Saturday, March 19, 2016

Dominance and Control and SeaWorld: The Paradigm Shifts


The eye of a SeaWorld orca.

There is a scene in the documentary Blackfish in which, via archival footage, we see a young Jeffrey Ventre during his SeaWorld trainer days giving a spiel to his audience during a show when suddenly, seemingly out of nowhere, a large killer whale comes flying across the haulout on which he’s standing and goes skidding past him within inches, then plunges back into its pool.

Ventre seems genuinely surprised, and the footage shows him talking to one of his fellow trainers (Mark Simmons, it turns out), saying: “You dork!”

By all appearances, the moment captured in the footage seemed to underscore the extent to which those trainers are actually at the mercy of the whales they’re supposed to be controlling and their whims. After all, even a minor deviation in their routines could result in disaster for the humans in their pools: If the orca had been a few inches closer and come out a few seconds earlier, Ventre would have been pancaked.

But in reality, as Ventre, explained to me recently, the whole stunt was planned. “The orca was Taima, and yes it was a staged behavior,” he said. “It came off well because Taima (later banned from waterwork with humans) came up early.”

So in many regards the moment seemingly demonstrates the extent to which the trainers actually could control the killer whales. But even that, Ventre says, is a deeply deceptive illusion: “The spectacle of the production,” he said, “does center around SeaWorld's ability to manipulate and control the world's top predator.”

That all seemingly came to an end this week, with SeaWorld’s announcement that it would immediately cease its orca breeding program, as well as its circus-style orca performances. Future orca shows, the company says, will emphasize “natural behaviors”, though the company insists it will not consider seapens or other options for the remaining orcas in its collection, saying “the orcas at SeaWorld will stay in our parks.”

Outside of the relatively cloistered world of animal-rights activism (as well as the business-investment world), the announcement seemed interesting and even momentous, but not necessarily world-shaking. But make no mistake: the paradigm shifted in an important way this week, announcing, potentially, a deeper social change. Something profound and, if sustained, deeply good: a deep shift in humankind’s relationship to the natural world, and ultimately to each other.


***


Seeing any killer whale in the flesh inspires awe, captive or wild. Even behind the glass and concrete of a captivity pool, it’s hard not be struck by the majesty of the animal: It is so big, so powerful, so beautiful, its intense intelligence unmistakable.

In the wild, seeing orcas is a joyous, inspirational thing, because it feels so innately right. The animals themselves are spontaneous and joyful in their behavior, even when they are at their most businesslike and distant. You are seeing this astonishing creature doing what it has done for six million years, the rulers of the ocean at home in their realm. It’s genuinely an unforgettable experience.

However, seeing orcas in captivity brings an added twist. The guides at the marine parks such as Sea World and Miami Seaquarium will often tout supposed side benefits they claim that captivity of the animals bring, such as educating young people about the oceans, “inspiring” them to care for the animals they see, and providing important scientific research information that helps the animals survive in the wild. The reality, however, is that SeaWorld’s “education” programs are really low-information affairs geared primarily to propagandize children into visiting the park, while its “science” record is so laughably thin that very few real scientists engaged in conservation work with wild whales take them seriously.

No, what SeaWorld has been selling (at about $100 a head, plus parking, food, and plush dolls) is not an understanding of the animals, but a spectacle -- the jaw-dropping sight of seeing a relatively tiny human mastering these gigantic creatures and seemingly controlling them, as trainers like Ventre and others performed a series of precision stunts before your eyes. The “education” that children receive at these parks is an overpowering message that it is not only right, but admirable, that we humans keep wild animals under our power through a system of dominance and control.

“The story of man's dominion has been told numerous times, most notably in the movie King Kong,” Ventre wrote to me in a thoughtful missive last May, noting that this narrative works well with an astonishingly large and powerful creature like a killer whale: “There are larger carnivores, including sperm whales, but no equal to Orcinus orca in terms of the sophisticated brain, cooperative hunting methods, and killing equipment.

Trainers’ relationships with the orcas, in terms of dominance and control, is complicated, he explained:

I agree that in any given waterwork show or session, the orca is in charge, however, SeaWorld does have the ultimate leverage. Food. 

This is why the topic of food deprivation is crucial to the debate and also why it is shameful that SeaWorld is trying to deny its use, lately. It is part of the daily existence of some whales at all parks during different time periods. How else do you get animals to separate from their mothers or stay motionless for teeth drilling procedures?




Predictable whales such as Katina (and formerly her daughter Kalina) have been referred to as "Cadillacs." She has been the matriarch or co-matriarch of the Florida facility for 30+ years. She is known to the trainers as a "business woman," compliant, reliable, and expecting payment. She is well paid in fish.  She expects to be paid and SeaWorld keeps her happy. Katina is probably the corporation's single most valuable asset as she has produced many offspring, and runs a tight ship, preferring order over disorder in her artificial pod.  She controls things to her liking, and the training management loves that. Kasatka, whom I have never worked with, is also a dominant female, but unlike Katina, and as seen in Blackfish, has a long track record of attacks on trainers.

A predictable matriarch allows for consistent live public shows with killer whales. Without that the show production suffers. Katina has trained dozens of killer whale trainers including myself.

Katina is aware of her situation and as matriarch carves out a life for herself and her offspring to the best of her ability. Analogous to a prison guard being cooperative with the warden to make life better.

Then there are the other animals that are less predictable. Animals that I worked directly with in this category include Taima, her mother Gudurn, Tilikum, and Kanduke. These animals were also aware of their surroundings and were not as interested in working with the training staff. This caused them to have their food amounts cut, regularly, so they would comply with commands or not disrupt shows.

No one knows what he was thinking, but Tilikum has killed three humans, including two of his trainers. For reference, Kanduke was actually more feared than Tilikum, although he lived a shorter life, pre-Internet, so his antics are less known. These orcas (plus Kasatka, Orkid, Ky, Keto) all developed track records that made them unsafe to get into the water with. So, in that sense, they are definitely in charge.

Sociologist Susan Gray Davis discussed the illusory aspect of SeaWorld’s shows last spring during Voice of San Diego’s sponsored debate, between SeaWorld’s defenders and its critics, over orca captivity. While studying the question of what people actually learn at marine parks like SeaWorld, she came to the conclusion that it all came down to entertainment, particularly the big orca circus shows put on at the its various Shamu Stadiums:




I think they are the key to the brand. It’s the model for the human-animal interaction that occurs at SeaWorld. It really expresses a lot of tension, because it combines the fascination with these animals with an enthusiasm for subtly, but maybe not subtly, humans being in charge of the animals. So there’s this big, beautiful powerful wild animal that is also being controlled by a human being. It’s done in a very skillful, very artful way, but that’s essentially what people are seeing in the shows.

So the kind of “environmental” education that occurs at these parks is not in any sense a forward-looking effort that helps young people take a more enlightened approach to their own futures. It is instead a reflection of what the cetacean-captivity industry is really about – namely, just another iteration of the systems of dominance and control that embody traditional Western Civilization, values that we know are killing the planet.

This is something deeply embedded in our culture – so deeply that it may take generations to root out. It comes out of the same components of our wiring that have brought us such depredations as slavery, war, genocide, psychopathy, and environmental degradation.

The enlightened parts of our society have worked hard over the centuries to root out these phenomena, because they understand that they are ultimately self-destructive and ultimately evil – with varying degrees of success. Slavery has diminished dramatically, though it remains a fact in many corners of the underdeveloped Third World and even in the slimier corners of developed society. Genocide is not as common a phenomena as it was a century ago, but the threat of it hangs over us like a dark cloud. War and psychopathy and environmental degradation are very much still with us.

Orca captivity, as it happens, gives us a unique window on the reality that these systems of dominance and control are, in the end, utterly illusory. And perhaps even more interestingly, it is the orcas themselves – and particularly their wild societies, whose foundations emerge from a profound empathy – who may be able to show us a way out.


***

Animal-rights activist Michael Mountain has written eloquently about how the fear of death has drastically distorted human behavior, particularly in Western Civilization, leading humans to create a domain for themselves separate from the natural world, a system of dominance and control that extends to every facet of human endeavor.

