. A third country, Paraguay, announced ten days previously that they had detected a plan involving military officers and opposition politicians.

The plot against democracy in Venezuela centered on a plan, revealed in telephone conversations between senior military officers broadcast on national television, to assassinate the democratically elected head of state, President Chavez.

In Bolivia, the separatist governors of the five eastern regions, in close touch with the US embassy in La Paz, have begun a campaign of violence and economic sabotage designed to create the conditions for a coup. Scores of indigenous and poor protesters have been killed by gang backed by rich sectors and the oligarchy.

These events demonstrate unequivocally who defends democracy and who threatens it in Latin America today. The international media has failed to provide accurate and proportionate coverage of these events.

Join the rally to defend people's power, self-determination, social progress and popular democracy in Latin America and to condemn the actions against indigenous and poor people organisations, human rights and democratically elected popular governments.

Endorsements

Centre for Latin America Studies and Solidarity Australia Venezuela Solidarity Network Latin American Solidarity Network (LASNET) Peace & Justice for Colombia, FMLN committee Revolutionary Socialist Party Socialist Alliance. Green Left Weekly Resistance


Building Solidarity with Latin America... Building Bridges…
Organising Globally… The Power of Grassroots Organising

lasnet@latinlasnet.org
www.latinlasnet.org

9/18/08

Todos con Bolivia Everyone with Bolivia




After nearly 516 Years of European Invasion & Genocide in the Americas 12 October 1492 - 2008

International Day of Solidarity with Bolivia Melbourne Australia, October 10 - 2008

Solidarity Night for Bolivian people self-determination and sovereignty

Friday October 10, 6:30pm
New Council Chambers
Victorian Trades Hall Council
Corner of Lygon & Victoria streets, Carlton



Everyone with Bolivia

The process of changes in favour of the Bolivian majority is at risk of being brutally restricted. The rise to government of an Indigenous president with unprecedented support in that country and his programs of popular benefits, the recovery of the natural resources and with the support of the majority of the indigenous and grassroots organisations have had to face the conspiracies of the Bolivian richest sectors, the oligarchy and United States interference from the first day in office.

In recent days the increase in conspiracy, violence and humiliation against indigenous organizations has reached its climax. The subversive, criminal, racist and unconstitutional actions of the oligarchic groups supported by USA during last week and days to try to create insecurity, instability and the conditions for a military coup and the intervention of USA upon the Bolivian nation reflect the racist and elitist minds of these sectors and constitute a very dangerous precedent not only for the country's integrity, but for other countries in Latin America.

History shows with ample eloquence, the terrible consequences that the divisionary and separatist processes supported and induced by foreign interests have had for humanity, just remember the military intervention backed by CIA against Salvador Allende in 1973.

Faced with this situation the Latin American Solidarity Network (LASNET), Friends of the Earth, The Alliance for Indigenous Self Determination and Latin American supporters from a range of Australian and community organisations are calling for an special Public Forum & Documentary Film night on Friday October 10, 6:30pm, at the New Council Chambers, Victorian Trades Hall (corner of Lygon and Victoria streets, Carlton) to express our solidarity and concerns in this difficult situation, at the same time we would like to sign, endorse and support a statement made by Bolivian indigenous and grassroots organisations which will be send to as previous the special Public Forum. The public forum will be addressed by Antonio-Nava Bolivian general consul from Sydney and solidairty activists will proposed different ways of action to support the Bolivian process, all welcome

The supporters of Bolivian people would like to express our support for the democratic and popular government of Evo Morales Ayma , for his policies for change and for the sovereign constituent process of the Bolivian people and the social movements supporting this process. At the same time we reject the antidemocratic attempt of instability leaded by the Bush administration, the Bolivian riches sectors, the reactionary and violent oligarchy in its crimes committed against poor and indigenous people in the lasts days.

All our support to the Bolivian people
Everyone with Bolivia

The International Indigenous Solidarity Gathering - Latin America, Asia & the Pacific support the international day of action with the Bolivian People. www.latinlasnet.org/gathering/freedom.html

Latin American Solidairty Network(LASNET)
Friends of the Earth (FOE)
The Alliance for Indigenous Self Determination

add you name here

More Info: 0400 914 944

Building Solidarity with Latin America... Building Bridges…
Organising Globally… The Power of Grassroots Organisations

lasnet@latinlasnet.org
www.latinlasnet.org
check for more info from indigenous and grassroots organisations from Bolivia at:
http://www.ubnews.org
http://bolivia.indymedia.org/

12/1/07

Bolivian Workers oppose 'anti-terror raids'


The following statement from the Workers Central in the Department of Oruro, Bolivia, in solidarity with the workers and Maori activists arrested under the so-called 'anti-terror' raids has been received.
It is signed by the Central Obrera Departmental, the union centre to which all unions are affiliated in Oruro, November 9th.

