Sunday, February 04, 2007

Support anarchist anti-fascist arrested in Krasnodar, Russia

From ainfos.ca Sat, 03 Feb 2007

In may of 2004, Vahtang Devitlidze, anarchist and member of
Federation of Revolutionary Anarchists, was hanging in centre of
Krasnodar with two friends. They ran to a group of local Nazis, and
soon a fight broke out. There was no choice - in order to defend
himself, Vahtang had to pull a knife. As a result, he wounded one of
the attackers to leg, while he was also hospitalized with less
serious wounds himself. Already when a fight was over, police showed
up and arrested people. Eventually in court Vahtang was given a
probational sentence of 2.5 years, for "Causing grievous bodily harm"
(second part of statute 111 of Russian criminal codex). He did not
felt like submitting to probational regime, and escaped to Belarus.
But once when visiting his family in Krasnodar, he got arrested and
was sent to a low-security prison for the remainder of his sentence.
He escaped from prison, but was caught again and heavily beaten up.
In summer of 2006 court sent Vahtang to a normal prison for remainder
of his sentence.

Anarchists in Krasnodar are raising money to support Vahtang in
prison, as in Russian prison relatives and friends of prisoners have
to feed them. In his letters Vahtang is in good spirits and is doing
his sentence without problems.

You may write to Vahtang to following address, but keep in mind that
he does not speak any other languages except Russian - so if you do
not speak Russian, send stuff like photos and drawings instead.

Vahtang Devitlidze
ul. Libbedova 42, UO 68/2,
otryad 14, brigada 142,
g. Hagyshensk, Krasnodarskiy Kray
352680 Russia

Autonomous Action of Krasnodar

Feb. 21st-NYTimes Picket for the Cuban 5


PICKET THE NY TIMES!!

The New York Times still hasn’t published an article
on the Cuban 5!!WE HAVE TO GO BACK. IT IS TIME TO PICKET
THE NEW YORK TIMES AGAIN!!

Wed. Feb. 21st, 2007 at 5pm
The New York Times Building
229 West 43rd St.
(btwn. Broadway and 8th Ave.)

We CANNOT allow the New York Times to continue to ignore the Cuban 5!!

Over 300 people have signed petitions and sent letters demanding that the
New York Times publish an article on the Cuban 5, yet we have seen nothing!!

It is time to go back downtown and knock on their doors!! WE WILL NOT REST
UNTIL WE SEE AN ARTICLE PUBLISHED ON THE CUBAN 5!!

If the Washington Post, USA Today, The LA Times and the Daily News can cover
the Cuban 5, then so can they!!

BRING YOUR FLAGS, PLACARDS AND NOISEMAKERS!!
_______________________________________________________________________________

NEW YORK TIMES PETITION FOR THE CUBAN 5

"NEW YORK TIMES COVER THE CUBAN 5!!", was one of many slogans over 60
activists chanted a month ago in front of the New York Times Building!! The
New York Times has continued to ignore the people's demand to publish an
article on the Cuban 5.

In response to President Alarcon's call for a second international period of
time to raise awareness for the Cuban 5 (Dec. 12th-27th), The Popular
Education Project to Free the Cuban 5 has organized the following
initiatives:

Sign our INTERNATIONAL petition to demand that the New York Times publish an
article on the Cuban 5: http://www.thepetitionsite.com/takeaction/846703346

Our goal is to reach 1000 signatures!! GET THIS PETITION OUT TO ALL YOUR
FRIENDS, FAMILY, THROUGHOUT YOUR LISTS, ORGANIZATIONS AND ADDRESS BOOKS!!

