[Analysis in translation] Lucien van der Walt, 2016, “Bill Andrews ed i Sindacalisti Rivoluzionari in Sud Africa”

Lucien van der Walt, 2016, “Bill Andrews ed i Sindacalisti Rivoluzionari in Sud Africa”
From: http://www.anarkismo.net/article/29211#comment16268

Trans. of Lucien van der Walt, 2016, “Bill Andrews and South Africa’s Revolutionary Syndicalists,” Tokologo: Newsletter del Tokologo African Anarchist Collective, numbers 5/6, p. 24

Oggi, W. H. “Bill” Andrews (1870- 1950) viene solitamente ricordato come fondatore e dirigente del Partito Comunista del Sud Africa (PCSA, oggi SACP). In quel ruolo egli fu segretario del partito, membro dell’Esecutivo dell’Internazionale Comunista, dirigente sindacale sudafricano, visitò l’Unione Sovietica, imputato nel processo ai comunisti che seguì allo sciopero dei minatori neri nel 1946.

Tuttavia, agli inizi, Andrews era stato una figura dirigente nella Lega Socialista Internazionale (ISL) di ispirazione sindacalista rivoluzionaria. Nato nel Regno Unito, Andrews era un metalmeccanico qualificato e proveniva dagli ambienti sindacali. Dopo una breve esperienza parlamentare per il Partito Laburista sudafricano, Andrews aderì insieme ad altri radicali alla ISL rifondata nel 1915.

Nella letteratura del Partito Comunista sudafricano, l’ISL appare di solito come una sorta di esperienza propedeutica al partito, composta da solidi marxisti. In realtà la ISL faceva parte- al pari di molte altre esperienze di sinistra radicale in tutto il mondo- della grande tradizione anarchica: in questo caso del sindacalismo rivoluzionario. La ISL puntava all’unità dei lavoratori, neri e bianchi, in un solo grande sindacato per abbattere il capitalismo e lo Stato, l’oppressione razziale e nazionalista, per mettere i posti di lavoro sotto il controllo diretto dei lavoratori.

Andrews aveva lavorato Read more of this post

[Analysis in translation] Lucien van der Walt, 2015, “Dal Salario di Esistenza al Contropotere della Classe Lavoratrice”

Dal Salario di Esistenza al Contropotere della Classe Lavoratrice

Trans. of Lucien van der Walt, 2015, South African Labour Bulletin, volume 39, number 2, pp 35-39

From here

Pur facendo parte della lotta, il salario di esistenza in sè non dovrebbe esserne il fine, bensì dovrebbe essere collegato alla più ampia lotta della classe lavoratrice per costruire quel contropotere che rovesci l’esistente struttura di potere.

IL SISTEMA SALARIALE
Il sistema salariale è il cuore della subordinazione della classe lavoratrice nel suo senso più ampio: i lavoratori, le loro famiglie, i disoccupati. Non possedendo nè indipendenti mezzi di esistenza -per esempio terreni o macchine produttive- nè potere di governo – per esempio una reale capacità decisionale- la classe lavoratrice è costretta a lavorare per un salario, per poter sopravvivere.

Anche coloro che non hanno un lavoro salariato dipendono, tramite i legami familiari, da coloro che hanno un lavoro dipendente; i disoccupati sono, soprattutto, lavoratori senza lavoro. In questo senso, la classe lavoratrice è composta da “schiavi del salario”: ma diversamente dagli schiavi acquistati dai loro padroni, gli schiavi salariati devono cercarsi i loro padroni a cui vendersi all’ora. Read more of this post

[Analysis in translation] Lucien van der Walt, 2015, “Εξουσία – Επανάσταση – Αναρχισμός”

From  http://www.anarkismo.net/article/28495

Εξουσία – Επανάσταση – Αναρχισμός
Το ζήτημα της ειδικής αναρχικής πολιτικής οργάν