Our central problem, as humans, is that as much as we reach for the stars and create profoundly beautiful works of art, we cannot escape the knowledge that, just like all the other animals, we are destined to die, go into the ground, and become food for worms.

In his Pulitzer Prize-winning book The Denial of Death, social anthropologist Ernest Becker wrote that the awareness we humans have of our personal mortality creates a level of anxiety that drives much of our behavior. Certainly other animals experience bursts of terror in the face of death, but for us humans it’s a lifelong awareness, and one that brings about a chronic level of anxiety that we spend our whole lives – and build whole civilizations and cultures – trying to cope with.

And so it is that, to alleviate the anxiety we feel over our animal nature, we try to separate ourselves from our fellow animals and to exert control over the natural world. We tell ourselves we’re superior to them and that they exist for our benefit.
We treat them as commodities and resources, use them as biomedical “models” or “systems” in research, and force them to perform for our entertainment in circuses and theme parks.

To the extent that companion animals fare better, this is largely because we’ve come to treat them less as animals and more as family – part of our human “in-group” to whom we can relate a bit like children.

We even enshrine the abuse of animals in our most sacred belief systems. The Catholic Catechism, for example, states that “Animals, like plants and inanimate beings, are by nature destined for the common good of past, present, and future humanity.”

These belief systems also offer us hope in some form of immortality that’s not accorded the other animals. They’re just one of the ways we have of distancing ourselves from the rest of nature, and they’ve become so embedded in our cultures that they’re typically not even questioned, much less stopped.

But, as in all forms of denial, we cannot escape what we are. And the more we try to bend nature to our will, the more we end up harming the planet and all its living creatures, quite possibly now beyond repair.

This fear, as Mountain demonstrates, has twisted Western culture in profound ways, particularly as people have engaged in the machinery of death itself – namely, war. Throughout history, war and conquest have not only shaped our societies but have in turn become products of them, like a dog chasing its tail: Violence begetting violence. Even as we attempt to assert our systems of dominance and control over our world, we sow the seeds of our own destruction.

Moreover, warmaking has shaped us as individuals, since it has always been inextricably bound up with cultural conceptions of heroism and virtue, and these conceptions have in turn driven the shape of how we wage war and otherwise build our dominance systems – fueled, most often, by the urge to eliminate.

The adulation of heroes arises out of a basic human need, as Becker put it in other work, to feel good about ourselves, to know ourselves as heroes. In the West, the heroic task historically has entailed energetically taking up arms to redeem the world. It also entails creating an enemy and naming him; the heroic warrior, after all, needs an enemy against which to fight, something to give his life meaning. The drama that results is a holy war to drive out an alien darkness or disease, and it is a drama that has played out innumerable times throughout the long history of the West.

Yet, as James Aho observes in This Thing of Darkness: A Sociology of the Enemy, the heroic dynamic has played out differently in different cultures. In the East, he notes, the martial-arts hero is perfected by becoming "absorbed in a cycle that is larger than himself," subsumed by eternal spiritual principles with which he has become aligned. But this is not the case in the Occident:

In civilizations that have come under Judeo-Christian and Muslim influence -- which is to say, among others, modern Europe and America -- chaos is experienced as the product of disobedience regarding ethical duties, not mere ritual infractions, as these have been revealed through prophecy. Here, then, the heroic task becomes one not of passively yielding to the Way but of energetically taking up weapons to reform the world after the personal commandments of the Holy One. The Occidental holy war functions to sterilize the world of an alien darkness or disease, not to reconcile man to its inevitability, particularly its inevitability in himself.

This expiative impulse, in the West at least, became closely associated with Christianity during the early Middle Ages, especially in the later phases of the Holy Roman empire, when Church doctrine regarding the nature of sin developed into a deep psychological fixation regarding the impurity of the flesh. It gave birth to a deep streak of eliminationism: the extreme objectification of other people grouped into a target, manifested as the dehumanization, demonization, and otherwise degradation of that target group into an object fit only for elimination.

This streak manifested itself on the European continent in the form of pogroms and inquisitions, of which the Spanish Inquisition is only the most infamous, with its autos-da-fe and multiple pogroms, in which some 3,000 to 5,000 people were executed and thousands more tortured.

Historian David E. Stannard's text American Holocaust: The Conquest of the New World explores these historical roots of genocide in European culture in some depth. As he observes (pp.154-155), the Augustinian doctrine of worldly sin equated all the natural world with evil and brutality, including such natural impulses as sex. Indeed, any wild place was conceived of as innately evil; only the purifying power of civilization could safeguard us from death and darkness. Africa was named “the dark continent” for a reason.

Death and sex thus became inextricably bound up in the Western mind: the former was inevitably a product of the latter, and any dabbling in it led inevitably to darkness and destruction. Women, in particular, became conceived of as the font of such impulses.

As Stannard explains, such "learned and saintly medieval urgings" were part of a medieval worldview that created a culture that "became something truly to behold," one in which the effort to purge oneself of base sinfulness gave birth to a panoply of bizarre and painful self-inflictions. He cites a passage from a "not untypical" devout friar, described by Norman Cohn, who

shut himself up in his cell and stripped himself naked ... and took up his scourge with the sharp spikes, and beat himself on the body and on the arms and legs, till blood poured off him as from a man who has been cupped. One of the spikes on the scourge was bent crooked, like a hook, and whatever flesh it caught it tore off. He beat himself so hard that the scourge broke into three bits and the points flew against the wall. ...

Eventually, this hatred of sex was expressed in an abiding misogyny that identified women with the putrefication of the natural world and the source of worldly evil. It also identified the outside world with untamed nature and thus with wanton sinfulness. As Stannard writes, "there also lurked in distant realms demi-brutes who lived carnal and savage lives in wilderness controlled by Satan."

This view of the "uncivilized" world as populated by creatures who were perhaps only passably human also preceded Christianity by several centuries. Greek poets like Homer and Hesiod often described an outside world populated by demigods and other half-human races. Pliny the Elder, in the first century A.D., described in his Natural History peoples of far-off lands with fantastic traits, including people whose faces are embedded in their chests, or have the heads of dogs, or hooves instead of feet, or ears so long or lips so large they use them as coverings. Notably, he also famously provided the first recorded description of Orcinus orca, which Pliny insisted “could be described as nothing other than a gigantic mass of flesh armed with rows of teeth.” Later on, the “orc” was described by various Renaissance poets as a voracious monster who prowled the seas and dined on sailors and maidens.

As this myth-making was incorporated into Christian culture, it was assumed that the strangeness of these "monstrous" races of men described by Pliny, linked to the outcast lineage of Cain, was product of their innate sinfulness and downcast nature. "So great was their alienation from the world of God's -- or the gods' -- most favored people, in fact," writes Stannard, "that well into late antiquity they commonly were denied the label of 'men.'"

Eventually, by the later Middle Ages, this fascination with "monstrous" races evolved into an interest in the "wild man" who it was believed inhabited the unexplored wildernesses of the world. This was the standard view of the peoples who explorers eventually encountered populations of humans living on the American continents when the age of exploration began after 1492 -- if these were men at all, they were at best only half so.

Thus the eliminationist impulse was transmitted almost seamlessly from Europe to the Americas, where it actually grew in a more virulent form that went hand in hand with an expansionist impulse. Indeed, Americans generally displayed a wanton disregard for the humanity of the native peoples that only intensified as they marched farther westward.

All of this social conditioning came home with a vengeance in the centuries that followed, for the native peoples of the Americas, who had no natural immunity to diseases that had run their course through the European society that brought them to their shores. Whereas smallpox for Europeans produced unpleasant pockmarks and scars, among Native Americans the disease caused huge, gaping wounds and flesh that fell off their bodies, and of course an eventual and horrible death. Other European diseases -- cholera, measles, scarlet fever, typhoid, typhus, influenza, pertussis (whooping cough), tuberculosis, diphtheria, and sexually transmitted diseases -- had similarly disproportionate and devastating effects. And perhaps just as ruthless were the Europeans who encountered these societies in retreat.

This pattern -- weakening the populace with disease, then overpowering them with superior arms and an inhuman ruthlessness and brutality -- was repeated endlessly throughout Americas in the ensuing decades, first throughout Hispaniola and the Caribbean, then in Mexico itself, then in Central and South America. The Spanish conquest of the Yucatan and of Mexico were only the first steps in Spain's larger colonization program in the Americas. The result was the near-utter obliteration of the existing civilizations.