The Popular Education Project to Free the Cuban 5
http://www.freethecuban5.com
freethecubanfive@hotmail.com and freethecuban5@gmail.com
Free the Cuban 5 Hotline: 718-601-4751
_______________________________________________________________________________

The Popular Education Project February 2007 Newsletter:
http://www.freethecuban5.com/JF5February2007.pdf
______________________________________________________________________________

First US officer since Vietnam goes on trial for speaking out


Eager recruit turned critic faces military prison after refusing to fight

Suzanne Goldenberg in Washington
Saturday February 3, 2007

Lieutenant Ehren Watada gives a speech last year, after deciding not to serve in Iraq. His actions have made him a hero of the anti-war movement.

On the eve of America's invasion of Iraq, he was heartsick at the prospect that he might not be military material. He even shelled out $800 for medical tests to convince the recruiters that he was fit for duty despite childhood asthma that would ordinarily render him ineligible for service.

On Monday, that same eager recruit, now Lieutenant Ehren Watada, faces a court martial for refusing to deploy to Iraq and for making public statements against the war. He is the first officer to be prosecuted for publicly criticising the war - indeed the first since the Vietnam era when an army captain was court martialled for addressing an anti-war demonstration outside the US embassy in London. If he is convicted on all charges, Lt Watada could spend four years in a military prison.

Article continues
In that trajectory from eager recruit through disillusion to dissent is a transformation that mirrors and resonates with an American public at a point when it too has turned against the country's involvement in Iraq, making Lt Watada a hero of the anti-war movement.

His prosecution was also seen as an issue of free speech after two journalists were subpoenaed to testify against Lt Watada on two additional charges. Those charges were dropped this week. Lt Watada, 28, argues that to serve in Iraq would betray his conscience and his duties as an officer. "It would be a violation of my oath because this war to me is illegal in the sense that it was waged in deception, and it was also in violation of international law," he told the Guardian. "Officers and leaders have that responsibility to speak out for the enlisted and certainly when we do so it comes with more consequences, which is what a leader should do. A leader can't just go with the crowd."

Lt Watada decided a year ago that he would not serve in Iraq. Since then he has spoken out at press conferences and to veterans' groups. These actions infuriated military officials, who have charged him with conduct unbecoming an officer for publicly saying that service in Iraq would make him party to a war crime, and for suggesting that soldiers could bring the war to an end by throwing down their weapons.

Lt Watada is not the first soldier to voice his objections to the war in Iraq. A number of enlisted men have publicly refused to serve there, citing conscientious objection. Thirteen have sought refugee status in Canada. Thousands more have gone awol. Last year, six senior generals, including some who had served in the invasion and occupation of Iraq, demanded that Donald Rumsfeld, then Pentagon chief, stand down.

But Lt Watada is in none of those camps and he does not claim to be a conscientious objector. He decided to go public with his opposition to the war, a choice his civilian lawyer, Eric Seitz, believes singled out Lt Watada for prosecution. "They decided at a lower level to make an example out of Lt Watada," he said. "It was this kind of questioning and resistance that ended up destroying the ability of military forces to fight in Vietnam and they are very concerned about a repetition of that."

Lt Watada's objections to the war are unlikely to be aired at his court martial. The judge has narrowed the scope of the trial and refused defence witnesses.

The Pentagon maintains that Lt Watada gave up his right to free speech when he put on the uniform. "As a soldier you are held to a different standard. You can't go and say things that are going to offend the order and discipline of the military," said Joseph Piek, a spokesman at Fort Lewis, Washington, where Lt Watada is to stand trial. "Soldiers understand that you can't divorce yourself from being a soldier."

That view is also shared by the retired generals who spoke out last year.

"He is wearing the uniform," said General John Batiste, who left the army in protest at Mr Rumsfeld's leadership. Lt Watada's criticism falls into a different category because he was still on active duty. "Discipline is fundamental in a military organisation and officers swear to support and defend the constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic, and obey the officers appointed over them."

