Thursday, October 28, 2010

The Ordeal of Murat Kurnaz

October 28, 2010

Gitmo's Indelible Stain

By SHERWOOD ROSS Counterpunch.org

Although U.S. officials have attributed the torture of Muslim prisoners in their custody to a handful of maverick guards, in fact such criminal acts were widely perpetrated and systemic, likely involving large numbers of military personnel, a book by a survivor suggests. Additionally, guards were responsible for countless acts of murder, including death by crucifixion, lynching, poisoning, snakebite, withholding of medicines, starvation, and bludgeoning of innocent victims. And the murders committed by U.S. troops numbered at least in the hundreds, according to reliable sources.

As well, Pentagon architects designed prisons that were sadistic torture chambers in themselves, barely six feet high and seven feet wide, in which human beings were kept for months or years at a time---spaces which, one prisoner noted, are smaller than the legal requirements in Germany for doghouses. Architects who knowingly designed these hellholes may have also committed crimes against humanity.

After the photographs of sadism at Iraq’s Abu Ghraib in May, 2004, shocked the world, President Bush called the revelations “a stain on our country’s honor and our country’s reputation.” He told visiting King Abdullah of Jordan in the Oval Office that “I was sorry for the humiliation suffered by the Iraqi prisoners, and the humiliation suffered by their families.” Bush told The Washington Post, “I told him (Abdullah) I was equally sorry that people who have been seeing those pictures didn’t understand the true nature and heart of America.” A year later, Lynddie England and 10 others from the 372nd Military Police Company were convicted of torture at Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad, Iraq, yet the events of that prison were likely duplicated everywhere across the spectrum of Pentagon and CIA detention camps acting on orders from the Bush White House.

Although President Bush made the Abu Ghraib revelations sound like nothing worse than “humiliation” in fact, the Abu Ghraib photos gave the world a glimpse into far greater crimes of every sordid type---and reports compiled from other sources indicated that to be captured by the Americans was a veritable descent into hell.

While the President’s words sounded as if they came from an innocent bystander, this was the same man who claimed two years earlier the Geneva Conventions did not apply in the countries the U.S. had invaded; they were uttered by the man who, with his Vice PresIdent Dick Cheney, is primarily responsible for the entire venomous persecution of thousands of innocent men, women, and even children. While a handful of guards such as Ms. England---notorious for her “thumbs up” photo observing a human pyramid of naked prisoners, were convicted and jailed---the many other hundreds or thousands of military guards, interrogators, and doctors and dentists also involved in the widespread tortures have never been prosecuted for their crimes.

It should be kept in mind that no impartial legal system was in place to defend the rights of the accused, so that their torturers could break laws without fear of reprisal. As Jane Mayer wrote in “The Dark Side”(Anchor), “Seven years after the attacks of September 11, not a single terror suspect held outside of the U.S. criminal court system has been tried. Of the 759 detainees acknowledged to have been held in Guantanamo, approximately 340 remained there, only a handful of whom had been charged. Among these, not a single ‘enemy combatant’ had yet had the opportunity to cross-examine the government or see the evidence on which he was being held. Thus, since none had been brought to trial, all the tortures inflicted were on captives who must be presumed innocent. One book, by a man who survived the nightmare of captivity where so many others perished, gives the lie to the notion that abuses were carried out by a few vicious guards. Everywhere he went he was beaten and he saw other prisoners also beaten by many different teams of sadistic guards. The conviction of Ms. England and her companions, therefore, does not begin to serve the cause of justice.

According to Murat Kurnaz, a 19-year-old Turkish citizen raised in Germany and falsely defamed as “the German Taliban,” torture at the several prisons in which he was held was frequent, commonplace, and committed by many guards. In his book, “Five Years of My Life: An Innocent Man in Guantanamo”(Palgrave Macmillan), beatings began in 2001 on the flight from Pakistan (where he was pulled off a public bus and sold by Pakistani police for $3,000) to his first imprisonment in Afghanistan.

“I couldn’t see how many soldiers there were, but to judge from the confusion of voices it must have been a lot. They went from one prisoner to the next, hitting us with their fists, their billy clubs, and the butts of their rifles.” This was done to men that were manacled to the floor of the plane. “It was as cold as a refrigerator; I was sitting on bare metal and icy air was coming from a vent or a fan. I tried to go to sleep, but they kept hitting me and waking me…they never tired of beating us, laughing all the while.”

On another occasion, Kurnaz counted seven guards who were beating a prisoner with the butts of their rifles and kicking him with their boots until he died. At one point, Kurnaz was hung by chains with his arms behind his back for five days. “Today I know that a lot of inmates died from treatment like this.” When he was finally taken down and needed water “they’d just pour the water over my head and laugh.” The guards even tortured a blind man who was older than 90 “the same way the rest of us were,” Kurnaz wrote.

At Camp X-Ray, Guantanamo, Cuba, Kurnaz said, “During the day, we had to remain seated and at night we had to lie down. If you lay down during the day you were punished…We weren’t allowed to talk. We weren’t to speak to or look at the guards. We weren’t allowed to draw in the sand or whistle or sing or smile. Every time I unknowingly broke a rule, or because they had just invented a new one…an IRF (Immediate Reaction Force) team would come and beat me.” Once when he was weak from a hunger strike, Kurnaz wrote, “I was beaten on a stretcher.” During his earlier imprisonment at Kandahar, Pakistan, Kurnaz writes, “There were weaker, older men in the pen. Men with broken feet, men whose legs and arms were fractured or had turned blue, red, or yellow from pus. There were prisoners with broken jaws, fingers and noses, and with terribly swollen faces like mine.” Not only were the wounds of such men ignored by guards but complicit doctors would examine him and other prisoners during tortures and advise guards as to how much more they could stand before they died. On one occasion, he saw guards beating a prisoner with no legs.

Still worse, Kurnaz said doctors participated in the tortures. A dentist asked to pull out a prisoner’s rotten tooth pulled out all his healthy ones as well. Another prisoner who went to the doctor to treat one finger with severe frostbite had all his other fingers amputated. “I saw open wounds that weren’t treated. A lot of people had been beaten so often they had broken legs, arms and feet. The fractures, too, remained untreated,” Kurnaz wrote. “I never saw anyone in a cast.” Prisoners were deliberately weakened by starvation diets. Meals at Guantanamo consisted of “three spoonfuls of rice, a slice of dry bread, and a plastic spoon. That was it.” Sometimes a loaf of bread was tossed over a fence into their compound.

Prisoners who should have been in hospital beds instead were confined to cells purposefully designed to torture them. Kurnaz described his experience this way: “Those cells were like ovens. The sun beat down on the metal roof at noon and directly on the sides of the cage in the mornings and afternoons. All told, I think I spent roughly a year alone in absolute darkness, either in a cooler or an oven, with little food, and once I spent three months straight in solitary confinement.” Prisoners could be put in solitary confinement for the tiniest infractions of the most ridiculous rules, such as not folding a blanket properly. “I was always being punished and humiliated, regardless of what I did,” Kurnaz said. Once, he was put in solitary for ten days for feeding breadcrumbs to an iguana that had crawled into his cage.

Besides regular beatings from IRF, who commonly entered cells with clubs swinging, Kurnaz received excruciating electroshocks to his feet and was waterboarded in a 20-inch diameter plastic bucket filled with water. He describes the experience as follows: “Someone grabbed me by the hair. The soldiers seized my arms and pushed my head underwater. …Drowning is a horrible way to die. They pulled my head back up. “Do you like it? You want more?” When my head was back underwater, I felt a blow to my stomach…. “Where is Osama? “Who are you?” I tried to speak but I couldn’t. I swallowed some water….It became harder and harder to breath, the more they hit me in the stomach and pushed my head underwater. I felt my heart racing. They didn’t let up…I imagined myself screaming underwater…I would have told them everything. But what was I supposed to tell them?”It should be noted that U.S. and German authorities had decided as early as 2002 that Kurnaz was innocent---that he really was a student of the Koran in Pakistan when he had been seized by bounty hunters and sold to the Americans as a “terrorist." Yet they continued the tortures for years knowing all along of his innocence.

On yet other occasions, Kurnaz, like so many other prisoners, was hung from chains backwards so that “it felt as though my shoulders were going to break. “I was hoisted up until my feet no longer touched the ground….After a while, the cuffs seemed like they were cutting my wrists down to the bone. My shoulders felt like someone was trying to pull my arms out of their sockets…When they hung me up backwards, it felt as though my shoulders were going to break…I was strung up for five days…Three times a day soldiers came in and let me down (and)a doctor examined me and took my pulse. ‘Okay,’ he said. The soldiers hoisted me back up. I lost all feeling in my arms and hands. I still felt pain in other parts of my body, like in my chest around my heart…” A short distance away Kurnaz could see another man hanging from chains--dead.

To compound the inmates’ misery, Guantanamo guards would trample an imate’s Koran, the sacred book of the Muslims. While U.S. authorities denied that Korans had been thrown in toilets, those denials are worth little considering that when the evening call to prayer was sounded, Kurnez said, the caller’s voice “was drowned out by loud music. It was the American national anthem.” One boorish guard specialized in kicking at prisoners' cell doors when they attempted to pray.

When Kurnaz was transferred within the Guantanamo prison system to “Camp 1” he was put in a maximum security cage inside a giant container with metal walls. “Although the cage was no smaller than the one in CampX-Ray, the bunk reduced the amount of free space to around three-and-a-half feet by three-and-a-half feet. At the far end of the cage, an aluminum toilet and a sink took up even more room. How was I going to stand this? …I hardly saw the sun at all. They had perfected their prison..It felt like being sealed alive in a ship container.”