The combination of disease and undiluted eliminationism had a predictable effect throughout the New World. By the midpoint of the 17th century, it's estimated that more than 50 million of the indigenous people in the Americas had perished, some 80 percent of the population. In some instances the devastation was nearly complete; between 1770 and 1850, nearly 95 percent of the Pueblo population in the Southwest was eradicated. By the time Old World diseases had spread to the farthest reaches of the continent, striking the Haida and Inuit peoples of northwest Canada in the early 1850s, the population of indigenous peoples in North America had had shrunk by some two-thirds or more. (There is an ongoing debate over the actual numbers, more of which you can read here.)

The only recorded example of a government effort to reduce the effects of disease on the native population came early in the 19th century, when the United States, according to Abraham Bergman's "A Political History of the Indian Health Service," began providing federal health services for Indians in the early 1800's -- but their primary purpose was to protect U.S. soldiers from contamination from nearby tribes. All the first vaccination programs were in the vicinity of military posts.

Complicating their reluctance to aid people whose humanity was evidently uncertain was the context of their worldview: for much of their early history on the American continent, white Europeans saw the Enemy as being Wilderness, the implacable, alien, deadly swamp whose subjugation it was their mission to impose.

The European conception of wilderness which white immigrants brought to the Americas was complex and shaded, but it was ultimately rooted in a worldview that placed Europe and Christian civilization at the center of the world, the source of civilization and light. The wilderness was the embodiment of sinfulness and evil -- and so were its inhabitants. And their elimination was an essential component of the conquest.

This was true not merely of the human inhabitants, but its animals as well. Threatening creatures -- cougars, bears and wolves especially -- were hunted to near-extinction. Even wild food sources such as salmon were wantonly harvested and their habitat destroyed, especially as dams were erected on every river on the Eastern Seaboard they inhabited. Stocks were not only depleted but intentionally wasted.

Lt. Campbell Hardy, an officer of the Royal Artillery in New Brunswick, observed the mentality in action in Nova Scotia in 1837, where once-plentiful salmon stocks were already plummeting:

"The spirit of wanton extermination is rife; and it has been well remarked, it really seems as though the man would be loudly applauded who was discovered to have killed the last salmon."

Perhaps even more symbolic was the fate of the grizzly bear, which at one time ruled both the Plains and the mountain ranges of the open West. But between 1850 and 1920, grizzlies were systematically and ruthlessly exterminated everywhere humans came into contact with them, effectively eliminated from 95 percent of their traditional range.

The same was true of the native peoples who dwelt in this wilderness. It was common for colonists to view the wilderness as capable of overwhelming civilized men, even from within, turning them into "savages" and "wild men," while the people who had lived there for centuries were commonly viewed as no less than vile beasts themselves.

Yet, even as Western man made contact with these “human beasts” and proceeded to eliminate their presence, the seeds were sown for the destruction of the very systems of dominance and control they tried to impose on their world.

***

Native Americans were only the first such ostensible quasi-humans who were victimized by the streak of eliminationism that coursed through European culture, but the genocide of the American Indians established a pattern that was repeated in succeeding episodes.

First there was an abiding and cold-blooded ruthlessness: “The only good Indians I ever saw were dead,” infamously muttered U.S. Cavalry Gen. Philip Sheridan, and soon “The only good is a dead Indian” was the byword of Western settlers. More pointedly, Col. Chivington’s infamous exhortation to his troops before they murdered women and children at Sand Creek -- “Nits make lice!” -- made irrevocably clear that the elimination intended was utter and total and devoid of any vestige of humanity. That trait was manifested with vicious finality in the last of the great Indian massacres at Wounded Knee, when the bodies of the unarmed women and children were thrown into a pit like cordwood -- a scene that would be repeated across the sea more than fifty years later.

Even as the ostensible threat posed by the “wild men” of the Americas was being obliterated, though, white Americans found another target for their eliminationist impulse: African Americans, former slaves now liberated (formally, at least) by the outcome of the Civil War. Initially, blacks in the South were targeted for terrorist violence by night-riding Klansmen and Redshirts during the Reconstruction Era, to such devastating effect that the verdict of the war was functionally overturned, Reconstruction itself nullified, and Jim Crow segregation imposed.

In the years that followed, a mythology (often invoked to defend the memory of the Confederacy) developed about black people, and black men in particular, steeped in the twisted sexual fantasies (and guilt) of European white culture: namely, that black men were sexually ravenous, inclined to rape and assorted sex crimes, and in need of social control. This mythology became the fodder for a thousand lynching bonfires across America.

"The Negro race," after all, was still closely associated with the jungles of Africa, the "heart of darkness" in the European mind; and sexual voraciousness was assumed in such folk, for though tame they might be, they still were scarcely a step removed from wild men of the jungle themselves; still scarcely human. Yet this was a legend for which in truth there was scant evidence, and one that stands in stark contrast to (and perhaps has its psychological roots in) the reality of white men's longtime sexual domination of black women, particularly during the slavery era.

In any event, the omnipresence of the threat of rape of white women by black men came to be almost universally believed by American whites. Likewise, conventional wisdom held that lynchings were a natural response to this threat: "The mob stands today as the most potent bulwark between the women of the South and such a carnival of crime as would infuriate the world and precipitate the annihilation of the Negro race," warned John Temple Graves, editor of the Atlanta Constitution. Such views were common not merely in the South, but among Northerners as well. The New York Herald, for instance, lectured its readers: "[T]he difference between bad citizens who believe in lynch law, and good citizens who abhor lynch law, is largely in the fact that the good citizens live where their wives and daughters are perfectly safe."

Lynching violence (which claimed the lives of several thousand black people over the years) soon gave way to race riots -- in which entire black populations were driven out of communities in which they had often spent generations -- and their logical end products, “sundown towns” from which black people were forbidden from setting foot after dark, upon pain of a horrific and brutal death. There were literally thousands of such towns spread all over the United States, in every state and region.

All of these phenomena were essential tools with which whites imposed their system of dominance and control on the rest of the American populace, as well as on one another. Miscegenation -- also known as “racial mixing” -- was outlawed in 30 of the then-48 states.

All this came at the height of the eugenics phenomena, from 1910-1935 -- eugenics being the pseudo-scientific theory that argued for genetics and racial “purity” as the ultimate distillation of man’s evolutionary climb, producing eventually “superior” races capable of lifting humanity out of the mire of the dark world and into the light of civilization. It ultimately produced some of the darkest atrocities in the annals of American science, including euthanasia and sterilization programs, the legacy of which still haunts the scientific community.

Among the chief objects of eliminationist paranoia promoted by the eugenicists were Asians -- particularly the Japanese immigrants who began coming to American shores in larger numbers at the turn of the 20th century. The eugenicists warned of the dire threat of the “Yellow Peril” -- a conspiracy theory claiming that Japan intended to colonize the United States by sending farmers who would “outbreed” the white populace eventually, and pave the way for the ultimate goal of a Japanese imperial invasion of the West Coast.

The ferment created by this hysteria led to the passage of the 1924 Immigration Act -- also known as the “Asian Exclusion Act” -- which first codified the American concept of an “illegal alien” and outlawed all further immigration from Japan and other Asian nations. Yet because a large number of immigrants remained on American shores, the paranoia never fully subsided, and in fact flared back into full roar after Pearl Harbor in December 1941, and in turn produced one of the great atrocities of American history, the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II.

That war, however, proved a critical turning point. The white supremacist worldview had reached its apotheosis in Europe, in the German Nazi regime under Adolf Hitler, once again fueled by conspiracy theories, focused this time on Jews and other “inferior races,” and eventually produced perhaps the most devastating genocidal enterprise in history, the Holocaust, in which some eight million people -- six million of them Jews -- perished. And at the end of the war, when the lid was peeled back and the corpses of the death camps were revealed for all to see, the world turned away, permanently repelled by what white supremacism and its eliminationism had produced.

