"There had been student occupations in New Zealand before. In the early seventies, students had occupied at a number of universities. Maori students fighting for a marae on the Auckland University campus occupied in 1983 and students at Canterbury and Lincoln had taken over their administration buildings in 1993. But there had been nothing like the nationwide explosion of student anger that erupted in the second semester of 1996. Lincoln students were the first. In July, they staged a 24-hour occupation of their registry. But the match that ignited the campuses nationwide was lit at Otago University. Council fees-setting meetings are traditional targets for student protests. But the Otago University Council had worked itself into such a feeding frenzy that the 1996 meeting was to consider options from the Working Party on Fees ranging from a 25% increase upwards. On Tuesday August 13, the day of the scheduled council meeting, 500 Otago students stormed their registry building. Their demand is a nil fee increase for 1997. The next morning sees them still in the building and pickets stop the few managers who try to get into their offices. The authorities send the clerical workers home and students control the building. During the occupation, general meetings open to all students are held to discuss every aspect of the campaign at least once a day. The debate often goes on for hours, but students feel for the first time that they have a real say. The occupiers know that holding the registry will take hundreds of students. Rosters are drawn up for occupiers to speak at lectures and at the hostels calling on more students to join them. They create occupation rotas so they can take turns to go home for rest. On Wednesday night, as chance would have it, Alliance leader Jim Anderton is scheduled to speak at a local New Labour Party branch meeting. The occupiers invite him to come to the registry afterwards. The media storm that erupts on Thursday after chancellor Judith Medlicott issues a trespass notice against him amazes everyone. But even more importantly, Medlicott’s move outrages academic staff already bearing grievances over their wage claim and inspired by the militant student action. The lecturers’ union calls an impromptu stop-work meeting on Friday morning. The meeting fills a 350-seat lecture theatre. A student delegation is sent to address the staff. The meeting unanimously passes a resolution of support for the students and no confidence in the chancellor and vice-chancellor. They demand that Medlicott drop the trespass order. That afternoon, she does. By Friday night the university authorities have lost control. They plead with the occupiers to take over weekend security patrols to ensure safety on the campus. Then they contact the police to discuss how to re-establish their authority. When the chan-cellor and vice-chancellor turn up to a meeting in the registry on Sunday night, they’re staggered as 500 students are their to meet them. But facing imminent eviction by the cops, students vote on Monday to end their occupation. They did not achieve a nil fee increase. But they did achieve concessions. The fee rise passed afterwards by the council was 17%. 15,000 students had been saved upwards of $150 each. But perhaps more important was the staff-student solidarity which had been built. The lecturers’ union had donated money to the occupation. And in a first for Otago University, 400 lecturers marched to the registry on the final day of the occupation to show support for the students.” (Excerpt from Students and the Education Factory: A Marxist analysis of the education crisis: https://books.google.co.nz/books?id=x...)

• published: 21 Mar 2016
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