Although U.S. politicians and ultra-right radio talk show hosts ridiculed the use of sleep deprivation against prisoners, this was, in fact, an insidious practice used earlier in Bolshevik Russia to torture known as “the conveyor belt.” In 2002, Kurnaz writes, when General Geoffrey Miller took over command of Guantanamo, “The interrogations got more brutal, more frequent, and longer.” Miller commenced “Operation Sandman,” in which prisoners were moved to new cells every hour or two “to completely deprive us of sleep, and he achieved it.” Kurnaz says, “I had to stand and kneel twenty-four hours a day,” often in chains, and “I had barely arrived in a new cell and lay down on the bunk, before they came again to move me. …As soon as the guards saw me close my eyes…they’d kick at the door or punch me in the face.” In between transfers, “I was interrogated…I estimated the sessions lasted up to fifteen hours” during which the interrogator might disappear for hours at a time. “I sat chained to my chair or kneeling on the floor, and as soon as my eyelids drooped, soldiers would wake me with a couple of blows…Days and nights without sleep. Blows and new cages. Again, the stabbing sensation of thousands of needles throughout my entire body. I would have loved to step outside my body, but I couldn’t…I went three weeks without sleep….the soldiers came at night and made us stand for hours on end at gunpoint. At this point, I weighed less than 130 pounds.” Kurnaz was released to Germany in August, 2006, and testified by videolink in 2008 to the U.S. Congress. During his five years of confinement, he was never charged with a crime.

And so it happened that, during the presidency of George W. Bush, tens of thousands of innocent human beings, Kurnaz among them, were swept up in dragnet arrests by the invading American forces or their allies and imprisoned without legal recourse---the very opposite of what America's Founders gifted to humanity in their Constitution. None of the prisoners ever saw a real judge or jury. Torture among them was widespread. As for President Barack Obama, sworn to uphold a Constitution that does not permit torture, his failure to act forthrightly and, in particular, to ignore crimes by the CIA, an agency for which he once worked, would appear to make him guilty of subversion of that founding charter which he is legally obliged to honor. As for not taking action against the countless Pentagon operatives who tortured---including doctors and dentists and surgeons, etc.---Obama’s inaction will permit these sadists to be returned one day to practice among the general civilian population. Think about that. Think, too, about the stain on the American flag that may never be washed clean.

Sherwood Ross is a Florida-based media consultant and director of the Anti-War News Service. To comment or contribute to his work contact him at sherwoodross10@gmail.com.

Wednesday, October 27, 2010

Adnan Mirza framed by FBI

By: Shireen M Mazari The Nation October 25, 2010
Adnan Mirza framed by FBI
After the farcical trial of Dr Aafia Siddique in a US court, another Pakistani has fallen victim to the US through yet another travesty of justice. This time it is a student, Adnan Mirza, who has been jailed for 15 years ostensibly for “conspiring to provide material support to the Taliban and illegal gun possession.” However, the reality is totally different and shows how the FBI deliberately traps young Muslims through fabrication of evidence. Some local FBI agents secured their careers in the war on terror, but this young man has lost five precious years as a student and the only breadwinner for his mother and three younger brothers. In jail for nearly five years on flimsy evidence - audio tapes recorded by undercover FBI agents during a hiking trip talking to a young Muslim student about his views on America’s Iraq and Afghan wars - this Pakistani young man’s case, someone who is well-known in Houston’s poor districts for helping the needy on the streets on Christmas and Sundays, is a clear illustration of how unscrupulous local US law enforcement agents used the war on terror to promote their careers and create unnecessary panic among Americans by arresting and humiliating Pakistanis on trumped up charges.

Despite a weak case and clear signs of a setup by local FBI officers, Adnan was kept in a federal prison for five years. Tremendous pressure was put on him to accept the charges and spend a few years in jail. He knew he’d be deported if he accepted charges and his record would be tarnished for life for something he did not do. Unfortunately, Pakistani diplomats in the US also played along with FBI and pressured Adnan to accept charges, which he refused. Finally, the FBI managed to secure a favourable court verdict, and on 22 Oct. 2010, a judge in Houston sentenced Adnan to 15 years in prison.

The young man who used to spend his spare time feeding the needy at Houston intersections, and who was celebrated by local newspapers and television networks for upholding the Christmas spirit has thus been abandoned by his own country. But fair-minded and good Americans continue to support him. Renowned TV personality and political commentator Amy Goodman and DemocracyNow.org have defended Adnan and highlighted his case. Adnan’s story and how he was clearly framed should serve as a warning to other Pakistani students who are either already in the US or planning to go there.

Al-Awda Launches New Palestinian Childrens's Rights Campaign

Oct. 27, 2010 Palestine News Network

Ramallah – PNN – Al-Awda, the Palestine Right to Return Coalition, just launched a new program that will focus on Palestinian children’s rights that have been detained by Israel, as well as advocate for the immediate release of the children. ImageAl-Awda is an American non-profit organization that has mainly worked for the Palestinian right to return. According to their website they are “a broad-based, non-partisan, democratic and charitable organization of grassroots activist and students committed to comprehensive public education of the rights of all Palestinian refugees to return to their property in accordance with International Law.”

On October 27, Al-Awda launched a new Palestinian children’s rights campaign, with the intention of supporting the full restoration of Palestinian children’s rights in accordance with international law. This would include the children’s right to return to their homes of origin, to education and to medical and psychological care.

The Israeli army has killed 1,859 Palestinian children since September 28, 2000, according to the International Solidarity Foundation for Human Rights (ISFHR). This number accounts for the about one-third of the 7,407 Palestinians who have been killed by Israel in the same time period.

Defense for Children International (DCI) reports that there are about 700 Palestinian children, from the West Bank alone, that are imprisoned by Israel every year. Based on a survey taken by DCI of 100 imprisoned children in 2009, they found that 69% had been beaten and kicked and 32% were forced to sign confessions written in Hebrew, instead of their native language Arabic.

The severity of the situation for Palestinian children has lead Al-Awda to launch their campaign. The organization plans to produce factsheets that will be available to the International community, hold rallies and protest, organize lecture tours and other educational events.

Al-Awda is very active in the American and international community, their committee will meet with politicians, newspapers and editorial boards to publish calls and petition for actions to end the injustices. Through Al-Awda’s Annual International Convention, they plan to high light the problem to churches, clubs, student organizations, and mosques. Through fundraising, Al-Awada, hopes to provide financial support for the mental and physical health of Palestinian children.

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

Political Prisoner Eddie Conway Speaks to Ujaama

October 25, 2010 Cornell Daily Sun
By Lawrence Lan

Political prisoner and former Black Panther Marshall “Eddie” Conway spoke via telephone to an attentive crowd of students, staff, and faculty to spark Sunday evening’s Ujamaa Unity Hour discussion on prisons and their impact on the African-American community.

Conway, who is currently serving the 40th year of his life sentence at Jessup Correctional Insitution in Maryland, touched on the prison-industrial complex as it manifests in Maryland, where the majority of prisons are located in rural areas characterized by predominantly white populations. He also discussed his work in creating a mentoring program that emphasizes the need for positive role models in the Maryland prison system’s youth population.

Prof. Margaret Washington, history, contributed scholarly analysis to Conway’s lived experience, citing large increases in the incarceration rates of African American males in the United States since 1980. She also stressed the fact that the notion of economic labor cannot be divorced from that of incarceration.

“With the current [economic] situation being what it is, African Americans are no longer needed as laborers. When a huge population that has always served as labor no longer serves that function, what do you do with the surplus labor?” Washington said. “From an economic perspective, prison is a form of slavery, or you can say it’s a form of concentration camp.”

The historical context provided the framework for Prof. Mary Katzenstein, government, to contest the notion that prisons offer local benefits to their surrounding communities in the form of employment opportunities. She cited the example of Five Points Correctional Facility, saying that high-paying prison jobs discourage the predominantly white local population from pursuing higher education.

Speaking to the perception that prison successfully rehabilitates inmates, Katzenstein pointed out that people who spend long periods of time in prison exhibit the lowest rates of recidivism, while those who spend brief periods of time in prison most commonly become repeat offenders.

Jim Schechter, executive director of the Cornell Prison Education Program, added to the discussion, noting the strides that the program has made at Auburn Correctional Facility and Cayuga Correction Facility since its inception, especiallly for the prisoners. The program provides a pathway to an Associate of Arts degree for men incarcerated at the Auburn and Cayuga Correctional Facilities.

“[The Cornell Prison Education Program] contributes to people’s self-esteem in what we all recognize is an otherwise dehumanizing environment,” he said, adding that the classroom functions as a “sanctuary” from the rest of the prison experience.Cornell faculty who participate in the program report a higher level of engagement from the inmates than from Cornell students, according to Schechter.

“There’s no sense of entitlement, no Blackberries, no laptops,” Schechter said. “The students at Auburn come to class having done the readings two, maybe three, times.”

Janet Nwaukoni ’12, president of Project Lansing, and Adam Baratz ’11, president of Art Beyond Cornell, explained the work their organizations do on campus to immediately address the needs of prisons near Ithaca.

Members of Project Lansing interact weekly with young females at Lansing Residential Center to build mentorships and friendships that foster intellectual and personal growth. Members of Art Beyond Cornell bring weekly art lessons to Lansing Residential Center and MacCormick Secure Center to offer a means of expression and growth for the institutionalized youth.

“We want these young women [at Lansing Residential Center] to know that there are African American females who come from similar backgrounds and that it’s possible to succeed,” Nwaukoni said.

“These facilities are extraordinarily understaffed, and Cornell has such a vast array of resources to help fill that void,” Baratz said. “The work we do is really important because the youth there really look forward to it each week.”

Ken Glover, residence hall director of Schuyler House and former residence hall director of Ujamaa, identified flaws with the prison system.

“If you wanted to change the rates of recidivism, you’d require [inmates] to get a GED,” Glover said, referring to a statistic mentioned by Schechter that approximately 250 out of 1,800 inmates at Auburn Correctional Facility have GEDs or high school diplomas. “How can you support your kids [when you get out of prison] if you can’t get a GED and you can’t get a job?”

He also brought the discussion back to Conway and the issue of political prisoners.

“The question of political prisoners goes beyond the context of the United States,” Glover said, citing notable political prisoners including Nelson Mandela, Mumia Abu-Jamal, and Patrice Lumumba. “Whenever there’s been a movement for social change, people who speak out [for change] are imprisoned.”