New Zealand workers should note that Ururo and the COD based there is the centre of the miners movement in Bolviva which has led several revolutionary uprisings since 1952. It is significant that this union has as its founding documents, the Theses of Pulacayo, written in 1946 which clearly call for an anti-imperialist struggle for socialism. These sentiments are echoed today in the statement below at a time when Bolivia is at the brink of a civil war.

"STOP THE STATE AND PARAMILITARY REPRESSION IN NEW ZEALAND"



"The Bolivian workers affiliated to our central organisation, the Central Obrera Boliviana, and belonging to the Central Obrera Departmental, condemn the brutal deliberate repression of the state and Government of New Zealand against the workers and indigenous Maori people.

The repression unleashed on 15 October against fighters or liberation and sovereignty in this semicolony dominated by Australia and Britain, satellites of American imperialism, is intended to protect the economic interests of the privileged minority that exists in any capitalist country in the world, including Bolivia, and who subject the majority of the people to the most miserable social and economic conditions.

The struggle of the brother and sister workers and people of New Zealand is not alone and has the backing and solidarity of the oppressed of the world. The epoch of the abuse and plunder that imperialist capitalism has enjoyed has led inexorably to the differences between this minority and the poor in the world to become more and more abysmal and inhuman.

We have no alternative but to replace the corrupt and degenerate world capitalist system with a system where the majorities have the right to decide their future by redistributing wealth among all the peoples who are its inhabitants - a system where human rights are fundamental and not for the profits of an irrational and unlimited capitalism. The system can not be anything less than socialism, inspired by the most human and patriotic sentiments. The dilemma facing humanity is: Socialism or the reign of Barbarism"

Oruro, November 9, 2007

C.O.D. Founded 1st May 1953, Affiliate of the C.O.B. Oruro - Bolivia.
FSTMB (Miners) FED FABRILES (factory workers) FUSTCO (officeworkers) FED CONSTRUCTORES (construction) FED SALUD (Health workers) FED MAG URB and FED MAG RURAL (teahers) FESTRATEV (transport) RED RENT JB (retired workers) FUL (univerisity students) FES (secondary students) FED EST NOL (student teachers) CASEGURAL, SIND MUNCIPALES (public sector workers) ENTEL, ECOBOL, SINTRAUTO, COTEOR, (telephone, electricity, water etc) ASOC RED MIN (retired miners) PRENSA (media workers) DESOCUPADOS (unemployed) SEPCAM and ACMPD (small farmers).

11/26/07

Death and Sedition in Bolivia

Four deaths in Sucre intensify the confrontation
Luis A. Gómez
November 25, 2007
La Paz -
If people are interested: To know further about the last development in Bolivian volatile situation, Rosalio Tinta member of Bolivian social movements currently in Australia is available for interviews and meetings, just write to lasnet@latinlasnet.org or call 0400 914 944, thanks.

It’s possible that it all began in March 2006 when the Evo Morales government negotiated the Constituent Assembly’s representative base. The right-wing parties—defeated from almost every angle by the social movements over the past few years—were allowed new breathing room and maintained, together with the governing party, its monopoly of the political representation in Bolivia.

Or maybe it began in July of last year when the Assembly delegate elections left Evo’s MAS without their hoped for two-thirds majority. At this moment, it was clear that this new body—charged with creating a new carta magna to represent the Bolivia that had risen from the streets and its recent struggles—would become hostage to the country’s rightwing minority via its political parties.

Either way, one thing is clear: the blame for the deaths yesterday and today in the city of Sucre goes to both the right and to the government, perhaps in equal measure.

Wasted Time

Months of deliberation spent on securing procedural measures that no one even respects. Months of debate, physical beatings, screaming matches, marches and vigils in favor of and against. The result? After a full year of work, not a single article, not one solid agreement was made between the government and the opposition regarding the country’s new constitution. Thus, it was decided that the Assembly’s sessions be extended until December 14th of this year. Nothing has been achieved since.

The struggle around whether articles ought to be approved by simple majority or two-thirds of the delegates’ votes allowed the rightwing to consistently block and blackmail. The opposition party PODEMOS took charge of impeding the Assembly’s every step—at times with a solid right hook to the chin of a fellow delegate. More recently, they found another stalling mechanism: the semi-colonial Capital Wars, putting the question of whether La Paz or Sucre was to hold the honor of seat of government forever.