Lt Watada would not have envisaged his collision with army doctrine when he joined the military in March 2003 after finishing college in his native Hawaii. A former boy scout, he had always wanted to join the army - an ambition that did not change with the prospect of war in Iraq. "Certainly I joined the military already knowing that we were about to enter a war in which there was some notable opposition," Lt Watada said. "But when the administration comes out and says the threat was imminent and that Saddam has weapons of mass destruction and that he has ties to al-Qaida and therefore he has the means to attack us at any point, I remember telling my father: 'You know, we should give them the benefit of the doubt.'"

He shipped out to South Korea in June of that year. By the time his unit returned to the US in June 2005, American public opinion had already begun to turn against the war. But Lt Watada's conversion did not start until several months later when he began reading up on Iraq in preparation for a tour of duty.

"It was so shocking to me. I guess I had heard about WMD and that we made a terrible, terrible mistake," he said. "Mistakes can happen but to think that it was deliberate and that a careful deception was done on the American people - you just had to question who you are as a serviceman, as an American."

Early last year, Lt Watada took his doubts to his commanding officer, hoping he would be allowed to retire quietly. He also offered to serve in Afghanistan. Both options were refused although the military did offer him a safe berth in Iraq - which he turned down.

Lt Watada accepts that refusing orders on the battlefield would lead to chaos. "In a pitched battle of course you can't have soldiers saying 'oh, no I don't feel like covering that sector right now.'" But he refuses to believe that the dissent of a junior officer would destroy army morale, or threaten control of America's military, and he was not willing to wait until he was out of uniform to speak out. Someone had to speak out, he argues.

"Everybody is scared there is going to be a coup if the military does not bow down to civilian control, but that does not mean to bow down blindly," he said.

"A general can still resign in protest publicly, and not be subverting civilian control. He can be sending a message, and I think it would be a huge message if it was someone on active duty. But these guys wait until they retire and their pension is secure."

He added: "I wish it didn't have to be me. I wish the generals hadn't put me in this position."

Letter writing to the Judge for Daniel McGowan update!

We have heard from the lawyers that they have received a lot of 
letters to the Judge on Daniel's behalf. Please, if you have not
written one, please consider helping out Green Scare defendant Daniel
McGowan by writing a letter to the Judge concerning his sentence.

You may ask, why me? I dont know Daniel. Well, you may not but its
still important to write one. Chances are you know about the case or
about Daniel from the numerous myspace bulletin posts or website.
There is plenty to write about even if you never met Daniel but you
do have strong feelings and opinions about activists being labeled as
'terrorists' when their actions did not harm anyone. Or maybe you
have read a lot about Daniel's work with political prisoners, against
domestic violence, counter recruitment, really really free markets
etc and feel affinity for him as a person.

We are asking for you to write a one page, polite and sincere letter
to help him out. Do not underestimate the power of community support.
Our goal is to bring Daniel home as soon as possible and for him to
return to a life of advocacy and activism as well as being a
valuable member of his community.

thank you,
family and friends of daniel mcgowan


Guidelines for Letters to Judge Aiken in Support of Daniel McGowan

Daniel McGowan will be sentenced by Judge Ann Aiken probably sometime
in the Spring. Daniel’s lawyers will submit a detailed memorandum
prior to sentencing, along with letters from family members, friends,
colleagues, and other supporters. Please refer to these guidelines
if you are writing a letter to Judge Aiken on Daniel’s behalf. Send
it to his lawyers at the address below.