“The discussion revealed how prevalent the incarceration system is just in upstate New York,” Khamila Alebiosu ’13 said. “While we like to stay within the Cornell bubble, there’s so much we can do to reach out and change this system that has dehumanized and degraded people that have come largely from the African American community.”

Theoria Cason, the residence hall director of Ujamaa, found the discussion informative and saw hope in the various Cornell programs that try to address needs of institutionalized people in local facilities.

“This discussion helped me recognize the dissonance that exists between Ithaca and the facilities that lie just 20 minutes down the road,” she said. “I really appreciate the work that is being done in the immediate areas around Ithaca.”

The discussion, entitled “Prisons and Race: The Impact On Our Community,” was organized by Black Students United.

ARTISTS AGAINST RAPE 2010

sfwar.org
in REmembering, we RISE

13th Artists Against Rape
Friday, November 5th, 2010
First Congregational Church (of Oakland)
2501 Harrison Street
Oakland, CA 94612-3811

7:00pm Reception
(Refreshments & Silent Auction)

8:00pm Performance

SUGGESTED DONATIONS:
Adults $10-$50
Youth (under 18) $5-$20

No one turned away for lack of funds



Venue is wheelchair accessible
Performance is ASL interpreted

Childcare available
(Please RSVP by 10/29/10 • 415.861.2024)

Shuttle available from 19th Street BART Station
(Please RSVP by 10/29/10 • 415.861.2024)

Monday, October 25, 2010

Guantanamo inmate pleads guilty

Aljazeera Oct. 25, 2010

Canadian Omar Khadr admits to throwing grenade that killed US soldier in Afghanistan when he was 15 years old.
Obama has failed to close the Guantanamo detention centre despite pledging to do so by January 2010 [GALLO/GETTY]

A Canadian prisoner in Guantanamo Bay has pleaded guilty to killing an American soldier while he was a young teenager as part of a deal that will allow him to avoid a war crimes trial.

Omar Khadr on Monday pleaded guilty to five charges, including murder, for throwing a grenade that killed a US soldier in Afghanistan in 2002. He was just 15 at the time of the incident, which occurred during a fierce firefight at an al-Qaeda compound in Afghanistan.

Khadr, now 24, also admitted to planting improvised explosive devices and receiving weapons training from al-Qaeda. His defence lawyers say that because Khadr was a child when the offences occurred, he should not be tried for war-crimes.

The exact terms of the plea deal were not immediately disclosed, but Khadr is due to be sentenced by a military jury in several days. The sentence they impose is bound by the plea deal.

Khadr would be allowed to trasfer back to his native Canada after serving a year of his sentence as part of the deal, the military judge in charge of the case said.

Trial criticised

The US has argued that Khadr, who was badly wounded during the fighting, is a war criminal because he was not a regular solider. But his case has long outraged opponants to Guantanamo, who say he was a child soldier and was subjected to mistreatment while in US custody.

John Terrett, Al Jazeera's correspondent in Washington DC, said that the proceedings against Khadr are unprecedented. "In many ways this whole thing has been a trial of firsts and onlys," he said.

"He's the only Canadian citizen in Guantanamo and he's the only child soldier- He was arrested at the age of 15. He has pled guilty to all five charges against, and it has become that this trial is coming to a plea-bargain end."

Khadr's defence team say he was pushed into fighting the US by his father, said to be a close associate of Osama bin Laden. Human rights defenders have criticised Barack Obama, the US president, for seeking to prosecute Khadr.

"It's particularly galling that a president who promised to restore human rights is beginning the first trial here with a child soldier who was abused for years in US custody and was taken to a war zone by his dad," Jennifer Turner, a lawyer for the American Civil Liberties Union who is at Guantanamo to observe proceedings against Khadr, said.

Many of Obama's supporters have been angered by his failure to close Guantanamo, despite promising to do so in his campaign and ordering the government to do so as one of his first acts as president.

Around 170 prisoners are still being held at Guantanamo. Congressional opposition to its closure, and difficulty in finding countries to take the men held there, has stalled Obama's plan to close the prison.

Occupation Courts Sentence Sa'adat to Six Months More of Isolation - Take Action!

freeahmadsaadat.org

In yet another outrage and attack upon the humanity of Palestinian prisoners and the Palestinian people, Ahmad Sa'adat was sentenced to an additional six months in isolation inside Israeli prisons, an extension that will last until April 21, 2011. As actions and events took place throughout Palestine and around the world - in the United States, Canada, Denmark, New Zealand, Ireland, Greece, Turkey, Lebanon, Syria and elsewhere - in support of Sa'adat's struggle to end isolation and hundreds of letters and petitions were delivered to prison officials from concerned human rights advocates around the world, the Israeli authorities have sentenced this Palestinian leader to another six months barred from human contact.

Sa'adat has been held in isolation for over 500 days, since March 19, 2009. He has been confined without access even to the other prisoners in the isolation unit and deprived of basic human rights. His personal books have been confiscated and he is routinely denied access to media and reading material in any language other than Hebrew. He has been denied family visits, including from his wife Abla, and his lawyers have several times been barred from visiting him. His recreation time has been limited repeatedly.

Isolation and prevention of human contact is widely understood by human rights advocates to be ill-treatment that amounts to torture and/or cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment, in violation of the Geneva Conventions. Ongoing and repeated isolation that will now stretch to over two years, justified by vague declarations of "security" needs, indicate that the Israeli regime is dedicated to attempting to isolate Sa'adat not only from his fellow prisoners, but to isolate and silence his voice among the Palestinian people.

Sa'adat's ongoing isolation only serves to make clear time and again that the Israeli courts are merely an arm of the occupation, dedicated at all levels to maintaining the oppression of the Palestinian people and providing a "legal" pretext for ongoing brutality and human rights abuses.

Sa'adat, the General Secretary of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, has been held in Israeli jails since March 14, 2006, when he was abducted from Jericho prison, where he had been held in a Palestinian Authority prison under U.S. and British guard. While imprisoned in the PA jail in Jericho, he was elected to the Palestinian Legislative Council. He was sentenced to thirty years in prison on December 25, 2008 by an Israeli military court for his political activity, and has spent over 500 days in continually-renewed isolation at the present time.

The Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat salutes the human rights and Palestine solidarity activists around the world who have rallied to struggle for Sa'adat and the approximately 7,000 prisoners held in the jails of the occupation. This work defeats the occupation's plans - it refuses to allow the Palestinian prisoners, on a Palestinian, Arab or international level, to be isolated. The voices of Ahmad Sa'adat and the Palestinian prisoners will be heard, and no bars or isolation will prevent that.

The Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat calls upon all to confront this outrage - to continue to write, speak out, demonstrate, and demand that Ahmad Sa'adat and all Palestinian prisoners achieve their freedom. Isolation will not silence Ahmad Sa'adat, the Palestinian prisoners or the cause of the Palestinian people!

Sunday, October 24, 2010

Activist Alex Hundert Re-arrested

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 23, 2010 g20.torontomobilize.org

Community organizer Alex Hundert was arrested this morning at his surety’s
home. He has been arrested on an unfounded allegation, and one clearly
designed to return Hundert to prison.

“I witnessed the alleged incident, and I’m confident that this charge is
unfounded. It is a further attempt to silence and incarcerate my brother,”
said Jonah Hundert, who was with Alex at the time. “This most recent
attempt to vilify him will not work, and support will continue.”

This arrest is yet another attempt to intimidate and harass Alex and other
anti-G20 organizers. The Crown is seeking his detention and attempting to
have his bail revoked. This is the fourth time that the Crown has sought
his detention in the past five months. This most recent attempt to
imprison Alex, and intimidate activists and critics of the government,
demonstrates the desperation and heavy handedness of the Crown and the
police. The Crown is grasping at straws in an attempt to put Alex in jail
for as long as possible.

“The Movement Defence Committee is deeply concerned that Alex Hundert
continues to be targeted by the state, this is his third arrest under
questionable circumstances,” says Ryan White from the Committee.

He has been targeted by the police on a number of occasions and was
arrested for speaking against the G20 in September at a panel discussion.
Community organizations and individuals have rallied behind Hundert, in
opposition to this blatant intimidation. This arrest was clearly an
attempt to silence political dissent and impede public discussion about
the G20 and the police abuses during the G20 protests. Following this
arrest, he was jailed for over a month before being released.

The G20, the 20 countries with the largest economies, met in Toronto last
June. Currently, G20 austerity measures are snatching away health,
educational and social services, while the governments of G20 countries
continue to bail out banks and corporations. G20 policies further
colonization and destruction of Indigenous nations and their lands in
Canada and around the world. These policies also displace millions of
people a year, many of whom come here and are forced to deal with the
racist and oppressive Canadian immigration system. While communities are
faced with massive cuts, to social assistance, housing, and countless
other social programs, these meetings cost over $1 billion to police.

Numerous organizations expressed public support for Alex after his last
arrest. These include: the Canadian Labour Congress, Canadian Association
of Journalists, Canadian Civil Liberties Association, Wilfred-Laurier
University Faculty Association, Canadian Association of University
Teachers, Ontario Coalition Against Poverty, No One Is Illegal, AW@L,
Toronto Community Solidarity Network, and OPIRG Toronto.

While in custody, he remains under his existing bail conditions.

More information will be provided as it becomes available.