To παρακάτω κείμενο παρουσιάζεται χωρίς τις υποσημειώσεις για την ευκολία ανάγνωσης, μιας και το κείμενο είναι αρκετά εκτενές. Οι υποσημειώσεις θα παρουσιαστούν σε μελλοντική έντυπη έκδοση του κειμένου.
Στo συγκεκριμένο κείμενο ο Lucien var der walt εξετάζει περαιτέρω τα ζητήματα που είχε αρχικά αναλύσει στο κείμενο του “Αντιεξουσία, Συμμετοχική Δημοκρατία, Επαναστατική άμυνα: Συζητώντας περί μαύρης φλόγας, επαναστατικού αναρχισμού και ιστορικού μαρξισμού”, το οποίο είχε εκδοθεί στο περιοδικό International Socialism: a quarterly journal of socialist theory, no. 130, pp. 193-207 και μπορεί να βρεθεί στα αγγλικά στο http://www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=729&issue=130. Η αρχική αγγλική έκδοση αυτού του κειμένου μπορεί να βρεθεί στο <a title="http://lucienvanderwalt.blogspot.com/2011/02/anarchism-black-flame-marxism-and-&quot; href="http://lucienvanderwalt.blogspot.com/2011/02/ list.html Μετάφραση: kostav

Αναλυτική απάντηση στις θέσεις του κειμένου “Διεθνής Σοσιαλισμός: Συζητώντας περί εξουσίας και επανάστασης στον αναρχισμό, την μαύρη φλόγα και τον ιστορικό μαρξισμό”

Μαύρη Φλόγα, συζητήσεις εντός του αναρχισμού και του συνδικαλισμού και το ζήτημα της ειδικής αναρχικής πολιτικής οργάνωσης

Έχοντας ήδη αναφερθεί στην FAI, θα απαντήσω στον ισχυρισμό του Paul, σύμφωνα με τον οποίο οι αναρχικοί αρνούνται την ανάγκη ύπαρξης μιας συγκεκριμένης πολιτικής οργάνωσης, η οποία μπορεί να παρέμβει εντός του ταξικού αγώνα. Εδώ ο Paul χρησιμοποιεί ως πηγή τον Λένιν, ο οποίος και ισχυρίζεται, πως οι αναρχικοί βασίζονται σε μια εσφαλμένη γενίκευση, σύμφωνα με την οποία οι αναρχικοί λόγω της κριτικής τους στις πρακτικές των ρεφορμιστικών πολιτικών κομμάτων προχωρούν σε μια γενικότερη απόρριψη οποιασδήποτε προσπάθειας δημιουργίας πολιτικών οργανώσεων . Τέτοιες προσπάθειες, θεωρεί (ο Λένιν), πως είναι απαραίτητες για την σύνδεση των ταξικών αγώνων και του αγώνα για ιδεολογική αποσαφήνιση και για ένα επαναστατικό σχέδιο.

Κατ’ αρχήν, θα πρέπει να διευκρινιστεί ότι οι αναρχικοί και οι συνδικαλιστές δεν είναι “με κανέναν τρόπο αντίθετοι στον πολιτικό αγώνα”, αλλά απλώς διευκρινίζουν πως ο αγώνας αυτός “πρέπει να έχει την μορφή της άμεσης δράσης” με επίκεντρο τα συνδικάτα. Ποτέ δεν αρνήθηκαν τους πολιτικούς αγώνες, όπως τους αγώνες ενάντια στις πολιτικές του κράτους προς τις κοινωνικές και πολιτικές ελευθερίες. Αρνήθηκαν την “πολιτική δράση” υπό την συγκεκριμένη έννοια της χρήσης πολιτικών κομμάτων και του κρατικού μηχανισμού για την χειραφέτηση. Στη θέση της “πολιτικής δράσης”, τόνισαν και πρότειναν την αυτενέργεια και τον αγώνα από τα κάτω ενάντια στην άρχουσα τάξη. Η πρακτική των πολιτικών κομμάτων ήταν αναποτελεσματική, και προκαλούσε διαφθορά καθώς και ιδεολογική σύγχυση. Οι “λαοί οφείλουν να έχουν όλα τα πολιτικά δικαιώματα και προνόμια” που απολαμβάνουν “όχι κάτω από την καλή θέληση των κυβερνήσεών τους, αλλά μέσα από τις δικές τους δυνάμεις”.