Examples of Things to Write About – Choose Only What is Right for You

* How you met Daniel and how you know him (through school, work,
mutual friends, prisoner support work, etc.); how long you have known
Daniel.
* What you know about Daniel’s character, his reputation in the
community; personal experiences you have had with him that illustrate
important aspects of his character.
* What you know about Daniel’s relationship with his family, his
wife, and his close friends – the people who will be his personal
support when he is in prison and when he is released. Describe for
the judge how these people will assist him through these difficult
times.
* How you personally will be able to help Daniel get back to a normal
life when he is released from prison, whether it is through helping
him to pursue his education, remain employed, or establish a home.
* Examples, from your personal knowledge, of what Daniel has done in
his life to help others, whether it is through activist work,
charitable work, work for non-profit organizations, or personally
helping you or someone you know with something. Specific examples of
Daniel’s contributions to charitable, community, and non-profit
organizations are helpful.
* Examples, from your personal knowledge, of how Daniel demonstrates
what he believes in, whether it is by arranging Really, Really Free
Markets, collecting electronic gear to recycle, or volunteering for
causes he supports.
* The Judge may consider whether Daniel is likely to commit another
crime. If you have specific reasons to share with the Judge to
demonstrate why you believe that Daniel is unlikely to commit another
crime, please explain those in your letter.
* The Judge may consider whether Daniel has shown that, after the
crimes were committed, his conduct demonstrated rehabilitation. If
you have specific examples of his conduct, between July of 2001 and
December 2005 that you feel the Judge should know about that show
Daniel has engaged in significant rehabilitation from the time he
committed the crimes, please explain those in your letter.
* The Judge may consider whether to sentence Daniel as a “terrorist”
under certain provisions of federal law and sentencing guidelines.
While this is largely a technical legal issue that the lawyers will
write about, you may wish to write to the Judge about how Daniel’s
case compares to other crimes and incidents that you are personally
aware of that either have or have not been treated as “terrorist”
incidents.

There may be other things you may wish to say to the judge as well.
Our suggestions are just that – suggestions. Please make sure you
write in a polite, respectful manner to the Judge.

What Not to Write About
Some topics are simply not helpful subjects of discussion in a letter
to the Court related to sentencing. We ask that you not justify or
rationalize the incidents. We ask that you not compare Daniel to
others who have entered pleas and who are also facing sentencing or
to those who have not been arrested or are fugitives.

Address Your Letter To:
Judge Ann Aiken
U.S. District Court
Eugene, Oregon

MAIL YOUR LETTER TO:
Andrea Crabtree
Schroeter Goldmark & Bender
810 Third Avenue, Suite 500
Seattle, Washington 98104
Please, do NOT mail your letter to Judge Aiken. After you have signed
the letter, MAIL IT TO THE LAWYERS' office. They will deliver all
of the correspondence to the Judge at one time, along with other
sentencing materials.

DEADLINE:Please get letters to the lawyers no later than February 15, 2007.

Questions? Email friendsofdanielmcg@Yahoo.com or call/e-mail Amanda
Lee at (206) 622-8000 or lee@sgb-law.com

Saturday, February 03, 2007

Police try to link Lecce Defendants to FAInformale

ELP has just received the following update about the Italian Lecce
Defendants trial.

=======

Update Nottetempo

The hearing held on January 25 was once again focused on the
depositions of witnesses for the prosecution: the managers of
Benetton shops in Lecce, which had been targets of anarchist demos in
solidarity to the Mapuche people, and the Digos chiefs from Viterbo
and Turin. The latter’s statement was particularly astonishing: first
he made a connection between the anarchist paper ‘Tempi di guerra’
(‘correspondences of the struggle against the detention camps for
immigrants and the world that produces them’) and a few incendiary
attacks recently carried out in Turin; then he boasted that
anarchists can be divided in two categories: those who practice
direct actions and belong to the FAI (Anarchist Informal Federation)
and those who do not practise it. He also revised the thesis of
anarchist ‘subversive associations’ aimed at committing acts of
terrorism.

The next hearing will take place on February 8.

Friday, February 02, 2007

Mail Not Getting to Prisoners at FCI Tucson

Break The Chains Listserve

For the last few weeks there have been obvious problems with mail
getting to the prisoners at FCI Tucson, as there is a new
high-security opening up right across the street from where Rod is.
(The guard working last week said that it will house about 1,500
folks, but they are expecting it to go over capacity immediately with
up to 2,500, triple bunking them, she sd.... that means riots and
discomfort). A lot of the staff from FCI Tucson is being designated
to help there instead of fulfilling the duties at FCI. Unfortunately
for the prisoners, this means somethings are absolutely gone, like
mail service. It is against the law for mail service to be affected
by the staffing problems, and the prisoners are getting very
frustrated, sad, and neglected because they are filing complaints and
no one is responding.