Saturday, October 23, 2010

COINTELPRO and its Historical Legacy Educational Call

US Human Rights Network Training Call

Thursday, October 28, 2010 2 pm EST

“COINTELPRO” was the FBI's secret and illegal program to undermine and destroy the
popular upsurge and mass movements for social justice that swept the US, beginning
with the early civil rights movement and Puerto Rican independence movement in the
1950s, and continuing through the 1960s and 1970s. The name comes from
"COunterINtelligence PROgram, and it was ordered by the infamous FBI Director, J.
Edgar Hoover, to “misdirect, discredit, disrupt, and otherwise neutralize”
progressive and radical organizations and leaders, up to and including outright
assassination of leaders. Illegal FBI operations also included infiltration,
wiretapping of phones, opening mail, break-ins, psychological warfare, grand juries,
frame-ups, imprisonment, and a wide range of other surveillance, harassment, and
intimidation. Illegal activities were directed at a wide range of groups and
individuals, from Cesar Chavez and Martin Luther King to more militant groups, such
as the Black Panther Party, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and the
Revolutionary Action Movement. The most intense operations were directed against
movements by peoples of color, particularly the Black liberation movement, and
Native American, Puerto Rican, and Chicano/Mexicano movements, but also included the
entire antiwar, student, women’s movements, and leftwing organizations. While
COINTELPRO was an FBI operation, it now is seen to include many other government and
military agencies, local police, and right wing organizations. COINTELPRO was
discovered in March, 1971, when still anonymous antiwar activists found secret files
when they raided a draft board that shared offices with the FBI in Media,
Pennsylvania. They removed the files and released them to the news media. While
there were Congressional investigations and some of these illegal activities were
exposed, many of the crimes of COINTELPRO remain unknown. In addition to the highly
destructive impact of COINTELPRO during those times, many political prisoners,
convicted in the 1960s and 1970s, remain in prison to this day.


To register for this call use the following link:

https://www.accuconference.com/customer/Registration/index.aspx?pkRegQG=1d1d6290-c7ce-46b4-a62f-a7104cc4bf64



Presenters Include:

Ward Churchill

A prolific American Indian scholar/activist, Ward Churchill is a founding member of
the Rainbow Council of Elders, and longtime member of the leadership council of the
American Indian Movement of Colorado. In addition to his numerous works on
Indigenous history, he has written extensively on U.S. foreign policy and the
repression of political dissent, including the FBI’s COINTELPRO operations against
the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement. Churchill has written over
20 books, including Fantasies of the Master Race, Struggle for the Land, On the
Justice of Roosting Chickens, From A Native Son, Critical Issues in Native North
America, The COINTELPRO Papers, Indians R Us?, Agents of Repression, Since Predator
Came, and A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas. Five of
his books have received human rights awards.

Akinyele Umoja

Akinyele Umoja is an activist, scholar and educator. He is been active over thirty
years in the liberation struggle of Afrikan people, particularly working with the
New Afrikan Independence Movement. He is a founding member of the New Afrikan
Peoples Organization (NAPO) and the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement (MXGM). Akinyele
is particularly committed to work to gain Amnesty for political prisoners and
prisoners of war and to win reparations for Afrikan people. Akinyele is an Associate
Professor of African-American Studies at Georgia State University (GSU). Akinyele
has contributed articles in several publications including Soulbook, Nommo, By Any
Mean Any Necessary, Black Agenda Report, Breakthrough, BLU, Black Star, Journal of
Black Studies, The Black Scholar, New Political Science, and Socialism and
Democracy.. He is currently writing a book based titled, “Eye for an Eye: The Role
of Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement. He also contributed
articles to The Black Panther Party Reconsidered, edited by Charles E. Jones;
Liberation, Imagination, and the Black Panther Party, edited by Kathleen Cleaver and
George Katisaficus; The Malcolm X Reader edited by James Conyers and Andrew
Smallwood; and the Companion on African-American History edited by Alton Hornsby.

Join Us

To join the Political Prisoner and State Repression Working Group email Efia Wangaza
at enjericho@aol.com.

Friday, October 22, 2010

Alexei Gaskarov Released from Police Custody by the Khimki Municipal Court

Oct. 22, 2010 Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow

On October 22, Alexei Gaskarov was released from police custody in a Khimki
municipal courtroom. Judge Svetlana Galanova made the decision to release
Gaskarov on his own recognizance, ignoring an appeal from the prosecution to
leave him in police custody. Alexei reacted by saying that he had not
expected this decision because he has no faith in the Russian justice system.

The prosecution presented no new arguments to support its request to keep
Gaskarov in police custody, with the exception of a report issued by the FSB.
The report states that Alexei Gaskarov has been a member of the Antifa IYA
(apparently, “informal youth association”) since 2007; that he has extensive
contacts, including with foreign countries, which is corroborated by his
multiple trips abroad; that he has participated in and organized unsanctioned
protest actions; and that the last time he was detained was on March 20,
2010, during the Day of Rage protest action.

In his testimony, Alexei stated that antifascism is not a crime, that his
antifascist views cannot be cause to place him under arrest, and that his
trips abroad are his own personal affair. Gaskarov told the court that he was
present at the March 20 Day of Rage protest in his capacity as a
correspondent for the Institute for Collective Action (IKD) and that after
his arrest he had been acquitted of all charges by a justice of the peace.
Gaskarov had likewise traveled to Khimki on July 28 as an IKD correspondent,
which was confirmed in a letter submitted by the institute’s directors.

Civil rights activist Lev Ponomaryov, who participated in the hearing as a
counsel for the defense, likewise voiced his bewilderment over the fact that
the prosecution had portrayed antifascist convictions as a negative character
factor, whereas in reality society should be proud of such people because
they protect it from fascism. According to Ponomaryov, it is a very good
thing that such people are resolute in their convictions.

The court heard testimony from Andrei Demidov, deputy director of the
Institute for Collective Action. Demidov confirmed that Gaskarov had been
dispatched to Khimki as an IKD correspondent. Georgy Semyonovsky, Gaskarov’s
lawyer, reminded the court that five well-respected citizens — Lev
Ponomaryov, executive director of the For Human Rights movement; civil
rights activist Sergei Kovalyov and Liudmila Alexeeva; and State Duma
deputies Ilya Ponomaryov and Oleg Shein – had agreed to vouch for his
client’s reliability.

On October 18, the Khimki Municipal Court likewise released Maxim Solopov from
police custody on his own recognizance. Like Gaskarov, Solopov has been
charged with disorderly conduct for his alleged participation in a protest
action outside the Khimki town hall.

The Campaign for the Release of the Khimki Hostages congratulates Maxim
Solopov and Alexei Gaskarov on their conditional release from police custody,
but believes that it has not achieved its goals and intends to keep fighting
until all charges against them have been dropped.

For more information, contact:

Tel: +7 915-053-5912

Email: info@khimkibattle.org

Website: http://khimkibattle.org

More on Khimki struggle in Avtonom.org:

http://www.avtonom.org/en/khimki


From www.khimkibattle.org through https://avtonom.org/node/13850

Building the Palestinian Right To Return Movement-Cleveland

Saturday, October 30, 2010 . 4:00 pm - 6:00 pm

at
Kan Zaman
1616 West 25th Street
Cleveland 44113

A Discussion with Dr. Zahi Damuni,

Co-founder of Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition


Hosted by Al-Awda Cleveland

For more info call Abbas Hamideh: 216/299-6002
216/299-6002

Thursday, October 21, 2010

Prison Dispatch from Leonard Peltier

October 20, 2010

Sisters, brothers, friends and supporters:

I would like to share with you the good feelings
I am experiencing right now. On the 16th of
October, I met with my team of lawyers, my dream
team. I can't reveal the details of this
meeting, but I'll tell you this -- It was a great
meeting and many positive ideas were
discussed. Decisions were made about how best to
prepare and file new court actions.

I'm very excited about our plans. We have at the
very least 6 more constitutional violations to
address. As some of you might know, in these 35
years, I have learned a lot about the law. The
legal issues we have to raise now are very
serious and the arguments are strong.

We'll file cases very soon, but we have a lot of
work ahead of us. This time around, we all must
be prepared with not only the legal work, but the
political work. We need to be unified in everything we do.

I'm ready to go to battle and hope you'll join
with us ­ me, the legal team and my defense
committee. We can and will win this time.

Thank you.

Doksha.

In the Spirit of Crazy Horse,


Leonard Peltier #89637-132
US Penitentiary ­ Lewisburg
PO Box 1000
Lewisburg, PA 17837


************************************

Launched into cyberspace by the
Leonard Peltier Defense Offense Committee
PO Box 7488, Fargo, ND 58106
Phone: 701/235-2206
E-mail: contact@whoisleonardpeltier.info
Web: http://www.whoisleonardpeltier.info

Bay Area! UNITE TO FIGHT! October 22, 2010: National Day of Protest to Stop Police Brutality, Repression and the Criminalization of a Generation

15th Annual Bay Area October 22nd to Stop Police Brutality, Repression and the Criminalization
of a Generation

Oakland

Friday, October 22nd
12 to 1 PM Fruitvale Bart Plaza
(34th Ave. & International)

Speak Out & Rally

4PM
RALLY and MARCH
71st Ave. & International
For more info: 510-926-5207
-----0----
Saturday, October 23rd
join with a powerful International Longshore and Warehouse Union led rally,
JUSTICE FOR OSCAR GRANT!
Saturday, Oct. 23rd
12noon
(Oakland City Hall near 14th/Broadway)

Stop the Deportation of Eddy Zheng (Again)

by Erin Pangilinan October 14, 2010 immigration.change.org

Xiao Fei "Eddy" Zheng, an Asian American immigrant community leader, faces deportation to China, yet again.

In the 1980s, 16-year-old Zheng and his family faced language barriers that kept them from fully understanding that he was found guilty of an aggravated felony and going to serve over 20 years in prison. After being released in 2007, Zheng was in danger of immediate deportation due to his status as a legal permanent resident (non-U.S. citizen) with an aggravated felony. But he threw himself into becoming a contributing member of his local San Francisco Bay Area community.

Zheng has distinguished himself as a leader for prisoner rehabilitation, earning his Associates degree and organizing the first poetry slam at San Quentin State Prison. His current work as a Project Manager in Oakland at the Community Youth Center focuses on youth violence prevention in the Asian American Pacific Islander community, striving to keep at-risk youth out of prison. In recognition of his desire and ability to serve, San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom appointed Zheng to the San Francisco Reentry Council, which helps ex-offenders in transition back into society. Zheng also found the time to publish Other: an Asian and Pacific Islander Prisoners' Anthology in 2009 2007.