Όλοι οι αναρχικοί και οι συνδικαλιστές τονίζουν την σημασία των επαναστατικών ιδεών ως βάση για ένα Read more of this post

[Statement, 2015] Lucien van der Walt, “With the Working Class, Against Imperialism and Terror Attacks”

Published at anarkismo.net on 15 November 2015 here

With The Working Class, Against Imperialism and Terror Attacks.
Lucien van der Walt

Politics should be approached with a simple rule: does an action help or harm the working class and poor’s struggle for complete freedom?

Strategic choices are determined by moral or ethical ones. More precisely: an ethics centred on anti-authoritarianism, anti-domination, anti-capitalism, anti-statism determine what strategy is acceptable. It is not the means that justify the ends, but the ends we want, that shape the means.

How does this apply to issues like Western imperialism, and issues like the recent ISIS attacks in Kobane (Rojava), Beirut (Lebanon) and Paris (France)?

Obviously, to fight for the freedom of the working class must mean to be against imperialism. That is essential to this struggle.

It does not matter if the imperialism is justified as promoting “democracy” or “freedom.” So, we should completely, unconditionally oppose reactionary Western imperialist actions in the “Middle” East. Imperialism is a great evil, whether it is Western, or Eastern, by a great power, or by a small one.

BUT this does not mean every anti-imperialist movement is worthy of support, or justify a knee-jerk “my enemy’s enemy is my friend” reasoning….

ISIS is genuinely anti-imperialist (leaving aside baseless conspiracy theories) , but its actions and programme are completely reactionary, including its attacks in Rojava against the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and in Beirut and Paris against civilians. Its main targets are, in fact, other people in the “Middle” East, secular, Muslim, Christian and others.

The hypocrisy of Western media, and the crimes of Western imperialism, and discrimination against immigrants and “foreigners” do not justify Left support of any sort for either the reactionary Western imperialism *or* for the reactionary anti-imperialists, or apologies or sympathies for either group of reactionaries, West or East.

The hell with both sides. Both sides are our enemies.

The world is not two camps, the imperialist and rebellious “third world” elites, because there is a third side, the working class and Left including anarchists, and that is our side.

The working class and left must lead anti-imperialist struggles, and work with progressive movements, including progressive anti-imperialists, to make a better world, pushing those struggles towards anarchist-communism. Movements like PKK show an important way to fight for national liberation *and* a radical, participatory-democratic and progressive programme.

So, let us approach from the side of the working class and poor, and that means against all oppression and exploitation. From that side, be against imperialism, unconditionally, including whatever outrages the French state will now justify.

But also be against reactionary anti-imperialists with reactionary programmes, and for a progressive anti-imperialism, like that of PKK in Rojava. The same PKK that is also getting attacked by ISIS.

In every country, there is a fight between reaction and progress, and our side is with progress. We should not be dragged along with the ebbs and flows of the struggles of our enemies, but chart our own course.

 

JOURNAL [+PDF]: van der Walt, 2016, “Global Anarchism and Syndicalism: Theory, History, Resistance,” ‘Anarchist Studies’

Lucien van der Walt, 2016, “Global Anarchism and Syndicalism: Theory, History, Resistance,” Anarchist Studies, volume 24, number 1,  pp. 85-106

pdflogosmallGet the PDF here.

GLOBAL ANARCHISM AND SYNDICALISM: THEORY, HISTORY, RESISTANCE
Lucien van der Walt