The days passed and millions of Bolivians filled the streets of Sucre, Santa Cruz and La Paz demanding that the capital move, that it stay, that the Assembly be allowed to decide matter, that the decision should be in the public’s hands. Bolivia’s struggle was thus reduced to this: the capital’s location and the defense of a building in which 255 non-functional delegates would session with the grand result of never agreeing on anything.

Approval at any cost

Yesterday, under orders from President Evo Morales, MAS delegates moved the Assembly to Sucre’s military barracks. The street mobilizations backed by right-wing Santa Cruz leaders for the past few months had made it impossible for the Assembly to continue its work in the public theater where they had been held since August 2006.
The normally quiet streets of this small colonial city became a battlefield on November 24th: students and citizen groups went at the police with escalating intensity while the latter responded with tear gas and rubber bullets.
During the confrontation, 29 year old lawyer Gonzalo Dúran was killed by a bullet to the chest. His comrades in sedition became enraged. The body was placed in a coffin and all seemed to have reached a boiling point. Accompanied by a member of Bolivia’s Human Rights Assembly, Sucre’s governor, MAS party member Daniel Sánchez, entered the barracks where the delegates were meeting in desperation.

Sánchez asked Assembly President and former coca-grower leader Silvia Lazarte to stop the session. Lazarte refused. Shortly after, the MAS-proposed version of the new Constitutional text was approved “in full.”
This approval of a new Constitution at any cost, this conceit on the part of the ruling party, may have caused the flood waters to spill. As a colleague in Sucre recounted to us via telephone, “the people have now seriously mobilized against the government.”

The Media’s Attack

The rightwing media are sending reports from all corners of the country. In Sucre, they give us democracy’s heroes: an angry mob that has vandalized the city and stormed a local prison letting lose dozens of felons.
Since yesterday, television networks such as Unitel and ATB (both owned by the Spanish media group PRISA), are blaming the government for Sucre’s state of siege. They claim that Dúran’s death was police repression and that yesterday’s delegate session was illegal and is evidence of a dictatorship. They fail to report that Dúran’s forensic report finds that the fatal bullet comes from a gun-type not used by the police. Not to mention the fact that, as the Minister of the Presidency Juan Ramón Quintana points out, the police were not armed this weekend in Sucre.
In between repetitive images of Sucre’s streets as battlefields, the networks broadcast the event’s rippling effects nationwide. They report on aggressive and premeditated acts as if they were spontaneous occurrences—the most notable of which occurred in Santa Cruz at dawn this morning. An angry group appeared in front of the house of MAS politician Osvaldo Peredo where several Cuban doctors also live. After screaming insults against the government, the group threw a Molotov cocktail towards the residence. Fortunately, there was only material—not human—damage. Similarly, TV images show groups of young Santa Cruz residents violently attacking the regional tax office headquarters.

In a most non-spontanteous way, the media went on to interview every conceivable opposition politician across the country, including ex-President Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga and Santa Cruz governor Rubén Costas—who dared the government to respond and spoke seditiously on behalf of all Bolivians.
An interesting side-note: some of Bolivia’s independent media outlets are having transmission problems. The internet signal of Radio Erbol (owned by the Catholic Church) is unavailable in certain parts of the country where there is normally a signal. Many journalists—employees of Erbol and its affiliate station in Sucre—have received death threats. Many of Sucre’s few independent reporters, according to UB sources, are in hiding.

Evo Defends His Project

Sucre’s air is heavy with gas and people are mobilized in the streets. A few hours ago, the city police chief announced the withdrawal of police forces in the city because of a lack of safety guarantees: not only had his officers been assaulted, but also one of their own had been lynched and thrown into a ravine early this morning. Transit Police headquarters were burned throughout the day and mobs went around lighting on fire any state vehicles that crossed their path.
It was in these fateful moments, that the President of Bolivia appeared serious and somber before his nation to defend his project and his government. Just after 3pm, Evo Morales explained the minutea of the recently approved Constitution in painstaking detail. He spoke for over 10 minutes without mentioning the four deaths on the other side of the country.

Once getting to the topic of the confrontations, he asserted that his government would convene a full investigation into the weekend’s incidents and reiterated that the government had not instructed the police to use lethal weapons against the population.

“Those who want to bet on our Bolivia, on the Bolivia of change,” said Evo, are more than welcome. He critiqued those who impeded this process of change, specifically those in Santa Cruz united behind the infamous Civic Committee and its President Branco Marinkovic. “They can’t accept that we the poor people can govern ourselves,” he snapped, after going over the long list of obstacles the Constituent Assembly has confronted over the past 16 months.
Evo also pleaded the Bolivian people to remain calm, warning that the new constitution must now be approved by national democratic referendum, as legally stipulated. “We will continue working together with the social forces and with the people of this country who want change,” he stated while refuting the right-wing’s accusations that he is a dictator and an assassin.