I urge anyone who has written to Rod, or would like to, please raise
this issue to someone who CAN make an impact. Contact the post
master general in Tucson at 800-275-8777. The complaint should state
that your letters are not being received by Rod Coronado who is being
held at FCI Tucson, and this problem has been going on for weeks now.

Let them know that this is illegal, and needs to be fixed.
It probably wouldn't hurt to state why the mail is being denied...
staffing problems).

Fortunately Rod has a network to spread this message, but in reality,
it is helping all of those who are being held and denied one of the
last lifelines they have to the outside world.

Rod said that normally at mail call there are at least 10-12 letters
per day in his unit, lately there has been none, or no mail call at
all.

Please take the minutes out of you day today to call and let them
know you expect the mail service to resume.

Peter Young Released


Peter Young was released from prison today after serving a two year sentence for liberating mink in the midwest U.S. in. Thank you all for your continued support over the last few years. We will release more information and a statement from Peter soon.

In the meantime, please don't forget about the other animal liberation activists serving time in prison!

Thursday, February 01, 2007

U.S. loses 20-year attempt to deport 2 immigrants

An immigration judge criticizes federal conduct in the case against the pair, both legal residents, accused of terrorist ties.

By Henry Weinstein, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
January 31, 2007

A federal immigration judge has dismissed the government's attempt to deport two men who were arrested along with six other U.S. residents because of their alleged ties to Palestinian terrorists and who fought relentless efforts to force them to leave the country for 20 years.

Judge Bruce E. Einhorn of Los Angeles, in a ruling made public Tuesday, said the government had violated the constitutional rights of Khader M. Hamide and Michel I. Shehadeh by its "gross failure" to comply with his instructions to produce "potentially exculpatory and other relevant information."

In a scathing decision, Einhorn said the government's conduct in the case was "an embarrassment to the rule of law" that left "a festering wound on" Hamide and Shehadeh, who have been in legal and personal limbo for two decades.

The two men, both longtime legal residents of the United States, are part of a group that was dubbed "the L.A. 8" after the government launched attempts to deport them in January 1987. All eight denied that they were members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, or PFLP, a radical offshoot of the Palestine Liberation Organization that has taken credit for airline hijackings and car bombings in the Middle East.

Hamide and Shehadeh, as well as the others, steadfastly maintained that they were being persecuted even though their political activities ­ distributing newspapers, participating in demonstrations, assisting Palestinians with human rights and medical needs, raising money for hospitals, youth clubs and day-care centers ­ were lawful.

Einhorn's ruling "is a great decision that really vindicates what we have said all along," a jubilant Hamide said in an interview Tuesday. "The government spent millions of dollars and thousands of hours trying to deport us, and the only things they ever accused us of were constitutionally protected activity.

"The government should drop this case and leave us alone to lead normal lives ­ if there is such a thing after a case like this ­ and pursue real terrorists," said Hamide, 52, who lives in Chino Hills and is in the coffee distribution business.

Shehadeh, 50, said he was "feeling very, very good about the decision. This might be the moment we have been waiting for, for the last 20 years, a moment of relief and vindication."

But Shehadeh, who lives in Oregon, where one of his sons is in college, quickly added, "Another side of me is still cautious. After 20 years it becomes ingrained in you…. This might not be the end of it."

And indeed it might not be. The government has not said whether it will appeal the decision. A Justice Department spokesman said the agency had no comment. The Department of Homeland Security declined to comment.

Prosecutors never filed criminal charges against any of the eight. Late last year, Aiad Barakat, another member of the L.A. 8, was sworn in as a U.S. citizen in Los Angeles. Three other members of the L.A. 8 have obtained permanent residency. One member of the group is still seeking that status, and the other has returned to the West Bank city of Bethlehem.