Fittingly, much of the academic world had already begun to turn away from the Darwinistic evolutionary worldview that undergirded the belief in white supremacy, and after the war embraced with both arms the views that had been gradually emerging from the field of anthropology regarding the folly of branding races and cultures “superior” and “inferior,” a worldview that came be known as “multiculturalism” or “cultural relativism.”

And for that, ironically, they largely had a little Jewish man to thank: Franz Boas.

***

Franz Boas is today considered the father of modern anthropology, but when he arrived in Alert Bay, British Columbia, in 1886, he was just another student of what was then considered a promising new field, though he had already made something of a name for himself by challenging the current orthodoxy regarding the reigning evolutionary approach to cultural studies, which proposed a model in which societies progressed through a set of hierarchic technological and cultural stages, culminating in a white patriarchy as the summit of evolution. Certainly he had some natural skepticism, as these theories had already been applied in the service of anti-Semites who claimed through the findings of phrenology (the pseudo-science of skull size) that Jews were an “inferior” race.

A Kwakwaka'wakw man demonstrates a ceremonial
killer-whale mask in a photo from Boas' collection.

Boas traveled among the Northwest coastal tribes a great deal and collected information and tribal legends from around the region, but he wound up spending much of his time in Alert Bay, home of the Kwakwa̱ka̱’wakw people, better known as the Kwakiutl. The Kwakwaka'wakw are a fascinating tribe, with a rich and deeply artistic culture. Their totem poles are among the most renowned of all the coastal tribes for their size and beauty, and the tribe’s fierce insistence on retaining its culture even today is embodied by the jaw-dropping collection of ceremonial transformation masks that can be viewed at its cultural center.

The Kwakwaka'wakw also coexisted with killer whales, whom they revered as beings of great spiritual power. Their origin myth, indeed, tells of orcas who came to shore and took on the shape of humans, and when they encountered the whales in their canoes, they believed they were communing with their ancestors, who were being good to them by driving the salmon into their waters. Their legends describe the blackfish as the people under the sea, people who live in villages like their own in a watery kingdom, and sometimes a tribal princess would marry a blackfish prince, and good fortune would befall that family for generations; however, even throwing a stone or launching an arrow in the direction of an orca would bring about generations of misfortune.

It is now recognized that the killer whale societies of the Northwest are functionally matriarchal -- not only are their pods arranged matrilineally, their cultures appear to be arranged as matriarchies, with postmenopausal females actually leading most of the pods in their daily decision-making. Now, there is no indication in Kwakwaka'wakw mythology that the people of the tribe recognized this -- most of their legends describe the people under the sea as being led by male chiefs (perhaps understandable, given the imposing physical presence of most male resident orcas, who can reach 32 feet in length and 14,000 pounds, with six-foot dorsal fins). But it is likely not merely a coincidence that a number of Kwakwaka'wakw villages were led by female chiefs and were decidedly matriarchal societies.

Boas observed this, and noted particularly that these matriarchal tribes had in fact evolved from patriarchal societies that had failed or foundered for one reason or another. It gave him real traction for attacking the notion that all societies naturally evolved into patriarchies. Some of these matriarchal traditions had been transmitted from some of their northern neighbors.

A phrenologist at work
Having made this paradigm shift, Boas turned his attention to a component of white-supremacist orthodoxy, namely scientific racism, or the eugenics-derived notion that race is a biological concept and that human behavior is best understood through the typology of biological characteristics, and he similarly deconstructed it as demonstrably unscientific. Boas demonstrated that skull size and cranial shape, based on skeletal studies he pioneered, was in fact highly malleable, depending on environmental factors such as health and nutrition, and not a stable trait dependent on race, as the phrenologists claimed.

These findings and many others laid the groundwork for a worldview that ultimately destroyed and replaced white supremacism as the dominant model for modern global society -- replaced it with a model in which all cultures have innate value and, as an ethical matter, deserve our respect; in which entire peoples are not branded “inferior” or “superior” but are afforded the rights and opportunities all people deserve; in which warmaking is condemned as destructive and communitarianism is celebrated as a source of well-being for all people; in which power comes not from what we can personally accrue, but from what we can do to empower the people who share the world with us; in which dominance and control are replaced, as stabilizing mechanisms, with cooperation and sustained mutual well-being.

Fundamentally, that is an empathetic society. Scientists are now discovering that we most advance, evolutionarily speaking, when we are a cooperative society. And ironically, that is the one important lesson that killer whales have to teach us -- namely, that empathy is an evolutionary advantage. It is only a vulnerability in a pathological society, like the Old World from which we are trying to emerge.

As I go on to explain in Of Orcas and Men:

So, perhaps it is fitting that today we can turn to the same wellspring of transformative thought as a touchstone for examining not just our relationship with each other as humans, but our species’ relationship to the world in which we live and to the animals who inhabit it. We would do well to learn from the people who themselves have gleaned real wisdom from being in the world of whales.

The cornerstone of Kwakwaka’waka religious thought is the codependency of all of nature; no part of the natural order can exist without the rest. There is no such thing as self-sufficiency, whether for humans or their tribes, for animals or the supernatural beings whose powers they represent. Humans are somewhat naturally at the center of their universe, but they accept that all other members of their common world possess not just an indestructible and unique quality, but a spiritual and material parity in that world. “Kwakiutl religion represents the concern of the people to occupy their own proper place within the total system of life, and to act responsibly within it, so as to acquire and control the powers that sustain life,” explained Boas’ student, Irving Goldman, in his study of the tribe's theology, The Mouth of Heaven.

These concerns find their clearest expression in the mythology of animals and the supernatural beings who take their forms. In the Kwakwaka’waka world, humans and animals have real kinship, reflected in the view of killer whales as their ancestors; they have social and spiritual ties that can never be severed. Indeed, they believe that when the tribesmen who hunt marine mammals die, they return to the undersea village of their orca ancestors. In this universe, humans are the recipients of powers, and the givers of those powers are the animals and the supernatural forces they represent. Of all the animals in their universe, the orca is the most powerful, one of the few (along with the raven, the otter, and the wolf) capable of giving a man enough power to become a shaman.

Acquiring a worldview like this does not require us to submit to a belief in supernatural beings, but it does require us to abjure our arrogance, which, as we have seen, is already at the core of our relationship not just with killer whales, but our world generally. Killer whales inherently challenge our assumptions of species superiority, as well as supremacy. Beyond being merely physically more powerful (at least, without tools or technology), orcas can challenge us in the realm of intellectual prowess as well, particularly given the added dimension with which they can gather information about our world and their proven ability to manipulate acoustics to do that. It is also hard to argue with six million years of actual supremacy as the undisputed lords of the oceans when it comes to evolutionary success, species-wise.

Before about 1990, we could reasonably plead ignorance about the unflattering realities that orcas present in relation to humans, especially the way in which what we have learned about them shines a spotlight on our own cognitive limitations. The dirty truth of dolphin and orca studies is that they have established fairly clearly that human beings may well lack the cognitive capacity to understand how all cetaceans communicate; we’re just not that acoustically sophisticated.

When we are forced to concede, as with orcas, that we are not unique in our intelligence, that we may not be the only creatures worthy of being considered persons, then we likewise have to reconsider our previous, Western-grown position as special beings somehow separated from nature, with such separation being something desirable instead of the abomination that it would be to someone from the Kwakwaka’waka tribe. It is this latter worldview, one that places humans on an equal, and utterly codependent, footing with nature, as well as the spiritual components that accompany that worldview, that in the cold light of day makes logical sense, especially when we are confronted by the majestic truth that is an orca in full breach or a tall black fin approaching our kayak in the fog.

This realization affects our relationship not just with killer whales, but with all the natural world and with all the animals with whom we share it. It demands that we discard the invented notion of animals as property and recognize that granting them rights does not force us to lose control of the animals we already control; it just requires us to treat them decently.

It also forces us to recognize that we cannot continue degrading and gradually destroying the natural environment that created this bounty of wondrous life, because we are connected to it as deeply as are the wildlife who inhabit it. Our survival as a species, as human beings, of everything that defines us as human, depends on its survival, and so far, it is not looking good for any of us.

This week, however, brought us a ray of hope. The paradigm shifted, perhaps subtly, but irrevocably.