Over the past few years, several campaigns launched by the Asian American community have protested Zheng's potentional deportation and advocated for a stay of removal. In the more recent call to action, more support beyond the Asian American community is needed in requesting a pardon allowing him to stay in the U.S. with his wife and family permanently, resolving his status in a positive direction once and for all.

Zheng's dedication to his community has won him many supporters. In July of this year, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors signed a resolution supporting Eddy Zheng's stay of removal. Various public leaders like Congressman Mike Honda, Congresswoman Judy Chu, and several California State Senators have also recognized his work. Uprooting him would be a great loss to the at-risk youth of the Bay Area.

Zheng has done more than enough to pay back his debt to society and deserves a pardon, which he filed for in September 2010, from Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to stay in the U.S. Sign this petition to tell the Governor to pardon Eddy Zheng.

Photo Credit: EddyZheng.com

Solidarity with Jock Palfreeman from Moscow


Today, on 20th of October near the Embassy of Bulgaria in Moscow was
organized a picket in support of Jock Palfreeman. In the picket
anarchists, antifascists, leftists and members of Autonomous-Action
Moscow took part.

Members of picket showed their solidarity with 23 year-old Australian
by unwrapping the banner: "There is no borders between people, between
cultures and races!" and poster: "Drop absurd charge against Jock
Palfreeman!" and shouting: "Freedom to Jock Palfreeman!", "No to
judicial despotism!", "Self-defense isn't a crime!", "There is no
borders between people, between cultures and races!", "No nazism!",
"No to fascism of all hues: from gateways to authorities!", "Fascism
will fail!", "All people are equal, there is no the one, who is "more
equal", than others!", "Until we are united, we are invincible",
"Solidarity is our weapon!"

During the picket cops invented innovation: to type name and surname,
date of birth and registration address of picket's members, in
response to this people protested. Confrontation with threat of
detention lasted for several minutes and then, prostrate cops had to
go away. No other provocation came next.

For photo: http://publish.indymedia.org/en/2010/10/942490.shtml
or
http://www.avtonom.org/en/node/13802

Eco-Defense and Repression in Russia


We just received this inspiring and instructive report from anonymous comrades in Russia, describing two years of struggle against logging operations in one of the major forests near Moscow. The struggle culminated this summer in the “Khimki battle,” in which several hundred armed antifascists and anarchists attacked a government building in suburban Moscow; the authorities responded in kind, and subsequent solidarity efforts in Belarus provoked further repression.

Most of the links in this text lead to Russian-language pages; those too busy to teach themselves Russian can at least plug the website addresses into Google translate and struggle through computer-generated translations.

Prelude: A Spiking We Will Go

We learned of Moscow city authorities’ plans to destroy the Khimki forest in summer of 2008, when local environmentalists started an outreach campaign to drum up support for their cause. Even then it was already late, since the forest—one of the three major forests surrounding Moscow—had already been extensively logged and was pockmarked with tumors: cottages for the nouveau-riche, warehouses, parking lots, and malls.

So without a minute to lose, we grabbed some spikes and rushed in. The logging site was patrolled by guards, but their attention was distracted by the official “eco-camp” in front of their cabin so it was easy to sneak in and spike every tree we could get our nails into. This was our first experience of eco-action and it was exciting and inspiring: we didn’t get caught and we accomplished what we had come to do. We were sure that between our action, the constant pressure liberal ecologists were putting on the authorities, and the popular movement gaining momentum in the local suburbs, the tree-killers would retreat and leave the forest for good. Soon we learned better.

The trees were being felled to prepare the way for a massive new road plan authorized by the federal government. High-ranking officials—as high-ranking as Putin himself, we later learned—had a stake in lobbying for the new toll highway to be built right through the forest. The construction was financed by the international syndicate Vinci, headquartered in France, and several European banks working in partnership with the Russian national bank, Sberbank. With such powerful enemies arrayed against the forest and its defenders, the situation turned ugly.

Foreword: The Russian Context

“Those numbers are murdered antifascists only. We don’t know exactly how many immigrants are killed by Nazis every year.”
-Anarchist spokesperson at an international Antifa conference

In fall 2008, Khimki journalist Mikhail Beketov, who played a major role in news coverage of the corrupt road plans of local and government officials, was brutally attacked by thugs. The attack left him in a coma and he later had to have his legs amputated. That same month, elsewhere in Moscow, several well-known activists were attacked or threatened with violence. That’s not to say that cops haven’t beaten ecologists before. But it was the first time such blatant attempts were made on the lives of our comrades.

We were sucked into “the wormhole of violence” in the dead of winter 2009, when Stanislav Markelov, who provided legal support for Beketov, and Anastasya Baburova, an eco-anarchist and journalist, were shot dead in the center of Moscow. By the time some of us returned to the surface—fortunately, almost unscathed—the whole activist landscape had changed.

Since winter 2009 the streets of Russian cities have been rife with Nazi/Antifa violence, as the conflict has steadily shifted from the social-political context towards a scenario of gang warfare. This context is crucial for understanding how the struggle for Khimki forest developed.

For almost six years now, the anti-authoritarian movement in Russia has consisted primarily of two wings, one ecological and the other antifascist; the former is primarily anarchist, but the antifascist movement also includes significant participation from patriots and Stalinist parties. These groups meet infrequently at convergences, eco-camps, and other events such as the numerous in memoriam actions dedicated to murdered comrades. But with machismo increasing in the antifascist scene because of the perceived necessity to maim and kill more Nazis in retaliation for Nazi attacks, and paranoia spreading in the eco-defense movement because of the need to constantly attack construction sites and engines in the absence of popular opposition to deforestation, the rift widened. By the time of the Khimki defense, the movement was already straining to maintain coherence. Some people suspect that if it weren’t for the selective murders of the few anarchists and antifascists wise and widely respected enough to hold the various schisms in check, the movement would have been more prepared for this crisis.

Interlude: We Don’t Need No Water

Two years after our first adventure, we experienced a touching reunion with our dear forest. It was the first night of the resumed logging operation when we disembarked from our special eco-defense vehicle and ran for the cover of the nearby tree line. In several minutes we changed clothes and double-checked our comms, camouflage, and the presents we had brought along for the construction vehicles. Soon several shadows glided silently over the nocturnal plain under the pale moonlight towards the faraway forest, which was still alive and foreboding.

When we arrived at the logging encampment, we split up. Some of us lay in the romantic cover of some bushes, enjoying the stars and the sound of each other’s breath; our friends who were more eager to do reconnaissance bounded off toward the black shapes of tractors and excavators. Then all hell broke loose. Suddenly we could hear the all-too-familiar sound of a vehicle going up in flames, which sometimes reminds one of a jet plane flying overhead. The entire forest was bathed in dancing red and orange light, and the comms scouts were yelling in surprise. We tried to figure out what had happened. Luckily we evaded the guards’ attention and made it back to our transport on the remote and empty road. Red lights, comm talk—and we were sound and safe, spirited away to another town.

As it turned out, ours was not the only group sneaking around the site that busy night. Needless to say, the inhabitants of the eco-camp were blamed for the arson. In fact, the presence of the camp actually prevented eco-defenders from damaging everything they wanted to—that is why only one vehicle was torched at the site. But this didn’t occur to the logging manager, who immediately requested a police investigation of the arson and the ecologists’ suspected part in it; soon enough, he got his revenge on them in a perverse but typically Russian manner.

Over the following days our scouts reported increased guard and cop nighttime activity around the logging site, including roadblocks and patrols in the vicinity, so eco-defenders had to cancel their initial plans and shift focus a bit. Khimki is a big forest, and the logging and despoiling of wildlife in the name of profit took place almost everywhere. The incident did raise serious questions regarding overall security though: because ELF groups do not share their plans with each other, such accidental encounters are bound to happen again and again as these methods are propagated.


A logging truck sheds some light on the ecological policy of the Russian government.

Enter the Nazis

As we found out later, one early morning we barely missed a mob of hired Nazi thugs who were marching towards the eco-camp at about the same time we were escaping yet again into the mist after another scouting mission. Upon arriving, they started verbally and physically abusing every eco-protestor present, but settled for guarding the logging equipment once the police made their appearance. A top manager of the logging company later admitted that he had hired the Nazis “for security reasons.”

This episode showed every doubting critic how easily capitalists fall back upon fascist support—a truism not yet obvious even to most activists in Russia—and sparked a fire in the hearts of the previously dormant antifascist wing of our movement. The confrontation that morning did more to popularize and escalate the conflict than any eco-camp, internet PR campaign, or eco-defense action ever could have. Some of our comrades reflected that what we had witnessed was a fine example of how an unforeseen, unplanned, chaotic event—even one deemed negative—can push the movement and its supporters in the right direction.

That is to say, in a revolutionary direction.


The corpulent guy with the number 19 painted on his t-shirt has been identified as the leader of the right-wing football support mob “Gladiators.”

The Khimki Battle

The loggers had made a major mistake. Employing Nazis in what was perceived by almost every citizen as an anti-human project broke the ranks of the extreme right; most fascist groups tried to capitalize on the situation by posing as opponents of the destruction of the forest. More importantly, now every antifascist in the vicinity had enemies in sight and rushed to the battle.

The next day the announcement went out that a huge unpermitted show would take place in the center of Moscow. Hundreds of anti-authoritarian activists, antifascists, and party-goers gathered in anticipation of a street-party with a long-disbanded famous antifascist band as the headliner. Instead, as everybody arrived at the meeting place a guy in sunglasses announced that there would be no show, no street-party, and that the plan all along had been to go to the suburbs and attack the logging camp and the Nazis gathered there. Some people left, but the majority set out for Khimki.

While most of protesters were traveling via railway, scouts reported multiple riot police squads at the logging site. It was then decided to head for the Khimki municipal building—Khimki formally being a town in its own right—which was defenseless while every available police unit was on guard in the forest. Dressed for a party, people gathered in a bright and colorful bloc at the railway station and started marching towards the target. The bloc was accompanied by two scooters that acted as lookouts and rear guard during the action. At first local residents reacted with fear or suspicion, but after hearing the slogans and reading the banner or talking to protestors many expressed approval and support. Cars continued honking throughout the march and assault on the building.