ABSTRACT: The discussion below is a lightly edited transcription of a talk given by the author at the Ay Carmela, Rua das Carmelitas, in São Paulo, Brazil, on 2 November 2010. This article provides a global perspective on the history and theory of anarchism and syndicalism, arguing against views that treat anarchism as simple ‘anti-statism’ or a natural human ‘impulse’, in favour of the argument that the current is a socialist, working class tradition dating to the International Workingmen’s Association (the ‘First International’), 1864-1877. An international movement in intent, conception and membership from the start, it drew on a range of modernist, rationalist socialist ideas, and developed a powerful base in many regions of the world by the 1940s. Spanish anarchism was undoubtedly important, as was the anarchist Spanish Revolution of 1936–1939, but Spain provided but one of a series of mass-based, influential anarchist and syndicalist movements. Barcelona was only one in a chain of red-and-black anarchist and syndicalist strongholds, and the Spanish Revolution only one of a number   of major rebellions, revolutionary rehearsals and actual social revolutions in which anarchism/ syndicalism played a decisive role. Although public attention was drawn  by the spectacular actions of the movement’s marginal ‘insurrectionist’ wing, it was the ‘mass’ anarchist approach – based on patient mass organising and education – that predominated. The movement’s immersion in mass movements – especially through syndicalism, peasant and civil rights struggles, fights against racism and women’s oppression, and anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles – can also only be properly appreciated from a global perspective – one in which the movement’s rich history in the colonial and postcolonial world is placed centre-stage. The real history of the movement should not be confused with the mythological, propagandistic history of anarchism that sections of the movement subsequently promoted, centred on claims that ‘anarchism’ existed across all human history, was ‘natural’ etc.

KEYWORDS: anarchism, syndicalism, labour, anti-colonialism, Bakunin, Kropotkin, class struggle, radicalism, anti-globalisation, global labour history

p. 86
A preliminary note on terms
Please note that when I use the term ‘syndicalism’, here I am using it in the English sense of specifically meaning revolutionary syndicalism and/ or anarcho-syndicalism, not in the Romance language sense of meaning unions in general. And when I just say ‘anarchism’, I am usually including ‘syndicalism’ (both anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism) because it’s a variant of anarchism. Revolutionary and anarcho-syndicalism, are forms of anarchist trade unionism, rooted in the anarchist tradition, constituting strategies for anarchism, rather than a separate ideology or movement.

One of the key issues that must be addressed for a project like this – a project which looks at anarchism and seeks to do so in a truly global and planetary way, rather than through a narrow focus on parts of Europe (which is how the history of anarchism is often done) – is that you have to think very carefully how you define Read more of this post

DEBATE/ PAPER – Lucien van der Walt, revised 1999 paper, “Some Comments on the National Question From an Anarchist/ Syndicalist Perspective”

Revised version of paper prepared by Lucien van der Walt for Lesedi Socialist Study Group, Wits University, 16 May 1999

We need to distinguish between several clusters of issues:

  • National oppression, the national question and the basis of national liberation struggles;
  • The causes of national oppression;
  • Nationalism as an ideology of an existing States;
  • Nationalism as a right-wing form of national liberation struggle;
  • The possibilities for revolutionary national liberation that opposes nationalism.

NATIONAL OPPRESSION, NATIONAL QUESTION, NATIONAL LIBERATION

This typically lies at the root of the national question. Issues of cultural and linguistic and other diversity are a fact of human life. This diversity is not in and of itself problematic, it is part of the rich heritage of human history. Nor is such diversity inherently a basis for conflict. In most circumstances, the tendency is towards cultural cross-influences: what culture can be said to be pure of influences from all others? What language is unique and does not borrow words and phrases and grammar from others?

It is national oppression — discrimination against, and subjugation of, a particular group — which provides the basis for the raising of specifically national grievances and demands, centred on opposition to discrimination and subjugation. The oppression is national, in that it is applied to a “national” group or nationality, usually defined as having a common national identity, or nationality, and applies to all members of that group. These national criteria in people’s minds tends to overlap with long-standing characteristics of race, religion, language etc. That is, the oppressed nationality is usually seen as having inherited, or at least deeply historical roots. In cases like South Africa, the racial question and the national question are, for all intents, identical

National oppression is undertaken primarily by the State and capital, but this sometimes supported by sections of the working class of what is now seen as the oppressor nationality (in South Africa, for all intents, this is seen as identical, with the oppressor race). Which forces undertake the national oppression is separate from the question of who benefits from national oppression. Read more of this post

[LEAFLET #2] “Stop Retrenchments! Don’t Privatise Wits,” 2000 (for Lesedi Socialist Study Group)

Lesedi - stop Wits 2001- second leafletThis is the second of the leaflets I put together for the Lesedi Socialist Study Group at the University of the Witwatersrand, in 2000, a part of the battle to stop outsourcing. For the first leaflet and the context, see here.

Click on the image for the PDF, or click here.

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