***

The animal-rights movement, at its core (and despite the occasional fulminations of some of its more thoughtless and self-destructive adherents) is about empathy: Not only does it recognize the existence and rights of the animals who come under the grasp of our systems of dominance and control (whether wild or domesticated animals, or, in the case of SeaWorld’s orcas, an unholy hybridization of both), but it also inherently recognizes that abuse of any animal in our control lessens us: it shrinks our souls. There is a reason that animal abuse is considered an early warning sign of violent psychopathy.

Yet in the end, it is also about confronting the very forces that threaten our extinction: a modern society whose activities threaten to permanently alter the planet’s climate and the biological systems that depend upon it, and whose greed and arrogance and cruelty is threatening to drive not only a mass extinction of other species (including killer whales) on the planet, but ultimately in the end our own demise as well.

But while nature may be “a nightmare spectacular,” violence among our fellow animals is limited to very specific survival needs. It is we humans who are really “soaking the planet in blood.” We like to tell ourselves that people who commit murder and mayhem are “behaving like animals,” but that’s not how the other animals behave. (While, for example, we humans kill approximately 100 million sharks a year, sharks kill maybe five humans, and mostly by accident.)

The truth is that the more we try to distance ourselves from the other animals and place ourselves above the natural world, the more unnatural, irrational and destructive our behavior becomes. We are not outside of nature, and never can be.

Zoos and animal displays and amusements have a long and fairly sordid history in Western Civilization as exemplars of the systems of dominance and control, putting wild things in cages and making them amuse us with tricks, evidence of our ability to dominate. The tradition dates back at least to the infamous animal cages maintained by Henry III and later royalty at the Tower of London, which were opened for public viewing, and continuing through the various menageries and animal collections maintained by the aristocracy throughout much of Europe up through the 20th century.

But the tide has been turning against them for some time, and not merely on the captive-orca front. Elephants -- another large and highly intelligent mammal that in its normal habitat requires extensive room to roam -- have in recent years become a major point of contention among animal-rights activists and the zoo and animal-entertainment industries, enough that recently Ringling Brothers Circus announced it would be ending the use of elephants in their shows. It was one of the first quakes signaling the current paradigm shift.

SeaWorld’s announcement this week, however, meant the giant in the room had moved. SeaWorld is a multibillion-dollar enterprise, and though it has lost much of its value in recent years, it is the force majeure of the marine-park industry. Indeed, Manby’s announcement has already provoked a shocked counter-response from the Association of Marine Mammal Parks, the industry organization, which mostly decried the “assault” that SeaWorld has endured in recent years from the animal-rights sector.

Leading the way, of course, has been virtually everyone associated with Blackfish -- beginning with the director, Gabriela Cowperthwaite, whose skill and marvelous aesthetic eye made the documentary so deeply compelling; as well as the film’s cast of former SeaWorld trainers, including Jeff Ventre, Samantha Berg, John Hargrove, Carol Ray, John Jett, and Dean Gomersall, who have been tireless in their efforts to promote the film’s message in the three years since its release. The “Blackfish Effect” has gone beyond simply damaging SeaWorld’s stock value -- it has now brought to an eventual end the period of orca captivity, and even more, has fueled a change in the national conversation about all kinds of animal captivity. There’s no doubt that this is a documentary that changed the world.

Many others deserve real credit too, especially Naomi Rose of the Animal Welfare Institute, who has been working for a generation or longer for this outcome; Ken Balcomb of the Center for Whale Research; Ingrid Visser of the Orca Research Trust; and Howard Garrett of the Orca Network. All of them are scientists (and, secondarily, animal activists) who work with wild orcas and who have advocated tirelessly from the perspective of a deep understanding of the wrongness of orca captivity.

Manby’s announcement makes mention of the inescapable fact that marine parks like SeaWorld irrevocably changed the public’s understanding, and perception, of the nature of killer whales, and no doubt for the better: We no longer believe, like Pliny, that they are vicious, mindless killing machines who pose a threat to any human in the water. Indeed, we have learned an incredible amount about killer whales in the more than 50 years that they have been held in captivity (though it must be noted that the vast majority of that knowledge has come from studying the animals in the wild, not in captivity). And perhaps the most important thing that we have learned is this: Orcas do not belong in captivity.

It’s not entirely clear that Joel Manby understands that on a deep level. What is self-evident is that, unlike previous SeaWorld CEOs, he is a clear-eyed businessman who can read account sheets and the numbers therein without allowing that to be affected by the pleadings of a corporate culture that had descended into cult-like behavior, sending out spies and fake demonstrators to infiltrate orca-rights activists’ events. In the end, he understood the bottom line: SeaWorld has to transform its business model if it hopes to survive. It can no longer depend on the awesome and illusory spectacle of humans seemingly controlling orcas to make the turnstiles go around and keep their stock prices afloat. It has to change with society -- and society, it is clear, has indeed changed. So Manby pulled the plug on the longtime stonewalling and decided to Do the Right Thing.

However, this whole momentous paradigm shift hinges on what is, in reality, a tiny, almost imperceptible step on the part of the SeaWorld. In terms of visitors to SeaWorld, relatively little will actually change -- they won’t be visibly affected by the end of the breeding program until there are no more orca babies to be seen, and eventually when the captive-born population begins to die out. The new shows will be less circus-like and, one hopes, filled with more factual information about wild orcas than is currently the case. But they will still be taking place in the same concrete tanks.

Manby underscored his lack of understanding of this point in his insistence that seapens or some other retirement/sanctuary scheme is out of the picture -- by dishonestly portraying what orca advocates hope to achieve:

Some critics want us to go even further; they want us to “set free” the orcas currently in our care. But that's not a wise option.
Most of our orcas were born at SeaWorld, and those that were born in the wild have been in our parks for the majority of their lives. If we release them into the ocean, they will likely die. In fact, no orca or dolphin born under human care has ever survived release into the wild. Even the attempt to return the whale from “Free Willy,” Keiko, who was born in the wild, was a failure.

Manby, of course, neglects to mention that had it been up to SeaWorld and the rest of the marine-park industry, Keiko would have rotted in the tiny Reino Aventura pool where he had been filmed and was slowly dying; instead, thanks to the campaign to rescue him from that deathtrap and eventually return him to the wild, he wound up having seven good years of a truly quality life, far superior to what any other captive orca experiences. It only “failed” insofar as he was never successfully reunited with his natal pod, and so eventually resumed the human contact to which he was accustomed, before eventually dying of a respiratory ailment that almost certainly was a legacy of his many years in captivity.

Jean-Michel Cousteau responded eloquently to this passage from Manby:

I urge Mr. Manby to reconsider his statement about Keiko and I ask him to understand that the quality of Keiko’s remaining years were significantly enhanced by having an opportunity to live in an ocean sea pen with many weeks of forays in the open ocean. The orcas in SeaWorld are living in bare and boring enclosures. These highly intelligent animals deserve to live their remaining years in natural environment under human care. The overwhelming evidence of orca distress in captivity is far too great to ignore. It is a fair request for Mr. Manby to continue to listen to the public. Not only has the public been asking for years to end the capture and breeding of captive orcas but the public is now asking to finally close the chapter of captive orca history by retiring the remaining captive orcas and, at a minimum, allowing them the opportunity to swim wild under close supervision of human care in ocean enclosures.

The time has come for us to see orcas in captivity as a part of our past – not a tragic part of our future. Let’s end the show now and retire these intelligent, social, complex animals to seaside sanctuaries.

The thing is, it’s too late for SeaWorld to turn back now, despite the pleadings of their former friends at the AMMP. The ball is rolling now, and the momentum is unlikely to stop until orca captivity has joined slavery and racism as relics of an ugly past.

In the bigger picture, that may seem like ultimately a small thing. But it is the kind of small, good thing that has deeper resonances that ripple through the foundations of our society and the shared reality that makes it possible to cohere, to empathize, and to cooperate. To beat back the darkness.

It is an incremental and yet momentous victory, a ray of light that cuts deep in dark times. In a time when the forces of white supremacism and warlike nationalism, aimed at dominance and control of “those” people, are straining and threatening to roar back to life both in America and elsewhere, we can use all the small good things we can get.