“I want to ask the Bolivian people for serenity and the Bolivian authorities for their support in securing peace and social justice,” the Head of State concluded. He had spoken for almost 30 minutes yet practically no major television channel broadcast Evo’s words. Almost all were carrying their normally scheduled programs.
Despite it all, there are four (perhaps five) dead in Sucre. The principle opposition leaders are already calling for Evo Morales’ head. The government insists on moving forward with its Constitutional project regardless of its less than two-thirds majority in the Assembly. We will continue informing.

If people are interested: To know further about the last development in Bolivian volatile situation, Rosalio Tinta member of Bolivian social movements currently in Australia is available for interviews and meetings, just write to lasnet@latinlasnet.org or call 0400 914 944, thanks.

Recents Latin American Solidarity Network (LASNET) updates

Upcoming events

11/7/07

A Night of Culture, Music & Solidarity in Melbourne

SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10,
7pmChurch Hall10A Hyde Street,Footscray
Night in Solidarity with Latin American grassroots movements
Traditional Latin American Musicwith Rebeca Godoy a people’s struggle musician
Keynote speakers: Cristian Quechupan Mapuche Indigenous activist from Chile,
presenting a Multimedia presentation Rosalio Tinta Leader from Coalition of grassroot social movements from Cochabamba Bolivia
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10,
7pmChurch Hall
10A Hyde Street,
Footscray
General Admission $10 waged, $5 Students, $20 SolidarityBookings: (03) 9481 2273 - 0413 597 315 - 0400 914 944Organised by:Latin American Solidarity Network (LASNET)www.latinlasnet.org

10/2/07

INDIGENOUS ANARCHISM IN BOLIVIA




An Interview with Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui

by Andalusia Knoll, Rustbelt Radio, Pittsburgh

The South American nation of Bolivia has filled the headlines of the global press with its fight against water privatization, struggle for nationalization of gas, non-compliance with free trade policies, and the 2005 election of the continent’s first indigenous president, Evo Morales. These struggles are rooted in the long history of indigenous resistance to colonialism and imperialism in Bolivia. In an interview conducted during her recent stay in Pittsburgh. subaltern theorist Aymara sociologist and historian Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui discussed Bolivian anarchism, the health benefits of the coca plant and the cocaleros' (coca growers) fight for sovereignty. Rivera Cusicanqu is a founder of the Taller de Historia Oral Andina (Workshop on Andean Oral History) and author of Oppressed But Not Defeated: Peasant Struggles Among the Aymara and Quechua in Bolivia, 1910-1980 (United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, 1987). She was born in 1949 in La Paz.

Andalusia Knoll: Could you talk about some of the things that you have uncovered in your research about anarchism in Bolivia as related to the struggles of the Aymara and Quecha people?

Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui: We started as an Aymara collective that basically wanted to uncover the Aymara and Quechua struggles and we discovered that there were many links with urban Aymara communities that had organizations linked both to the indigenous communities and to the union movement, which in the 20’s was basically anarchist.

What happened in Bolivia is that there have been two official histories: the official history written by the [Revolutionary] Nationalist Party—MNR—that basically denies all the agency of both workers and peasants and indigenous peoples; and the official history of the left that forgets about anything that was not Marxist, thus eclipsing or distorting the autonomous history of anarchist unions,

It's the links between the anarchists and the indigenous people that gave them another nuance, because their communities are self-sustained entities and they basically are places where anti-authoritarian type of organization can take roots. They don’t need this leadership that is like permanent leadership. The communities have leaders, but as a rotational thing that is a service to the community. It’s kind of a burden to be a leader for a community, you know? It’s something you do once in a lifetime and you do because you ought to do, and that the community says its your turn or the turn of your family. So, that creates a totally different relationship with power structures and, in a way, it decolonizes power and to a certain extent gives it back to the people.

That is what fascinated us most about the communities and, on the other hand, it led us to discover that communities were not only rural but also urban and worked with [1920s anarchist] Luis Cusicanqui and other anarchist leaders because they had such an affinity between the way they saw struggle, autonomy, domination, and oppression.

AK: Anarchism in general, I think, is perceived as a European tradition that has been brought to the United States and places like Argentina and people don't generally associate anarchism with places like Bolivia or places in Africa, et cetera. Could you talk about how anarchism was in line with many of the beliefs of the Aymara and Quechua people and the way their communities were governed.