Over two decades, the immigrants won a number of key decisions, including one from the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in 1998 that held that the Constitution does not permit "guilt by association." That court ruled that the deportation of Hamide and Shehadeh could not go forward unless the government showed that the men intended to support the "illegal group goals of the PFLP."

But government lawyers twice persuaded Congress to change laws and make them retroactive in an effort to be able to deport the two men, said San Francisco attorney Marc Van Der Hout of the National Lawyers Guild, who has represented them for 20 years.

The two sides stipulated to Einhorn that the PFLP "engaged in terrorist activities" from 1984 to 1986, but also provided day care, healthcare and Social Security services as well as cultural events.

This week's ruling was the second time Einhorn threw out the case. The judge said that the government missed the deadline for turning over exculpatory information by nine months and that even then its response was inadequate.

The judge said the government's conduct was particularly troubling given how long the case had taken and the nature of the charges.

"A reasonable argument could be made that if Hamide and Shehadeh have engaged in terrorist activity, particularly in the context of today's world, then the government would be prepared to move heaven and Earth ­ not to mention some mounds of paper ­ to complete the trial and deportation" of the duo.

In particular, Einhorn blasted John H. Clarkson III, assistant general counsel of the National Security Branch of the FBI, for responses to the court that were a "misuse of black-letter law," a reference to legal principles that are not disputable.

Einhorn said the government had broad but not unlimited powers in immigration matters.

"While this court may be one of limited jurisdiction, it is not an impotent institution," Einhorn wrote.

If there were no consequences for the government's failure to discharge its court-ordered responsibilities, it would mean that an immigration judge would be "reduced to the status of Blanche Dubois, who must rely on the kindness of strangers," he wrote, referring to the character in Tennessee Williams' play "A Streetcar Named Desire."

"Judge Einhorn's decision is important not only for Hamide and Shehadeh, but for all immigrants in this country who want to be able to express their political views," Van Der Hout said.

"The decision makes clear that the government cannot blatantly refuse to comply with an immigration judge's orders and that the government cannot continue to try to deport these permanent residents who did nothing but try to advocate for Palestinians' right to a homeland ­ hardly a revolutionary belief in the 21st century."

Added Georgetown University law professor David Cole, who has been co-lead counsel for the L.A. 8, on behalf of the Center for Constitutional Rights, since the case began: "For 20 years the government has been attempting to deport these individuals for political activities that would clearly be protected if they were U.S. citizens. We hope that the government will now move on and focus its efforts on real terrorists and not political activists."

German furore over release of 70s guerrillas


By Noah Barkin
Reuters 30 January 2007

Nearly 30 years have passed since Dirk Schleyer's father was kidnapped and murdered by the Red Army Faction (RAF), a violent group of young revolutionaries that terrorised West Germany in the 1970s and 80s.

But his voice still quakes with anger as he reflects on one of the darkest chapters in the country's post-war history and contemplates the possibility that his father's killers could soon be released from prison.

"These people haven't even shown remorse," Schleyer, 54, told Reuters. "It's all very tough for my entire family."

Earlier this month, federal prosecutors filed a request for the release of Brigitte Mohnhaupt, a leading RAF member who was sentenced to life in prison in 1985 for her role in the murders of leading German establishment figures, including industrialist Hanns Martin Schleyer.

The move, which comes as President Horst Koehler considers a pardon for Mohnhaupt's former colleague Christian Klar, has sparked a furious debate in Germany pitting outraged relatives of the RAF's victims against politicians who say the killers have done their time
and no longer pose a threat to society.

At the heart of the controversy is the country's readiness to draw a line under a turbulent period of violence and paranoia which shook West Germany's nascent democracy to its core.

The RAF, also known as the "Baader-Meinhof Gang" after founders Andreas Baader and Ulrike Meinhof, rose from the student protests of the late 1960s and the anti-Vietnam war movement.