At the doorstep of the ecological riots.

So it came to pass that on July 28 in broad daylight, with the approval of hundreds of onlookers, several hundred anarchists and antifascists gathered in the center of Moscow, traveled to the railway station, hopped on the train, rode to the suburban district Khimki, disembarked, blocked up, and marched up to the municipal office chanting and lighting flares. Participants immediately commenced breaking windows, painting anti-logging and pro-forest graffiti, opening fire on the building with handguns, and even chopping the front door with an axe. Throughout this action no police officer showed up to protect state property.

Satisfied with the damage done and having received word from lookouts that riot police were loading up into busses at the logging camp, anarchists and antifascists started back towards the railway station. At this moment, two encounters with police took place. The first to face the angry mob were several cops on foot, who were strolling down the street when it suddenly flooded with anarchists. The cops retreated to the sound of breaking bottles and crashing stones. Then a police patrol made the mistake of trying to intervene in the protest; they quickly realized their mistake and retreated. Unfortunately, antifascists on foot couldn’t catch up with the swiftly retreating police car. It should be pointed out that, although the local populace supported the action verbally and symbolically via honking horns, the action failed to entice onlookers into any sort of participation.


Cops fleeing anarchists.

Nevertheless, protestors managed to reach the railway station and crowd into the train, where they waited patiently for the doors to close. The doors, however, did not close. As it turned out, the locomotive driver was at that moment involved in a tense conversation with the police commander. A group of antifascists with handguns was quickly dispatched to explain to him the negative consequences of siding with our class enemies, and finally the engine started moving, pulling the train towards the safety of the big city with no trees.

Criticism has been raised in the aftermath of this event about the distribution of information, the lack of advance organizing, and on-site video recording. Most of the people who took part had initially expected to attend a street party and arrived unprepared for direct action, without matching clothes, masks, or gloves and with working cell phones. Many young participants used social transport cards with ID tags in them to gain entrance to subway. The few organizers who did know the whole plan from the beginning hadn’t prepared accordingly and failed to provide even the most minor riot gear such as face masks. This led to a huge number of protestors being videotaped with their facial features clearly distinguishable.

The Russian anti-authoritarian movement has yet to learn from its own mistakes when it comes to video recording during street protests. Protesters and “media-activists,” most of whom turned out to be journalists invited from the liberal press, failed to recognize what a fatal mistake it was to videotape the unmasked faces of activists. Some of these reporters continued shooting even after people had gotten into the train and started pulling their masks off, so even participants who had provided for their own security failed to remain anonymous in the end because of this media-activism fetish. Later, people interrogated by the police reported that they were presented with a frame-by-frame breakdown of the video that circulated on the internet. Some comrades have been forced to leave the country because of this evidence.





Video footage of the action.

The Fallout: Repression and Solidarity

Alexei Gaskarov and Maxim Solopov, public spokespersons for the Russian antifascist movement, were arrested on July 30. This was followed by attempts to capture several other suspected organizers; because of their frustrating failure to turn themselves in, they were placed on a wanted list.

Facing intense pressure from government officials, unable to catch the elusive anarchists and receiving little cooperation from anyone, the police opted for massive sweeps of “prophylactic arrests.” Throughout August and September more than 500 antifascists, activists, and anarchists were detained, put in custody, tortured, and bullied into providing information on the movement—not only in Moscow, but in Nizhni Novgorod, Vladimir, and other cities as well. Police harassed people at public Antifa and animal rights events, football matches, and gatherings. Following this sweep, the sheer volume of data on the movement has swelled tenfold. As of this writing it seems that our enemies have moved on to the next phase, probing further into the network in what appears to be a third wave of interrogations of a select few activists who have been apprehended and deemed “interesting.”

It is still too early to draw conclusions, but some ideas about this repression can be explored, if only as a basis for future discussions. It is now obvious that the FSB, the Russian secret service, didn’t have any aces up their sleeves; their investigators have been joining in and ganging up on detainees from the start without a particular plan. Only two people are in jail awaiting trial, the main reason for their apprehension being their public profiles. The choice to rely on sweeping arrests and the total failure of the authorities to round up any direct action group despite all their attempts to convert detained activists into informants indicate that the Russian police approached 2010 unprepared in terms of provocateurs and informants within the Russian anti-authoritarian movement. This situation, of course, may yet change.

With all this said, it seems that the repression succeeded soundly in several ways. First, the movement seems to be isolated in a cocoon of fear. Support from outside is meager at best; social activists are second-guessing their cooperation with known antifascists. Second, almost every known “leader” or “organizer” has either been jailed or driven into hiding. Third, the authorities have managed to gather an ever-increasing amount of information since, as often happens, those who read about security practices and try to implement them in their daily lives are frequently not the ones who end up being arrested and answering questions.

Finally, and most importantly, almost everyone has forgotten about the original problem. Just as the capitalist leviathan has overextended itself, our movement has thinned its resources by betting everything on an ill-conceived riot and now all we can do is try to stem the rising tide of repression. This has happened before: in 2008 an anti-police campaign turned into a prisoner support campaign after police started hitting back with arrests and trials. Now we are watching the original environmental campaign fade into the background while prisoner support actions demand more and more attention.

There may be ways for anarchists to use the situation to our advantage, both in anti-Nazi outreach efforts and narratives and as an opportunity to reach out to the ecological movement and grassroots collectives. But the way the movement perceives itself has changed dramatically and we may need some reflection and self-assessment if we are to outmaneuver our enemies at this stage.

This is not to say that prisoner support is unimportant. Solidarity campaigns are crucial not only for the people in jail facing trial, but for the sake of those who may end up there yet. However, we should not forget the reason our comrades were arrested in the first place.

Most importantly, almost everybody has forgotten about the original problem. Our movement has thinned resources by betting everything on an ill-conceived riot, and now all we can do is try to stem the rising tide of repression.

Two Cocktail Parties

On September 2, the Russian embassy in Minsk, the capital of Belarus, was firebombed by anarchists. One of the Molotov cocktails hit a car parked in the yard. The car burned up. Evidently, this was the only damage inflicted by the attackers. Soon a communiqué was published on Belarusian anarchist websites, stating that the attack had taken place in solidarity with the Russian anarchists fighting for the Khimki forest and that Belarusian anarchists held the Russian government responsible both for the continuing deforestation and the repression of the movement.

The next morning repression hit the Belarusian scene. It took the Belarusian KGB several days to round up and arrest almost every known or suspected anarchist in Minsk, Gomel, Soligorsk, and other Belarusian cities. Our comrades were pressed for confessions of having cooperated with the Russian secret services in an attempt to discredit the Belarusian government and bring down Lukashenko’s regime. Most were formally questioned, then locked away and “forgotten” in cells for several days.

Some of our friends were not so lucky. One girl was hospitalized after she cut her veins during interrogation; another person, with previously existing serious health issues, developed major health problems as a result of the prison conditions and the severe beatings he received. Some lucky few fled the country; others stayed, taking it upon themselves to organize prisoner support campaigns. Among those who stayed were the comrades brave enough to carry out a follow-up attack on the Minsk detention center three days after the KGB started mass-arresting anarchists. A group calling itself “Friends of Liberty” firebombed a guard post in the detention center perimeter and claimed responsibility for both firebombing attacks—the Russian embassy and the police guard post—on the internet. In their second communiqué, “Friends of Liberty” stated that the KGB reacted by arresting innocent people simply because the latter had already been on the KGB’s radar. The aim of their second attack was evidently noble and brave: to demonstrate that the KGB got the wrong suspects. But the KGB was acting on Lukashenko’s direct order to “pacify the opposition,” a common practice in both Russia and Belarus shortly before presidential elections; so arrests, disappearances, and tortures continued unabated.

The Wings of a Butterfly

“Anarchy is all about order, not chaos.”
-popular Russian anarchist saying

Two notable events marked the fall of 2010: a deepening crisis in Belarusian-Russian relations, and the removal of Luzhkov from his position as the mayor of Moscow. Anarchists did their best to bring about both events.

Luzhkov, a petty Moscow tyrant who’d been abusing his position as mayor for more than 10 years, was relieved of his duties by presidential decree “for incompetence and failure to stand up to expectations.” This occurred immediately after he returned from vacation, a month after the Khimki riots. Among the reasons cited by experts and analysts was Luzhkov’s failure to cope with the Khimki crisis, as well as the part he played in the corrupt city development program.

Lukashenko, the Belarusian national-socialist dictator, gave in to fits of rage and anti-Russian rhetoric after the anarchist attacks on the Russian embassy and the police detention center where most of the anarchists arrested in Minsk were being held. An exchange of notes at the highest levels of diplomacy failed to avert the crisis, which had already been brewing before the Molotovs hit their targets. A series of bad political and economic decisions, the conspiracy-theory worldview every dictator seems inclined to, and a minor anarchist action led to the deepest political crisis Russia and Belarus have yet experienced.

This is not to imply that the departure of the mayor of Moscow and the collapse of relations with Lukashenko happened as a result of an anarchist plot or anything else along those lines. But it is important not to lose sight of the political perspective. We should consider the ways our actions can sometimes contribute to significant social changes and political upheavals—or at least scare the shit out of rich bastards!—however minor (like the Minsk firebombing) or major (like the Khimki battle) these actions may seem to participants and experts. It may be impossible to plan such things ahead of time, but we—boisterous chaos-loving anarchists—should take heart from these developments nevertheless. Hope for change and be the change.


A butterfly in the Khimki forest.

Calls for solidarity

Freedom for the working class can be won only by the working class itself.
-Nestor Makhno

Repression hit both the Belarusian and Russian anarchist scenes hard, and we are in dire need of support from around the world. A call circulated for solidarity actions in support of the Belarusian anarchists (in jail for suspected firebombing attempt) on October 14-20; solidarity actions are called for the Khimki arrestees this coming November 12-15.