Saturday, March 12, 2016

Violence Begets Violence -- Just the Way They Like It


[Script reads: "We Are Creating the New Germany! Remember the victims -- Vote the National Socialist List 1".]
Watching the scenes unfold last night from Chicago and elsewhere, it became obvious that, largely as many of us have feared, Donald Trump is indeed leading the United States merrily down the path to an outbreak of actual, genuine fascism, all without himself being a hardened fascist ideologue, but rather a right-wing populist demagogue. But then again, the two phenomena are only degrees apart, and that is what we are now seeing on the streets of the American political landscape.

Of course, while it was fairly clear that the protesters were peaceful until attacked by the Trump rally-goers, the reality also was that fighting eventually broke out on all sides and there was violence all around. Naturally, that meant that the media were already out there flogging their favorite "both sides do it" narrative.

Never mind, of course, that Trump has specifically encouraged the violence, telling reporters at a press conference that "we need a little bit more of that."

The story we'll be fed as at least "the other side" will be Trump's: that the leftist "thugs" were responsible for the violence. And we all can see where this is going: As justification for further and more intense violence.

There is a long history of this with the fascist and proto-fascist right. Indeed, martyrdom at the hands of the "violent left" was a cornerstone of early Nazi propaganda, of which the above poster is only a small sample.

 From State of Deception: The Power of Nazi Propaganda, by Steven Luckert and Susan Bachrach, pp. 48-50:

In the final years of the Weimar Republic, Germany was mired in a grave political and economic crisis that left the society verging on civil war. Street violence by paramilitary organizations on the Left and the Right increased sharply. In the final ten days of the July 1932 parliamentary elections, Prussian authorities reported three hundred acts of politically motivated violence that left twenty-four people dead and almost three hundred injured. In the Nazi campaigns, propaganda and terror were closely linked. In Berlin, Nazi Party leader Joseph Goebbels intentionally provoked Communist and Social Democratic actions by marching SA [Brownshirt] storm troopers into working-class neighborhoods where those parties had strongholds. Then he invoked the heroism of the Nazi "martyrs" who were injured or killed in these battles to garner greater public attention. Nazi newspapers, photographs, films, and later paintings dramatized the exploits of these fighters. The "Horst Wessel Song," bearing the name of the twenty-three-year-old storm trooper and protege of Goebbels who was killed in 1930, became the Nazi hymn. The well-publicized image of the SA-man with a bandaged head, a stirring reminder of his combat against the "Marxists" (along with other portrayals of muscular, oversized storm troopers), became standard in party propaganda. In the first eight months of 1932, the Nazis claimed that seventy "martyrs" had fallen in battle against the enemy. Such heroic depictions -- set against the grim realities of chronic unemployment and underemployment for young people during the Weimar period -- no doubt helped increase membership in the SA units, which expanded in Berlin from 450 men in 1926 to some 32,000 by January 1933.
These are the lyrics of the Horst Wessel Lied:
The flag on high! The ranks tightly closed!
The SA marches with quiet, steady step.
Comrades shot by the Red Front and reactionaries
March in spirit within our ranks.
Comrades shot by the Red Front and reactionaries
March in spirit within our ranks.
Clear the streets for the brown battalions,
Clear the streets for the storm division!
Millions are looking upon the swastika full of hope,
The day of freedom and of bread dawns!
Millions are looking upon the swastika full of hope,
The day of freedom and of bread dawns!
For the last time, the call to arms is sounded!
For the fight, we all stand prepared!
Already Hitler's banners fly over all streets.
The time of bondage will last but a little while now!
Already Hitler's banners fly over all streets.
The time of bondage will last but a little while now.
The flag on high! The ranks tightly closed!
The SA march with quiet, steady step.
Comrades shot by the Red Front and reactionaries,
March in spirit within our ranks.
Comrades shot by the Red Front and reactionaries,
March in spirit within our ranks.
Wessel was a young brownshirt with a noted propensity for violence who was shot in the face one night, and the murder was blamed on Communists. Wessel's funeral was a kind of coming-out party for the propaganda apparatus of Josef Goebbels:
Goebbels continue to use the "martyrdom" of Wessel as a propaganda device for years, including in January 1933, when "an enormous procession ... led by Hitler, Goebbels, Röhm, and other top officials of the NSDAP,... marched to the St. Nicholas Cemetery ..[where] Hitler spoke of Wessel's death as a symbolic sacrifice, and dedicated a memorial to him[31] Wessel's name was frequently invoked by the Nazis to bolster core tenets of National Socialist ideology during the remaining existence of the Third Reich:
Comrades who found their way to the Führer through him and who fought the Red subhumans at his side. Comrades who were with him daily and knew him best ... "the hero of the Brown Revolution." His sacrificial death inspired and passionately inflamed millions who followed. The spirit of Horst Wessel is today the driving force behind the struggle for freedom of the armed services and the homeland of the Greater German Reich.
— An article from the Nazi-owned Völkischer Beobachter newspaper encouraging German soldiers during the war.[32]
 This was essentially a variation on a rhetorical tactic known as "the bloody shirt" whose entire purpose, historically speaking, has been to make victims out of the perpetrators of violence, and to make its victims out to be its perpetrators -- in other words, to invert reality on its head, and in doing so, justify further violence against its victims.

Most of us are familiar with the idea of  "waving the bloody shirt" -- "the demagogic practice of politicians referencing the blood of martyrs or heroes to inspire support or avoid criticism."
... In American history, it gained popularity with an incident in which Benjamin Franklin Butler of Massachusetts, when making a speech on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives, allegedly held up the shirt of a carpetbagger whipped by the Ku Klux Klan.
That's not the half of it. Stephen Budiansky, in his amazing book The Bloody Shirt: Terror After the Civil War, has the rest of the story (excerpted in the New York Times):
The sequel was this—or at least this was the story everyone in Monroe County believed, and in time everyone in Mississippi and the whole South had heard it, too. That a U.S. Army lieutenant who was stationed nearby recovered the bloody night-shirt that Huggins had worn that night, and he carried it to Washington, D.C., and there he presented it to congressman Benjamin F. Butler, and in a fiery speech on the floor of the United States Congress a few weeks later in which he denounced Southern outrages and called for passage of a bill to give the federal government the power to break the Ku Klux terror, Butler had literally waved this blood-stained token of a Northern man’s suffering at the hand of the Ku Klux. And so was born the memorable phrase, “waving the bloody shirt.”

Waving the bloody shirt: it would become the standard retort, the standard expression of dismissive Southern contempt whenever a Northern politician mentioned any of the thousands upon thousands of murders, whippings, mutilations, and rapes that were perpetrated against freedmen and women and white Republicans in the South in those years. The phrase was used over and over during the Reconstruction era. It was a staple of the furious and sarcastic editorials that filled Southern newspapers in those days, of the indignant orations by Southern white political leaders who protested that no people had suffered more, been humiliated more, been punished more than they had. The phrase has since entered the standard American political lexicon, a synonym for any rabble-rousing demagoguery, any below-the-belt appeal aimed at stirring old enmities.

That the Southerners who uttered this phrase were so unconcerned about the obvious implications it carried for their own criminality, however, seems remarkable; for whoever was waving the shirt, there was unavoidably, or so one would think, the matter of just whose blood it was, and how it had got there. That white Southerners would unabashedly trace the origin of this metaphor to a real incident involving an unprovoked attack of savage barbarity carried out by their own most respectable members of Southern white society makes it all the more astonishing.

Most astonishing of all was the fact that the whole business about Allen Huggins’s bloody shirt being carried to Washington and waved on the House floor by Benjamin Butler was a fiction.

The story about Huggins being whipped by the Ku Klux was true enough. Huggins was whipped on that bright moonlit night so ferociously that he could barely walk for a week or two afterward, so ferociously that in a burning anger that overcame any fear of his own death he traveled to Washington to testify before Congress and then returned to Monroe County with a deputy U.S. marshal’s badge and a determination to arrest every man he could lay his hands on who had been a part of the reign of Ku Klux murder and terror in those parts. And Benjamin Butler—“Beast Butler,” as he was invariably called in the Southern press, the man who had committed the unpardonable insult against Southern womanhood as the Union occupation commander in New Orleans during the war with his order that the next Southern woman who insulted his troops on the street would be “regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman of the town plying her avocation”— this nemesis of the South, now a congressman from Massachusetts, did indeed make a long, impassioned speech about the Ku Klux outrages on the House floor that April, and did tell the story of Huggins’s brutal beating in the course of it.