SRC: A general point of departure of Bolivian history with the rest of Latin America is that many—especially anarchists—have had to go through the filter of their own traditions of struggle that are basically anti-colonial. So, what happened is that there was like a mutual breeding, a mutual fertilization of thought and an ability to interpret universal doctrine that is basically a European doctrine in Bolivian, Chola and Aymara terms.

That’s why Bolivian anarchism is so important, because it has roots in the grassroots urban unions. Because most urban workers were also Indian in Bolivia and still are. 62 percent of the population in Bolivia self-identify as indigenous, as Aymara, Quechua, Guarani and as many other indigenous peoples.

So we have a majority, even in urban settings, and therefore have a particular brand of anarchism. I would say it is Anarcho-Indianism. And also it is Anarcho-Indianism-Feminism because the chola figure, the women, the female fighter, the female organizer, is part of Bolivian daily life. If you have been there you know what the market looks like, how strong these women are, how in solidarity they are when there is a march coming from the cocaleros, when there are these marches that last ten, twenty days without much to eat. These women prepare these huge pots of soup they give away to the poorest people. They have such a tradition of union associations that self-organize. And they self-organize basically in the administration of space,. The market is a space and it’s very symbolic that they take over this space and just grab it from the municipality or from the central state.

So, you have a very specific chola brand of anarchism that explains why it was so attractive for so, so many people. And it explains why one of the most salient things in Bolivian anarchist history is that their leaders made their speeches in Aymara. And just thinking that another non-Western language, non-European language is filtering the thoughts of anarchists and helping to phrase, to express the rage, the proposals, the ideas—it gives such richness, you know? In Aymara you can say, "us" in four different ways.

AK: How do these struggles of indigenous people in the '20s and '30s relate to struggles against neoliberalism today?

SRC: Liberalism made its big reforms in the late 19th century, which were anti-Indian reforms. They killed the market for indigenous crafts and goods. They took Indian lands. They jailed all the leaders of the communities. They wanted them to become servants of the haciendas and have a quiet and domesticated, low-paid labor force in the mines and in the factories.

You have a second liberalism here now that wants basically the same thing, except for the issue of haciendas. Haciendas are out of date in Bolivia because of agrarian reform. Yet there is still a need for agrarian reform because the big land ownership has moved, it has been displaced to the lowlands and still it's doing the same thing. It's usurping indigenous lands.

So you have basically the same set of problems and aggressions, but you obviously have cultural differences, a cultural gap. Because in those times, you didn't have much of a literate working class, or literate leadership in the communities. The communities had many problems just trying to understand the language of the documents that decreed their extinction, or decreed the laws against them. So they created a movement in favor of schools. That was another link with the workers, because the workers, especially the anarchists, had their own self-organized schools. The indigenous communities came in search for support for their schools and found a very fertile terrain in the anarchist unions.

AK: Could you talk more about the struggles of the cocaleros? Here in the United States there’s very little dialogue about their struggle and people don't even realize that there is a difference between coca and cocaine.

SRC: Well, let me tell you, I have been researching, and every time I come to the US I go to the libraries with one question: Why is coca so underground, so unknown, so mistreated, so stigmatized? Why do people believe all these lies? Why can you get any drug but not coca? It's because if coca was a drug you could get it.

And I'm finding a big conspiracy against coca in the late 19th century by the pharmaceutical industry. And it is a conspiracy against people's health in general. But the conspiracy against coca was particularly mean and ill because it was a conspiracy against a people. The Indians had been in touch with coca for millennia and have been able to use it in a variety of ways; as a mild stimulant for work, as a ritual item, as a recreational commodity that you chew at parties, at wakes, at weddings, or even as a symbol of identity and of struggle.

So, coca leaves are almost pervasively present in the Bolivian context but there is like this press blindness, blindness of the media. Blindness of the media that in many senses is dictated by the US embassy, you know? It’s the US embassy that dictates the policy on coca and blackmails the government so that if we don’t do as they say, the funds for development or, I don’t know, the funds they give to the Bolivian government will be cut. I always said to the leaders, "Let them cut! We won’t die! And we can’t live forever on somebody else’s alimony."

It's hard because really there is a problem of poverty; but poverty in Bolivia is constructed, it’s a result of bad policies! And it’s a result of being robbed of our resources. And so I think the coca issue is very, very enlightening in terms of what the power of interests of corporations can do to truth... Just veil the truth to such an extent that...common sense has been overcome by this absurd idea that coca is cocaine. I have chewed coca since I was 16 years old. When I came to the states, of course you miss everything you don’t have, but I’m not in a [withdrawal] syndrome. I have a [withdrawal] syndrome of coffee! When I quit coffee I had symptoms of being addicted to coffee, but the coca leaves are not addictive. I just chew them and enjoy them everyday and if I don’t have them I don’t chew them and that’s it. And I’m very healthy and I think so many people would be rid of osteoporosis and calcium deficits and gastric disorders and obesity and cardio-vascular problems and diabetes [if coca were available].