Also, as much as we need solidarity and support for our friends in prison and in hiding, let us not forget about the forest that’s still being threatened with destruction. We ask for international support for the eco-defense campaign against the deforestation planned by the Russian government backed by Vinci Group and other international financial institutions.

You can read more about the repression in Belarus and planned solidarity actions on Belarus indymedia.

Information about the solidarity campaign in support of arrestees after “the Khimki battle” is available at www.khimkibattle.org.

You can contact the Moscow Anarchist Black Cross via this site to learn more about supporting anarchist prisoners in Russia.

You can send letters to the prisoners in Moscow care of this address:

P/B 13 109028 Moscow, Russia.

Letters should be sent in an envelope without any name on it. Letters can also be sent to the prisoners digitally via the email address helphimki@gmail.com.

Finally, support stencil PDFs are available here.

When Will the Conspiracy of Silence End?

Oct. 17, 2010

Seconds passed like an eternity for a heart beating for freedom, a soul which fought against occupation and its humiliation and a body shrinking into itself trying to avoid 21st century brutality in a prison cell without door or windows. The body is thin and delicate, the head is scarved and the eyes are blindfolded in absolute absence of human conscience; while the monsters of the Western age in the land of Jesus Christ dance around their victim. Are these monsters dancing in celebration of kidnapping an Arab girl whose only sin is that she has fought for her and her people’s freedom? Or are they dancing in celebration of the death of world conscience which drawls human rights and freedom while turning its back on the most sacred cause of freedom in the 21st century - the freedom of the Palestinian people and its fight for salvation from Israeli terrorism perpetrated through Western support for over sixty years.

Released prisoner, Ihsan Dababseh (24), tells the story of the video in which Israeli soldier Avi Yakobov, who abused her by performing a belly-dance and rubbing against her bound and blind-folded body in December, 2007 at the Gush Etzion military base. She says, “Another soldier brought a bottle of wine and asked me to drink”. Minutes later, soldiers attacked her like frenzied wolves with gun butts. “One soldier kept hitting my head against an iron bar until I blacked out”.

Ihsan Dababseh’s story is only one of numerous daily stories in the lives of the eleven thousand Palestinian prisoners in the last apartheid regime in the world. Nevertheless, the ‘civilized’ world hardly remembers them, except when seconds of the suffering of one of them is leaked out. These are mere seconds of long years of torture and humiliation, without any protest on the part of the ‘free’ Western media, human rights organizations or the UN Human Rights Council, maybe fearing the fate of American anchor, Rick Sanchez, who was fired by CNN simply for saying that “Jews are not oppressed”.

As a result of Western governments and media collusion with Israeli government terrorism, Israeli soldiers have arrested more than 90 Palestinian children in one month. The youngest, aged 13, was taken out of his family home by court order.

Human rights groups have revealed more than once that Israeli soldiers attack female prisoner sells and force them to take off their clothes, subject them to humiliating inspections and force them to raise their hands from 9 in the morning to 3 in the afternoon.

Do Western politicians, who flatter Israeli war criminals like Benjamin Netanyahu, by calling Israel ‘and oasis of democracy’ know this? Why don’t the Americans spread freedom and human rights in Palestine instead of supporting and funding torture, murder and settlement? Or do they view Palestinians as they viewed red Indians in America and the aborigines in Australia as people without human rights and whose life is not equal to human life?

American and European silence towards these atrocious Israeli crimes, even their absolute support of the racist government in Israel gave Israeli soldiers and settlers a free hand to kill, torture and run over unarmed Palestinian civilians. Their crimes have exceeded manifold those committed by the Apartheid in South Africa. They even exceeded Nazi brutality. This was the testimony of holocaust survivor on boat Irene which tried to break the Gaza blockade. He said, “what I suffered in the holocaust is largely similar to the suffering of Palestinian children today”. This was also expressed by Amira Hass (Haaretz, 7 October 2010). She wrote, “Evidence? Explanations? Common sense? No need. They, after all, are paid a salary by the Israeli taxpayer in order to invent new kinds of punishment and torture. She adds, “today, the sense of shame has disappeared. Society's backing is assured”.

On my part, I add that the sense of shame has disappeared because the silence of the ‘international community’ is assured, because none of the world leaders is ‘free’ any longer. They have become captive to the Israeli lobby which controls the Congress, the media and the election money. That is why no American or European leader, not even the United Nations, will ever condemn any crime against the Palestinians as long as the perpetrators are Israelis. Even when the victim of such aggression is the Nobel peace prize laureate, Mairead Corrigan-Maguire. The peace activist arrived in Gaza on board the ship Rachel Corrie (named after the young woman run over by Israeli bulldozers). When she returned to Bein-Gurion Airport days ago, she was detained by Israeli authorities in the same way they detained American thinkers Noam Chomsky and Norman Gary Finkelstein and Spanish artist Ivan Prado, secure in the knowledge that no one will dare criticize the Israeli apartheid regime for fear of being accused of anti-Semitism. Her crime was that several months ago she took part in a demonstration organized by the Bili’in villagers against the racist segregation wall and was twice on board ships to break the Gaza blockade.

The crimes committed with impunity by this racist entity against prisoners and peace, freedom, justice and human rights activists have gone so far largely because of the ‘silence’ of ‘democratic’ countries. It is true that Palestinian prisoners and activists are fighting for the freedom and dignity of the Palestinian people, but they actually embody the conscience of free people all over the world. Should we leave them in Israeli jails, as we have left Nelson Mandela in the Apartheid prisons for decades, and wait for their release and turning them into icons of freedom and dignity? Or should we start immediately to work for releasing all prisoners and for enabling them to live in freedom and dignity with their families in their homeland?

No human rights organization, or regime claiming concern for human rights and freedom, has any credibility as long as eleven thousand Palestinians suffer the scourge of a hateful criminal occupation, and as long as the world keeps silence regarding the atrocious crimes committed against them in Israel’s Nazi prisons.

Two Detainees Start Their Twenty-Fifth Year in Israeli Jails

October 20, 2010 by Mays Al-Azza - IMEMC & Agencies
The Palestinian national committee for supporting detainees stated, on Wednesday, that two detainees, Ibraheeb A’layan, 45, detained on October 10th,1986 and Sameer Abu Ne’mehn, 50, detained on October 20th,1986, both from Jerusalem, have entered their twenty-fifth year in Israeli jails.

freedomprisoners_300_0.jpg

The media chairman of the committee pointed out that A’layan was sentenced to life imprisonment after the Israeli military court accused him of participation in throwing grenades at a group of settlers in Jerusalem, killing some of them.

The detainee suffered from many serious problems caused by the bad conditions in jails and medical negligence. The most dangerous problem was a cardiovascular blockage for which he was transferred to Shiba hospital in Tel Aviv for surgery.

Abu-Ne’meh was detained after he stabbed a settler in Jerusalem. He also was sentenced to life imprisonment although he still does not know the specific charges against him. This detainee is suffering from disc damage in his back and neck which causes serious pain. He has had six unsuccessful surgeries.

Both of the detainees have been mentioned in detainee exchange agreements between the Palestinian and Israeli sides but were not released.

The committee pointed out that 123 detainees have spent more than 20 years in Israeli prisons, including 24 who have spent more than 25 years and 3 more than 30 years. One of them is Na’el Barghouti.

Wednesday, October 20, 2010

POG Statement on Recent News About Government Surveillance and Repression of Political Organizing

October 4, 2010 Infoshop News

Over the last two weeks, a number of media stories have appeared reporting the latest “revelations” in government surveillance and repression of political organizing.

We, Pittsburgh Organizing Group, are reporting on this in order to present some brief thoughts on the various state activities directed against us over the years. Our hope is that something might be relevant to others who have, or will, experience similar attention from law enforcement.

We provide one example of the various ways state actors have responded to the efforts of radical organizations and anarchist groups.

The first spying story to hit the news was disclosure that the Institute of Terrorism Research and Response was contracted by the Pennsylvania Department of Homeland Security office to produce reports on threats to critical infrastructure. The $103,000 contract resulted in a slew of weekly bulletins warning law enforcement and corporate interests about a wide range of political activity and groups, from the Tea Party to Quakers to anarchists, even reports on a gay and lesbian festival.

In the 137 released bulletins, POG is mentioned a number of times for protest activity, such as a solidarity event with the FAU-B union in Germany, and in almost every case we were assigned a “medium” threat level with warnings the actions in question are likely to involve vandalism or increased risks of “attacks.” The reports also contain coverage of Greek anarchist activity, the danger posed by CrimethInc’s call for a month of anarchist activity, and the existence of the Northeast Anarchist Network.

In short, the “Institute” is a money-making scam perpetrated on ignorant government bodies desperate to appear they are taking action on terrorism matters. The company monitors publicly accessible websites and media, and then rewrites and repackages the information. In the process, they obscure the obvious sources; a public call-to-action on an e-mail list-server becomes “intercepted communications.”

The actual intelligence level and analysis is extremely low, with an obvious misunderstanding of the way anarchist movements work and what kinds of events are likely to result in disruptive or illegal actions. None of the bulletins indicate any sort of human sources, collaboration with other law enforcement bodies, or monitoring of private communications.

The other case is much more extensive and warrants a closer look.

On September 20, 2010 the Federal Department of Justice (DOJ) released the results of an analysis into the FBI’s recent investigations of PETA, Greenpeace, a Seattle-based individual, Catholic Workers, the Thomas Merton Center and Pittsburgh Organizing Group.

The catalyst for the initial inquiry into Pittsburgh was testimony, ultimately proved by the DOJ to be false, that FBI director Robert Mueller provided to Congress regarding why an FBI agent was photographing a small Pittsburgh anti-war gathering in 2002.

What the documents chronicle is the origin of the local FBI’s focus on POG and some of how they sought to investigate the group. Little of it is particularly new, or surprising.

At different points during 2003-2006 the FBI, specifically the field offices in Pittsburgh and Miami, opened investigations into our efforts and three individuals they associated with our group as part of a preliminary investigation into potential acts of domestic terrorism.