But nowhere in the Congressional Globe’s transcripts of every word that was uttered on the House floor is there any allusion to a bloody shirt; nowhere in the press accounts of the leading papers of the time is there any mention of a crazed congressman waving a blood-stained garment, on the floor or off; nowhere in any reports of Huggins’s appearances before Congress does such a story appear. That part never happened.

What was more, this was not the first time that Southerners had invented the fiction that Northerners were given to making fetishes of blood-stained tokens of their victimhood at Southern hands. The same story had cropped up fifteen years earlier in connection with another Massachusetts politician equally reviled in the South, Senator Charles Sumner.

Once again the beating was a fact, the alleged Northern reaction to it a fantasy. Furious at the insult to Southern honor Sumner had committed in a speech attacking slavery and the morality of the slave owner, South Carolina congressman Preston Brooks had approached Sumner in the Senate chamber, stood over his desk, and beat him on the head thirty times with his gold-headed cane until Sumner crumpled to the floor in a pool of his own blood.

And sure enough, Southerners were soon saying that Sumner’s bloody coat had become a revered “holy relic” in Yankee and abolitionist circles. Sumner, they said, had carried his own blood-encrusted garment to England to show the Duchess of Argyle, when she invited him to dinner; had placed it in the hands of an awe-struck John Brown, before his fateful raid on Harper’s Ferry; had put it on public display in Exeter Hall. “All the abject whines of Mr. Sumner, for being well whipped,” wrote one Southerner in 1856, a few months after the event, “all the exhibitions of his bloody shirt to stale Boston virgins who, in vexation of having failed to secure a man, would now wed a Sumner, have proved futile.” Years later, years after the Civil War, scornful stories about Northerners exhibiting Sumner’s bloody shirt were still being circulated in the South. Not a scrap of it was true.

A footnote, but a telling one: To white conservative Southerners, the outrage was never the acts they committed, only the effrontery of having those acts held against them. The outrage was never the “manly” inflicting of “well-deserved” punishment on poltroons, only the craven and sniveling whines of the recipients of their wrath. And the outrage was never the violent defense of “honor” by the aristocrat, only the vulgar rabble-rousing by his social inferior. “The only article the North can retain for herself is that white feather which she has won in every skirmish,” declared one Southerner, speaking of the Sumner–Brooks affair. Only a coward would revel in a token of his own defeat.

The bloody shirt captured the inversion of truth that would characterize the distorted memories of Reconstruction that the nation would hold for generations after. The way it made a victim of the bully and a bully of the victim, turned the very blood of their African American victims into an affront against Southern white decency, turned the very act of Southern white violence into wounded Southern innocence; the way it suggested that the real story was never the atrocities white Southerners committed but only the attempt by their political enemies to make political hay out of it. The mere suggestion that a partisan motive was behind the telling of these tales was enough to satisfy most white Southerners that the events never happened, or were exaggerated, or even that they had been conspiratorially engineered by the victims themselves to gain sympathy or political advantage.
 In other words, this is a tactic that is already deeply embedded within American conservatism -- every right-wing pundit from Bill O'Reilly to Laura Ingraham to Rush Limbaugh has trotted out a version of it in the past eight years or more. The right's persecution complex is one of its most enduring and overpowering traits.

And now Trump is tapping into this projection-fueled trait on behalf of his far-right populist and nationalist agenda. So it's very clear how this is going to play out -- especially with a compliant media always eager to provide "balance" to their reportage: Any kind of violence, even defensive or responsive, from Trump's opponents is going to be used as an excuse to escalate, ad infinitum.

This is a very dangerous time, and progressives are going to have to be smart about how they confront this tactic, which is going to happen increasingly as the election year drags along. They are going to have to be incredibly disciplined, and incredibly committed to nonviolence when confronted with the viciousness of the budding Brownshirts on the other side.

And I'm not among the optimistic that this will be the case. Please prove me wrong.

Saturday, March 05, 2016

No, the Ku Klux Klan Has Never, Ever Been a 'Leftist' Organization



"It's important to get history right."

So quoth Jeffrey Lord, the conservative CNN analyst, on Tuesday during a noteworthy exchange with liberal commentator Van Jones. It's noteworthy because -- in stark contrast to his own admonition -- Lord had tried peddling an up-is-down, reality-inverted version of history in that segment (and on CNN the day before), namely, his claim (while attempting to defend Donald Trump for his refusal to disavow the endorsement of far-right extremists) that the Ku Klux Klan was "a leftist terrorism organization."

This is not just flat-out false, it is an outrageous inversion of historical reality: the Klan was not just a self-described "conservative," right-wing organization, it probably was one of the earliest iterations of the most extreme known form of right-wing politics, fascism. Both CNN and Lord owe their audience (and Jones) an apology for spreading known falsehoods on the air.

Yes: there Lord was, berating Jones because he wasn't admitting that the Klan was leftist. "And you don't hide and say that's not part of the base of the Democratic Party," he shouted. "That has been, they were the military arm, the terrorist arm of the Democratic Party according to historians. For God's sake, read your history."

Of course, Rush Limbaugh immediately piled on by embracing Lord's claims: "It was focused on Trump. It was focused on the Klan. It was focused on how the Democrats do this, that they get this idea in their heads and no matter what they fit every event into their narrative.  And in this case the KKK is a bunch of right-wing terrorists.  It doesn't matter where they were formed. It doesn't matter who formed 'em."

Lord had first tried peddling this nonsense (which he hasn't yet committed to print, apparently, other than in brief references) Monday on CNN, telling Margaret Hoover that it was a "leftist hate group": "It is a racist hate group from the left. And that counts. That is important to understand. It is not conservative. It has nothing to do with conservatism. All of these Klan members who have been elected to Congress and U.S. Senate and governorships over the years, supporting Franklin Roosevelt because they like Social Security. Let's get our history straight."

Yes, let's.

It doesn't take much straightening to realize that Lord is just trying out a KKK version of Jonah Goldberg's gambit, in which he successfully persuaded large numbers of conservatives, through a historically inept and misbegotten travesty titled Liberal Fascism, that "properly understood, fascism is a phenomenon of the left." That is, he's simply inverting historical reality on its head and claiming to be ingenious and insightful.

Lord's real problem is that, while Goldberg could at least reference some early organizing documents and distort the presence of a "socialist" element within early fascism into something more meaningful, there is not a scintilla of evidence to support Lord's claims about the KKK being a "leftist" organization with a "progressive" agenda. (Goldberg, for his part, tries to dispose of the presence of the Klan by dismissing them as a mere "creepy fan subculture" -- while it should be obvious that the KKK was much, much more than that.) Of course, it's useful to recall that prior to the 1980s, both parties had both conservative and progressive wings. Lord deliberately manipulates his terminology to obscure the fact that while, yes, in the South of the 1920s, the Klan was a militaristic and terroristic wing of the Jim Crow-loving Democratic Party there, in no shape, form, or fashion was this the "leftist" wing of the Democratic Party. When the members of the Klan were Democrats, as in the 1920s, as well as in the '40s when they called themselves "Dixiecrats," they were conservative Democrats. And ever after the Southern Strategy-fueled party switch of the 1960s and '70s, those conservatives have now become uniformly Republican. Lord plays juvenile word games to pretend that the Democrats of the '20s Klan were "leftist," when they were anything but.

Next, it's important to understand that, as Mark Potok explained to Slate's Leon Neyfakh, the Klan has gone through four distinct historical phases:

  • The first came in the immediate wake of the Civil War, when night-riding lynch mobs of masked men did their utmost to undo the gains under Reconstruction for black people (and ultimately succeeded). 
  • The second phase came in the 1920s, when a group of men reconstituted the idea of the Klan in the wake of D.W. Griffith's homage to the original Klan, The Birth of a Nation. The other event that inspired the founding of this Klan, besides Griffith's movie, was the lynching of Leo Frank in Alanta in 1915. By the mid-1920s, this version of the Klan had 4 million members, with chapters in every state of the Union, and it enjoyed nationwide respectability -- though that largely had vanished by the 1930s. 
  • The third phase came when a group of Atlanta racists revived the Klan locally, once again, in the postwar period, whence it spread throughout the South and was deployed primarily as a murderous and threatening gang of thugs, ultimately responsible for the deaths of numerous black people and white activists during the Civil Rights struggles of the 1950s and '60s.
  • The fourth phase -- the current one -- features a mostly diffuse Klan organization, comprised of 30 or so individual groups that favor their own versions of Klan ideology. While the levels of violence emanating from these groups is relatively low-level (the groups are mostly content to hold annual barbecues in which they inevitably complain about minorities and liberals, and then wrap it all up by lighting a cross), these groups attract and harbor violent personalities who frequently act out their beliefs violently, sometimes as "lone wolves."