And that's why it is an enemy of the pharmaceuticals; because we wouldn't need all their shit! All their pills, all their venoms that make us believe that they are good and then they have side effects and then you go back, and they give you another thing, and you keep on going back and then you end up with having a full pharmacy in your drawer and then you feel miserable and you have lost control of your life. That’s what they want and that’s what we’re against and coca is our big, big shield against companies taking over our bodies.

AK: Earlier you had mentioned one of the marches of the cocaleros. Could you talk about some of the actions that people have taken to defend their rights to grow coca and their sovereignty?

SRC: Yes. Well, I like to talk about things I really know first and there have been many, many marches. One of the most impressive ones was in 1994 and it is really very incredible to be a part of one of these events. And in 1998, when things were getting really bad because of forced eradication and assassinations of cocaleros, and army raids where they into the coca fields and destroyed everything was a daily occurrence... there was this big march that I joined... And I was able to get into the rank-and-file cocaleros within the march and see how there is this Gandhian ethic of self-sacrifice accompanied with coca. It’s also a Gandhian ethic of not eating too much, because...[i]t is the force of the spirit and the force of the belief that goes and carries your body. And so your body has to be light. And that’s why you learn a lot about ethics when you do this type of struggle... [Y]ou're doing a sacrifice for a cause that is for the good of many people and it really feeds your spirit. It is very important to have something beyond your own belly... [A]nd also to go for a cause that is for the whole of the Bolivian people, because sovereignty is the missed task. No revolution of whatever kind—liberal revolution, nationalist revolution, leftist—has really been freed from imperialism, freed from colonial domination.

So, that task requires all the strength and these marches, vigils and hunger strikes have been, always, a typical characteristic of the Bolivian people. A peaceful type of non-violent actions—but so massive! so massive!--where people are ready to die. And that generosity...is very, very heart-lifting, you know? And so, it gives people a strength to overcome many obstacles, to overthrow governments, and to even take governments. And so, I think that’s a result of our strength; our collective strength.

------

This interview originally appeared on Rustbelt Radio, Pittsburgh Indymedia's weekly review of news from the grassroots. To hear the complete interview, go to http://pittsburgh.indymedia.org/news/2007/03/26831.php

It also ran July 25 in The Defenstrator, Philadelphia, PA
http://www.defenestrator.org/silvia_rivera_cusicanqui

RESOURCES:

Anarkismo en Bolivia, Radio Perdida, September 2007
http://radioperdida.blogspot.com/2007/09/anarkismo-en-bolivia.html

-------------------

http://www.ww4report.com/node/4501Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Oct. 1, 2007
Reprinting permissible with attribution

4/5/07

Continental Summit of Indigenous Peoples Meets in Guatemala




Written by Marc Becker
Wednesday, 04 April 2007

ImageThousands of Indigenous peoples from 24 countries gathered in Guatemala on March 26 for the Third Continental Summit of Indigenous Peoples and Nationalities of Abya Yala. After U.S. President George W. Bush visited the country two weeks earlier during his contentious "diplomatic" tour of Latin America, Maya priests cleansed the site of his "bad spirits" in preparation for the summit.

The week-long summit was held in Iximché, a sacred Maya site and main city of the Kaqchikel Maya people. The first day dawned bright and sunny. In Tecpán, a nearby town where many of the delegates to the summit were housed with local families, organizers gathered in the main plaza and exploded fireworks to celebrate the beginning of the meetings. In the early morning light, delegates crowded on buses to travel the four kilometers up to the Iximché ceremonial site. Nestled in a plaza among the pyramids, Maya leaders led the group in a spiritual ceremony as the sun peeked over the horizon. On subsequent days, people from the North, South, and Central America all took their turns with the opening ceremonies.

ImageAfter the ceremonies, delegates descended to the entrance of the archaeological site for breakfast (well organized in a communitarian and solidarity style) and the inauguration of the summit under a huge tent set up for this purpose. A Maya elder cleansed the speaker’s table with incense before the presentations began. Despite this cosmological framing, the summit’s discussions focused primarily on economic and political rather than cultural issues. The summit’s slogan "from resistance to power" captured the spirit of the event. It is not enough to resist oppression, but Indigenous peoples need to present concrete and positive alternatives to make a better and more inclusive world.