Its members started by experimenting in alternative lifestyles in the "free love" communes of West Berlin and Hamburg before turning violent in a coordinated campaign of assassinations, kidnappings and bombings against the German elite and U.S. military personnel.

Supported by about a quarter of Germans in its early years, the group became less ideological and more pragmatic as the years went by as it sought the release of jailed comrades and secured funds through armed robberies.

"The group tapped into deep German anxieties about the health and legitimacy of postwar German democracy," said Jeremy Varon, a professor of history at Drew University in the U.S. state of New Jersey and author of a book on the RAF.

"Opponents of the RAF feared they might destabilise the new democracy in the same way Communists and the Nazis destabilised Weimar."

The group, which announced it was disbanding in 1998, is suspected of killing 34 people between 1972 and 1991. Some 26 RAF members died during that period and another 26 were sentenced to life in prison.

Many of them, mostly secondary members, have since been released or pardoned and now work as teachers, accountants, filmmakers and journalists -- some under assumed names. Only four, including Mohnhaupt and Klar, remain incarcerated.

Mohnhaupt, 57, was a prominent member of a second generation of RAF members who continued the class war after Baader and Meinhof were caught and committed suicide.

She and Klar, who have each spent over 24 years behind bars, were involved in the murders of Dresdner Bank head Juergen Ponto and federal prosecutor Siegfried Buback, who was shot in April 1977 while waiting at a traffic light in his car.

Their most public victim was Schleyer, a former Nazi party member, who was president of West Germany's powerful employers' association in the 1970s and an object of ridicule for the left, who denounced him as a caricature of the "arch-capitalist pig".

Dragged out of his car by masked assailants in September 1977, he was held hostage for over a month as the RAF demanded the release of jailed comrades at Stuttgart's Stammheim prison.

A black-and-white photograph of an exhausted-looking Schleyer with a hand-written slogan "prisoner for 31 days" became an iconic image of 1970s West Germany. Behind him on a white wall is the RAF's symbol of a star and a rifle.

Schleyer was executed in a forest in France. The identity of the RAF member who shot him remains a mystery.

"The worst part is that we still don't know who pulled the trigger, who the actual murderer was," Schleyer's son Dirk said. "This will remain a mystery if Mohnhaupt and Klar are released. We'll never know, we'll never know."

One of the chief arguments of those who want Mohnhaupt and Klar to remain in prison is that neither has ever publicly expressed remorse for their crimes.

German media report that Mohnhaupt still views the RAF as her life. Klar has refused to talk to the press since giving an interview in 2001 in which he said remorse was "not an issue in the context of our battle".

Der Spiegel magazine reported at the weekend, however, that Klar wrote to then-President Johannes Rau in 2003 acknowledging his guilt and regret for the suffering of his victims.

Many of those in Germany who support the release of Klar and Mohnhaupt say the issue of remorse is secondary. For them, the prisoners no longer pose a security risk and will have soon served the minimum term for a life sentence under German law.

"The prisoners should have the chance for a new life," said Hans-Christian Stroebele, a leading member of the Greens party who as a lawyer once defended RAF members. "The victims' arguments are understandable, but they must be treated like any other criminals. True remorse cannot be forced."

Varon, of Drew University, says the legal arguments mask the true nature of a debate, which at its roots, he says, is about German political reconciliation.

"What we're seeing is a recognition by the German justice system that the wounds need to be healed and not allowed to fester," he said.

A court in Stuttgart will make a final decision on Mohnhaupt's release in the first half of February. Klar's sentence means he will be behind bars until at least 2009 unless he receives a pardon from Koehler before that.

Gangs & Racial Stereotypes in Long Beach Hate Trial

Davey D's Hip Hop Blog
by Earl Ofari Hutchinson

When the tall thin black teen with a ponytail took the stand to testify in his defense, the prosecutor loudly shouted at him from across the courtroom, "You're a naughty nasty gangster Crip." His attorney hit the roof and the judge admonished the prosecutor to tone it down.