Pittsburgh FBI agent statements claim that they weren’t aware of our existence at all till late 2003. During that time, we had been wheat-pasting thousands of posters around town advertising the 2002 Anti-IMF/World Bank “Peoples Strike” actions in Washington, D.C. Sixty people from Pittsburgh were arrested there, after a successful blockade action. Locally, we ‘d organized a half dozen unpermitted anti-war street marches, some of which brought out up to 1,500 people per march, during and after the start of the Iraq war, etc.

Specific incidents mentioned are, for the most part, already known to the group, such as the botched FBI agents’ surveillance of an anti-FTAA-related meeting at the Project 1877 community center, when the FBI was outed by a sympathetic community member and the agents were caught unaware that the action discussion was planned for another location.

Other incidents of surveillance were also common knowledge, such as the fact that law enforcement bodies held inter-agency meetings to disseminate information on groups such as ours in their planning before major actions. The fact that so many state forces are involved makes it almost inevitable that word (of the meeting, if not the specifics) will reach target groups such as ours, which was exactly the case with the February planning meeting they reference in their report.

Some of the details provide context about previously suspected situations. They also provide a window of understanding into the logic that underlies seemingly bizarre bureaucratic choices. As might be suspected, the investigations were often occurring simply because people wanted to keep getting paid, which meant generating information and appearing to be working.

One of the lead case officers in the investigation recruited his son’s friend, who regularly helped the officer with his computer. The recruit was tasked with attending meetings and participating in anti-war actions that we organized.

This “source” mistakenly believed the FBI agent would help him resolve an outstanding court case and seems to have played a minor role in some of the discussions and organizing happening around labor and anti-war struggles at the time.

The agent stated to the DOJ that he sought an informant because his probationary period at the agency was coming to an end and his boss was putting pressure on him regarding his lack of a source program.

Another telling fact is the multi-month lag between receipt of the original Miami field office information and the Pittsburgh office’s opening of the investigation, a solid month after the FTAA protest occurred. An FBI agent chalked this is up to the fact they were busy with a local investigation so they didn’t initially care, and then they were having a slow time and looking for things to do so they decided to look into POG.

The agency decided from the start to fixate on men in the group. They believed that one man was “the leader of the group.” The Pittsburgh police had come to the same conclusion. An investigation was opened into another individual, simply because he’d been seen exiting a car with another person-of-interest in the group.

In previous demonstrations we’ve organized, people – sometimes not even group members – have been targeted because the authorities believed whoever had the bullhorn had to be in charge. Nowhere in the documents are any women mentioned, despite the fact that women have typically comprised at least an equal, if not greater, part of our membership throughout group history.

Extensions were sought for the investigations after “Anna,” the now infamous informant who helped entrap and jail Eric McDavid, traveled through Pittsburgh. She came to a POG meeting, desiring to talk about organizing for the 2004 DNC convention protests in Boston, where she had attended some planning meetings. In her reports to the FBI, she falsely claimed POG discussed planning illegal activity at the 2004 RNC protests in NYC, a protest that was on the agenda though no actual action was discussed. Apparently, her false information played a role in the agency devoting at least an extra six months to the investigation.

In the end, the Pittsburgh FBI closed these particular cases, and shortly thereafter shut down the source. The new head of the Pittsburgh office was supposedly shocked at the various violations of FBI guidelines that had occurred. No charges were brought, as it was concluded that the people in question had either moved away, were never actually in the group to begin with, or were involved merely in low-level criminal activity. As far as we know, no charges can be traced to these investigations and no actions that depended on an element of surprise were compromised.

If the DOJ report is to be believed, the Pittsburgh FBI field office investigation into POG and its members ceased by 2006. Despite this claim, we know for a fact that FBI investigations (not based in Pittsburgh) involving our group members have continued off and on in the years since, and a new one was almost certainly opened related to activities around the G-20 summit – despite the fact that POG did not organize any activities during the summit. The same can be said for military intelligence outfits and secret service agents that have directed resources toward POG in the past. Ditto for the Pittsburgh Police, who repeatedly go out of their way to make clear they are at war with the local anarchist movement.

The most troubling part of the reaction to this report is how the information is simply being taken as fact because a government investigative body produced it. The DOJ regurgitates the statements of anonymous FBI agents (the only people interviewed) as if they have credibility, and so we end up with a report that could very well be a vehicle for further government malfeasance. For instance, the state has a long history of snitch jacketing people. The information in the report about the individual who attended anti-war discussions at the Merton Center is likely enough to identify them, but only if all of the information is correct. Maybe it is, maybe it isn’t. Something as simple as saying he rather than she could lead to someone being falsely implicated. People are falling over themselves to celebrate the DOJ’s mild, partial criticism of some completely unverified second- and third-hand sources discussing FBI activities.

In this way the government has at least succeeded in disseminating as fact a false historical record, setting a dangerous precedent for associating individuals as the subjects of terrorism investigations, or as informants. That they’ve been able to do so is a testament to how they’ve set themselves up as the legitimate judge and jury for FBI conduct. Now they are being further legitimized in that position by liberal activists desperate for any “official” support of their criticisms, even if it’s at the cost of a report that justifies the vast majority of what the FBI has supposedly engaged in. In justifying much of the FBI’s conduct the scope of what is considered an acceptable level of surveillance and repression has been expanded.

And these kinds of activities will not end. The history of the FBI is filled with exposés of previous misconduct and illegality, regardless of the laws of the day. We don’t discourage those who are outraged from organizing; we are simply saying that, for us, regardless of surveillance the important thing is building and expanding points of conflict with the state.

So what does this all say about the repression the FBI continues to direct at anarchists and how we might respond?

Based on our experience, which is highly situational and rooted in a medium-sized city with a large radical community, there are a few take-aways. Truthfully, much of this has already been said elsewhere, we reiterate some points simply because it is worth doing so when affirmative evidence is supposedly coming directly out of the mouths of FBI agents.

The state can’t be everywhere at once, and it often struggles to effectively allocate resources.

Throughout the active phase of these investigations, dozens of acts of sabotage by unknown actors occurred locally against a variety of government and corporate targets, for which no one was ever charged. The people and group brought under closer scrutiny were not involved and were never charged with any serious crimes. The FBI believed they would find evidence of more serious crimes and didn’t, and then continued to focus their limited resources on these dead ends simply because it was easy to do so.

Always work to raise the cost of repression, retaliate if possible.

When the state goes after you, it often opens itself up to scrutiny and attack. Never pass up a strategic opportunity to respond and assert yourself. If they visit resistance movements, resistance movements should visit them. Anarchists in Pittsburgh have utilized different responses depending on the situation: a late night march to the private home of the chief of police, going to the media and embarrassing an FBI agent, picketing a Pittsburgh police officer’s home, doing significant property damage to a military recruitment station that had been the site of a police attack on protesters, picketing a politician’s church. In none of those cases were arrests made or additional repression generated by the acts.

You don’t even need to be the one being targeted to decide to respond; often it may make more sense for those outside a situation to take action. The more we create a culture of action in response to state harassment, the more we raise the cost.

Plan for repression.

We are always under the assumption we are being watched and monitored. The personal proclivities and idiosyncrasies of large bureaucracies play such a large role in how, and against whom, repression is directed. One can’t simply use a static and objective criterion to properly assess risk. Publicly known, open or semi open groups shouldn’t be having discussions about anything we aren’t prepared to have read back to us in court. This doesn’t mean abandoning confrontation or action, just understanding the lines we’re drawing so we can be open and deliberative within that space. Along these lines groups should be aware of their weaknesses and continually working on mitigation strategies.

Try to avoid repression without repressing yourself.

It is worthwhile for groups and group members to devote some energy getting on the same page of how to avoid unnecessary discussions and statements that are easily used as pretexts for repression. Don’t spend your energy trying to figure out who is a cop; do take decisive action to kick out those you find out are working with law enforcement, or who act in ways that are just as dangerous or disruptive. Real security concerns always trump a desire to avoid confrontations that are difficult or make people feel uncomfortable. Ignoring obvious signs of dishonesty or situations where things just don’t add up is not creating an inclusive space or movement.

A group’s activities and structure should fit a group’s role.

If POG’s goal was to engage in extensive property damage at protests we would be ill-served by our relatively open structure and continuous turnover. We aren’t the kind of group that can pull off major secret plans without accepting responsibility after the fact. We work best as a relatively public point of entry for new people interested in anarchism and resistance efforts. We can open up space through protests or campaigns for our members and others to take actions they find effective, and we can serve as a kind of limiting/retaliatory force when specific acts of solidarity are called for. We can build communication resources that report on our and others’ activities. The more clear a group’s activities are, and directly related to their structure, the easier it becomes to recognize how repression is likely to come about and plan for it.

State involvement might be driving wedges in movements.

It is entirely possible, though not confirmed, that state activity related to the Merton Center and POG has fed into the deteriorated (now non-existent) relationships between the two organizations. It is clear from these and previous documents that FBI informants were attending a variety of public anti-war meetings occurring at the Merton Center, implying they were participants in the discussions hosted by the TMC Anti-War Committee. How they did, or didn’t, help shape the dynamics of those discussions (which led to bad blood for a number of years) is unknown. The Merton Center has now pushed away any anarchist-friendly elements, and is renting their new space from a development institution that works with the local police and FBI, so this is simply a point worth pondering, not one that calls for any reconsideration of our existing relationships.

Change the context and the laws will either follow or simply become irrelevant.

There are already enough laws on the books that can be construed to criminalize almost all useful activity. The threshold for the FBI to open a preliminary investigation is practically non-existent, requiring only a vague sense that something could happen. We can waste our time trying to get this or that law changed, or revised, but this is a losing battle. A better focus is to create a political context through which our actions can be understood and to build the kind of non-cooperative power that makes passing new laws ineffective. Fighting back is not pursuing change through the electoral or court systems, though if anarchists’ strategies resonate, these systems will no doubt change as the social terrain changes. We continue to be heartened in this respect by the vast array of experimentation and reflection that seems to be occurring by different tendencies in Pittsburgh and around the country.

As always, all of our love to those still fighting.

POG.