The summit’s ideological orientation was apparent from the inaugural panel onward. After Tecpán’s mayor welcomed delegates to Iximché, Ecuadorian Indigenous activist and Continental Council member Blanca Chancoso called for Indigenous peoples to be treated as citizens and members of a democracy. She rejected war making, militarization, and free trade pacts.

Image"Our world is not for sale," she declared. "Bush is not welcome here. We want, instead, people who support life. Yes to life. Imperialism and capitalism has left us with a historic debt, and they owe us for this debt."

She emphasized the importance of people creating alternatives to the current system.

Joel Suárez from the Americas Social Forum was also present to announce that the Third Americas Social Forum will be held in Guatemala in 2008. For it to be successful, Suárez emphasized, the forum must have an Indigenous and female face. He called on delegates to support the forum.

Indigenous Peoples and Nation-States

Three plenary panels with invited speakers framed the discussions of the summit’s theme of moving from resistance to power. The panels examined relations between Indigenous peoples and nation-states, territory and natural resources, and Indigenous governments.

Irma Alicia Velásquez Nimatuj from Guatemala pointed to a gap between Indigenous political understandings and the technical skills necessary to achieve those visions. In particular, Indigenous leaders need better training in economics and international law. But this does not mean borrowing solutions from the outside world.

"There are no recipes for success," Velásquez emphasized. "We need to make up our own alternatives."

Bolivia's foreign relations minister David Choquehuanca argued that we should not rebuild current states, but dream and create new ones.

"Our minds are colonized," he stated, "but not our hearts. It is time to listen to our hearts, because this is what builds resistance."

ImageDevelopment plans look for a better life, but this results in inequality. Indigenous peoples, instead, look to how to live well (vivir bien). Choquehuanca emphasized the need to look for a culture of life.

Rodolfo Pocop from the Guatemalan organization Waqib' Kej argued that we need a new word for the term "resources" because it reflects a mercantilist concept foreign to Indigenous cosmology. He suggested using instead "mother earth" because if we don’t live in harmony with the earth we will not have life.

Isaac Avalos, secretary general of the Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), picked up on this concept, suggesting that we should not talk about land but territory because it is a much broader term that includes everything–land, air, water, petroleum, gas, etc. Following along with this symbolism, we must take care of the earth as our mother so that it can continue to provide a future for its children. The discussions led the gathered delegates to advocate for very practical and concrete actions, such as drinking local water and boycotting Coca-Cola.

Following the panels, delegates broke into working groups that focused on a variety of themes including self-determination, intellectual property rights, identity and cosmology, globalization, and Indigenous justice systems. While public events were often filled with discourses long on rhetoric, the workshops provided a venue for substantive and concrete proposals.

Women

ImageInclusion and equality are expressed values that have long run through many Indigenous communities and organizations. Nevertheless, aspects of the dominant culture’s inequalities surfaced throughout the summit, most visibly apparent in gender inequalities. Women participated actively and massively throughout the summit. But while organizers made honorable attempts at equality on the plenary panels, men still outnumbered women by about three to one at the speakers’ tables. The imbalance became even more notable during discussion periods during which there were about ten men for every woman who approached the mike. Finally, a woman from Peru rose to note that men always dominate these conversations. "We need parity," she demanded, "both individually and collectively."

Declaration of Iximché

The most visible and immediate outcome of the summit was the Declaration of Iximché (available in Spanish and English on the summit’s website http://www.cumbrecontinentalindigena.org/). It is a strong statement that condemns the U.S. government’s militaristic and imperialistic policies, and calls for respect for human rights, territory, and self-determination. It ratified an ancestral right to territory and common resources of the mother earth, rejected free trade pacts, condemned the construction of a wall between Mexico and the United States, and called for the legalization of coca leaves.

ImageFor an Indigenous summit, the declaration is perhaps notable for its lack of explicit ethnic discourse. Instead, it spoke of struggles against neoliberalism and for food sovereignty. On one hand, this pointed to the Indigenous movement’s alignment with broader popular struggles in the Americas. On the other, it demonstrated a maturation of Indigenous ideologies that permeate throughout the human experience. Political and economic rights were focused through a lens of Indigenous identity, with a focus on concrete and pragmatic actions. For example, in justifying the declaration’s condemnation of a the construction of a wall on the United States/Mexico border, Tonatierra’s Tupac Enrique Acosta declared that nowhere in the Americas could Indigenous peoples be considered immigrants because colonial borders were imposed from the outside.

The declaration endorsed the candidacy of Bolivia’s Indigenous president Evo Morales for the Nobel Peace Prize. Morales was widely cheered at the summit. Initial plans called for him to attend the summit’s closing rally, but ongoing political tensions in Bolivia prevented him from traveling to Guatemala. Instead, he sent a letter that read, "After more than 500 years of oppression and domination, they have not been able to eliminate us. Here we are alive and united with nature. Today we resist to recuperate together our sovereignty."