But the charge that Anthony Ross is a predatory gang member hung heavy in the courtroom air. Ross is the sole male defendant in the Long Beach Hate Crimes trial in which he and nine teen black teen girls are charged with beating three white women on Halloween night in Long Beach, California. The trial drew national attention when prosecutors slapped the teens with an added racially motivated hate crime charge.

But the added tag on Ross as a violent gangster raised yet another troubling issue in the explosive, racially charged case. That issue is whether black males are reflexively typed as gang members no matter their background. Ross is a clean-cut young man with no prior criminal record. There's no hint, other than the prosecutor's name calling, that he's had any gang involvement. The prosecutor's gang affiliation accusation could be easily dismissed as a routine case of a prosecutor engaging in courtroom theatrics to score points with the judge and to get a conviction.

But it's much more than that. The gang label is a legal tactic that more prosecutors are using in courtrooms across the country to help win convictions against young black male defendants especially in murder and assault cases. They haven't stopped with simply gang typecasting. They use violent rap lyrics found on or written by black defendants to also gain convictions. The prosecutor went one better with Ross. She cited his MySpace page and insisted that the letters in his space name were a secret code for Crip Killer.

Prosecutors say rap lyrics, and in the case of Ross's MySpace name, show their gang affiliation, and provide motive, intent and the state of mind of the defendants that commit violent crimes. Defense attorneys dispute this and say this confuses art and life and doesn't establish motive or intent. They say that prosecutor's use of rap lyrics is a subtle play on the prejudices of largely middle-class juries to get convictions.

Prosecutors get away with the tagging of young men such as Ross as a gangster in part because more young black males than ever are winding up a courtroom docket and many of them do have gang ties. The plague of gang killing and violence and murders in Los Angeles and other big cites has fueled even more intense public fear and a backlash against black lawbreakers.


But the gang tag against Ross sticks neatly in even greater part because of the relentless media and public tagging of young black males as gangsters. When some young blacks turn to gangs, guns and drugs, and terrorize their communities, much of the press busily titillates the public with inexhaustible features on the "crime prone," "crack plagued," "blood stained streets" of the ghetto. TV action news crews routinely stalk black neighborhoods filming busts for the nightly news.

The explosion of gangster rap and the spate of Hollywood ghetto films convinced many Americans that the gang lifestyle is the black lifestyle. They had ghastly visions of the hordes of gang members heading for their neighborhoods next. The overwhelming majority of the victims of gang attacks are blacks, and the violence almost is exclusively confined to battles over drugs and turf control in poor urban neighborhoods. But with public panic over gangs, and with few accurate numbers on just how many urban youth are actually gang members, some police and city officials play fast and loose with the numbers. In Los Angeles, police claim that more than 700 gangs with 40,000 members ply the streets of the city committing murder and mayhem. Police and city officials have tossed similar colossal figures on gang affiliation around in other big cities.

The gang numbers, whether real or wildly inflated, stir even greater public clamor for lawmakers, police and prosecutors to clean the streets of violent gang members. That includes using gang sweeps, court injunctions, stiff adult prison terms and incarceration for teens, and holding accused teens indefinitely in juvenile jail detention. The Long Beach defendants have been held without bail since Halloween night.

The gang tag on Ross, though there's no proof that he is a gang member, was more than enough for the prosecutor in Long Beach to try and toss the book at him. He and the other defendants vigorously protest their innocence, and there is much doubt whether some or even most of them actually took part in the attack. But if the judge convicts them, that almost certainly will trigger even more debate over whether they were convicted because of a vicious hate assault or because they fit a vicious racial profile. In the end, it could be both.

Earl Ofari Hutchinson is a political analyst and social issues commentator, and the author of The Emerging Black GOP Majority (Middle Passage Press, September 2006). earlofarihutchinson.blogspot.com
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