One of the basic rules of constitional law that every first year law student knows it the “state action doctrine,” which means essentially that the Constitution applies only to the government, not to private individuals. For example, if the cops suspected you might be a drug dealer and broke into your house to go on a fishing expedition while you were away, that would be a blatant violation of the Fourth Amendment, so any incriminating evidence they found as a result of that search would be inadmissible against you. But if a random burglar happened upon your secret stash and chose to testify against you, there’d be no Fourth Amendment bar to its admission. Similarly, if you work for the government and get fired for expressing a political view, you may be able to mount a First Amendment challenge. If you work for a private employer, fuhgeddaboudit. [UPDATE: maybe this wasn’t such a good example.]
To be sure, there are some exceptions to the state action doctrine. One exception applies where the acts of a private individual can reasonably be imputed to the state. For example, my hypothetical burglar case only works if the burglar acted on his own, without the knowledge or apparent consent of the police. If the cops put him up to it, it won’t work. Also, there are a few provisions of the Constitution which, unlike the rest, clearly were intended to apply to private individuals. The 13th Amendment prohibition on slavery is one such example; a ban on states and the federal government owning slaves would be meaningless. Ditto for National Prohibition under the 18th Amendment, and for the obscure 21st Amendment ban on the importation of alcohol into dry states. I tend to think the same argument could be made of treason, which the Constitution does not technically prohibit, but which Article III, Section 3 does define.
One exception to the state action doctrine that I did not anticipate, but probably should have, was to the nonexistent emanation and/or penumbrum of the Constitution which, according to Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey, allegedly protects the right to abortion. I’d long assumed, that if there had actually been a provision of the Constitution that protected the “constitutional” right to abortion, it would read something like this:
Congress shall make no law respecting a first trimester abortion, or prohibiting the free obtention thereof; or abridging the ability to abort a second or third trimester abortion except to protect the life or health of the mother.
Or, if you prefer:
A well controlled Population, being to the status of the United States as a First World Country, the right of pregnant women in the first trimester to obtain Abortions, shall not be infringed.
Then again, maybe we should scratch that second example. The David Souters of the world would end up parsing it wrong, and conclude that individual abortions are only allowable when absolutely necessary toward the preservation of a well-controlled population, and maybe not even then. So let’s stick with the tried and true grammar of the first example. After all, it’s patterned on the First Amendment, which enjoys as much judicial protection as any other constitutional right actually mentioned in the Constitution .
According to the L.A. Times, the Abortion Amendment goes much further than that. According to today’s editorial, while your boss may have an absolute right to fire you for expressing a First-Amendment-protected opinion, he should not be allowed to offer you a health plan that doesn’t cover abortion. For Congress even to allow this option is, in their words, “to shrink the landmark abortion-rights decision Roe vs. Wade to the point where there is no need for judges to formally overturn it.”
By that reasoning, I want my employer to buy me a printing press, a gun, a soldier-free house, a guarantee no cop will ever intrude in it without probable cause, just compensation for the last house of mine that was condemned, a free attorney if I am ever charged criminally, another attorney if I am ever sued civilly, indemnity for any unreasonably high fines I’ve ever been required to pay, other rights not mentioned here, and an assurance that Congress won’t regulate in any area other than as explicitly provided for in the Constitution. Failure to do so would be to shrink all ten of the Bill of Rights to the point where there is no need for judges to formally overturn them.
Cross-posted to Oh, That Liberal Media.