ImageMorales’ reception was in notable contrast to Guatemala’s own 1992 Noble Peace Prize winner Rigoberta Menchú who is currently making a bid for the presidency of that country. She did not appear at the summit, nor did she send a message. A delegate’s proposal to include support for her presidential aspirations in the declaration was loudly rejected. Some justified this exclusion as a reluctance to become involved in the internal politics of a country. What it perhaps more accurately reflected, however, was the messy contradictions of aspiring to exactly what the summit’s theme advocated: political power. Menchú continues to enjoy more support outside of Guatemala than within, with some of the choices she has made for political alliances being unpopular among her base. The refusal to support her candidacy was the most visible fractionalization at the summit.

Integration of Indigenous Movements

In order to build toward the integration of a continental Indigenous movement, organizers called for regional coordinating committees in Central and North America similar to South America’s Coordinating Body for the Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin (COICA) and the Andean Coordinating Body of Indigenous Organizations that was formed last year. Delegates also agreed to establish a Continental Coordinating body for Nationalities and Indigenous Peoples of the Americas. The body will allow exchange of ideas about quality of life and the movement against neoliberal trade policy.

ImageThe final item of business at the closing session was the location for the next meeting. The first summit was held in Mexico in 2000 and the second in Ecuador in 2004. Organizers requested that proposals be done by region not country, and proposed that the next logical location would be either southern South America or the North. No proposal was forthcoming from the North, but Argentina proposed the Chilean side of the triple Peru/Bolivia/Chile border in 2009. Justification for the location including supporting socialist president Michelle Bachelet to lead Chile out of the shadow of the Pinochet dictatorship, and the lingering issue of Bolivia’s outlet to the sea.

The continental coordinating committee will be based in Chile to help organize the next summit. The idea of a continental Indigenous organization did not seem to inspire a good deal of enthusiasm among the assembled delegates, although when it came to a vote only three delegates indicated their opposition. Perhaps delegates recognized the value of international meetings but believed that the most important work would happen locally in their own communities. Regional Indigenous organizations in Latin America have a history of being subject to external co-optation and internal divisions, which naturally makes some activists hesitant to create another such supra-natural organization. Nevertheless, no one publicly questioned the wisdom of forming more regional coordinating bodies.

Despite these persistent concerns and other divisions that occasionally surfaced, the level of energy and optimism at the summit was high. The week closed with three marches that converged in a rally in Guatemala City’s main plaza, symbolically representing the unification of Indigenous struggles across the Americas. In the dimming light, organizers launched three hot air balloons, two with the rainbow colors of the Indigenous flag. As delegates slowly dispersed, a remaining determined group of activists danced in a circle waving Indigenous flags as a Bolivian tune "Somos Más" (we are more) blasted on the sound system. An almost full moon hung over the national palace. The week-long summit ended on a high note. The meeting seemed to have built a lot of positive energy. Discussions reflected a deepening and broadening of concerns and strategies. The gathering successfully strengthened both local and transnational Indigenous organizing efforts.


Marc Becker is a Latin America historian and a founder of NativeWeb, a project to use the Internet to advance Indigenous struggles. Contact him at marc@yachana.org

http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/687/1/


3/25/07

Latin American and Asia Pacific Solidarity Gathering 2006


respective nations of: Bolivia, Tuhoe,Ngati Whatua, Mexico


Latin American and Asia Pacific Solidarity Gathering 2006


"Better to die standing, than to live on your knees."

Have just had 2 inspirational days of sharing common struggle and
resistance to the colonial beast that has ravaged ( and continues) to ravage the world. Grassroots people Asia, Melanesia, Polynesia, over the South
America. Humble revolutionaries imbued with a great love & respect for their lands peoples & way of life, actively resisting.

The greed for the plunder of our resources and destruction of our
identity is similar all the world. Genocide keeps on perfecting
itself, so you get a clear picture of whats in store for us if we dont
assert our right to be and live as Maori on Maori land. NZ settler
govt just keep perfecting killing us off slowly.

Chaz was a mercurial ambassador for Tuhoe and gave a moving korero
about Mana Motuhake, and our colonial history & continuing resistance.
It was choice to tautoko bro, and we even had tutu Maori tamariki
running around Smile.It was good to be reminded that around this planet,
we the colonised, the oppressed, exploited & marginalised are the majority and the time has come for us to stand up.

In struggle & solidarity

Ana


www.latinlasnet.org