David Chalmers, in his Hooded Americanism: The History of the Ku Klux Klan, is unequivocal in placing the Klan, in all of its iterations, firmly on the right of the political spectrum:
Throughout its history, the Klan has been a conservative, not revolutionary, organization. As a vigilante, it has sought to uphold "law and order," white dominance, and traditional morality. To do this it has threatened, flogged, mutilated, and on occasion, murdered. The main purpose of the Klansmen, Kligrapps, Kludds, and Night Hawks, Cyclopses, Titans, Dragons, and Wizards assembled in their Dens, Klaverns, and Klonvokations, rallying in rented cow pastures, and marching in solemn procession through city streets, has been to defend and restore what they conceived as traditional social values. The Klan has bascially been a revitalization movement.
 It's clear that the "leftist" Klan that Lord is referencing is this second iteration (in large part because his argument hinges on connecting Democratic President Woodrow Wilson with this Klan). But while the people comprising this version of the Klan may have been mostly Democrats, they also were uniformly conservative.

The precepts of this Klan at its founding were as follows:
First: To protect the weak, the innocent, and the defenseless from the indignities, wrongs and outrages of the lawless, the violent and the brutal; to relieve the injured and oppressed; to succor the suffering and unfortunate, and especially the widows and orphans of the Confederate soldiers.

Second: To protect and defend the Constitution of the United States ...

Third: To aid and assist in the execution of all constitutional laws, and to protect the people from unlawful seizure, and from trial except by their peers in conformity with the laws of the land.
Likewise, the Klan's battle cry was for "100 percent Americanism". One of its more popular tracts was titled "The Klan's Fight for Americanism," and it stated that the Klan
... makes no apologies for its members' attempts to impose their views upon "liberals," immigrants, Catholics, Jews, or peoples of color. Instead it sounds a clarion call for the Klan's "progressive conservatism" and celebrates its influence in American public life.

This is the only reference in any Klan literature to inclining toward anything "progressive" (and in today's politics makes about as much sense as "liberal conservatism"). As history played out, what became clear was that the Klan's idea of "progressive conservatism" was similar in tenor to modern-day "compassionate conservatism" -- the adjective serving mostly to soften and broaden their appeal, while remaining adamantly "conservative." That is, right-wing.

We nowadays think of the Klan as primarily a racial-terrorism organization, but in the 1920s it became about much more than mere racism. Rather, racial intimidation was more an expression of its larger mission -- enforcing, through violence, threats, and death, "traditional values" and "100 percent Americanism." It was essentially populist, certainly, but there was no mistaking it for anything "progressive." The latter, in fact, became its sworn enemy.

Chalmers describes (pp. 32-33) how Col. William J. Simmons, the man most responsible for the revival of the Klan in the 1915-20 period, and the leader of that group that burned a cross atop Stone Mountain in honor of the Frank lynch mob, shifted the Klan's focus from merely attacking blacks to a very broad menu of targets:
Upon being introduced to an audience of Georgia Klansmen, Colonel Simmons silently took a Colt automatic from his pocket and placed it on the table in front of him. Then he took a revolver from another pocket and put it on the table too. Then he unbuckled a cartridge belt and draped it in a crescent shape between the two weapons. Next, without having uttered a word, he drew out a bowie knife and plunged it in the center of the things on the table. "Now let the Niggers, Catholics, Jews, and all the others who disdain my imperial wizardry, come on," he said. The Jews, Mrs. Tyler told newspapermen during a shopping trip in New York, were upset because they know that the Klan "teaches the wisdom of spending American money with American men." To be for the white race, she continued, means to be against all others. Clarke suggested sterilizing the Negro. Simmons explained that the Japanese were but a superior colored race. Never in the history of the world, the Klan believed, had a "mongrel civilization" survived. The major theme, however, was the rich vein of anti-Catholicism, which the Klan was to mine avidly during the 1920s, and it was this more than anything else which made the Klan.

To the Negro, Jew, Oriental, Roman Catholic, and alien, were added dope, bootlegging, graft, night clubs and road houses, violation of the Sabbath, unfair business dealings, sex, marital "goings-on," and scandalous behavior, as the proper concern of the one-hundred-percent American. The Klan organizer was told to find out what was worrying a community and to offer the Klan as a solution.

Simmons' conception of the Klan as a special secret service bustling about spying on radicalism and questionable patriotism and generally reliving its wartime grandeur, was translated into a more enduring system of societal vigilance. The Klan was brought to Muncie, Indiana, by leading businessmen to cope with a corrupt Democratic city government. It entered Tulsa, Oklahoma, and Herrin County, Illinois, to put down bootlegging. When a newly formed Klan chapter would write to Atlanta for suggestions as to what to do first, the response was almost unvaryingly to "clean up the town," an injunction which usually came to rest it emphasis on the enforcement of the small-town version of the Ten Commandments.
Philip Dray, in his history of the "lynching era," At the Hands of Persons Unknown, describes this opportunism on the part of the Klan as well:
Marketed like any other business or lodge association, the Klan was eventually franchised in twenty-seven states and varied its purpose to confront a wide palette of enemies. To a town inundated with unemployed blacks, one historian has pointed out, it was the Klan of the Griffith film; if bootleggers ran amok, the Klan was an auxiliary police outfit; in the face of labor activism, Klan members became corporate thugs and enforcers; where immigrants threatened to overwhelm a city, the Klan stood ready to publicize 100 percent Americanism. As the organization served as a kind of enforcement group for godly values, many clergymen became Klan members of boosters. Jesus Christ himself, it was said, would have been a Klansman.
A history of the Klan by the SPLC explains that the "community values" agenda in short order became a justification for all kinds of violence:
The message was clear--the new Klan was going to mean business. And that soon meant expanding its list of enemies to include Asians, immigrants, bootleggers, dope, graft, night clubs and road houses, violation of the Sabbath, sex, pre- and extra-marital escapades and scandalous behavior. The Klan, with its new mission of social vigilance, soon had organizers scouring the nation, probing for the communities' fears and then exploiting them to the hilt.

And the tactic was an overnight raging success. By the late summer of 1921 nearly 100,000 people had enrolled in the invisible empire, and at ten dollars a head (tax-free since the Klan was a "benevolent" society), the profits were impressive. While Simmons made speeches and tinkered with ritual, Clarke busied himself with expanding the treasury, launching Klan publishing and manufacturing firms and investing in real estate. The future looked very good.

...And its violence was clearly revealed. Under Evans a wave of repression punctuated by lynchings, shootings and whippings swept over the nation in the early and mid-1920's and many communities were firmly in the grasp of the Klan's terror. The victims were usually blacks, Jews, Catholics, Mexicans and various immigrants, but sometimes they were white, Protestant, and female. Klansmen attacked people they considered "immoral" or "traitors" to the white race.

In Alabama, for example, a divorcee with two children was flogged for the crime of remarrying, and then given a jar of Vaseline for her wounds. In Georgia a woman was given 60 lashes for a vague charge of "immorality and failure to go to church." And when her 15-year-old son ran to her rescue, he received the same treatment. In both cases the leaders of the Klansmen responsible turned out to be ministers.

But such instances were not confined to the South--in Oklahoma Klansmen applied the lash to girls caught riding in automobiles with young men, and the Klan in the San Joaquin Valley in California were know to flog and torture women.

In a period when many women were fighting for the vote, for a place in the job market, and for personal and cultural freedom, the Klan claimed to stand for "pure womanhood" and frequently attacked women who sought independence.

Although politicians became increasingly uncomfortable with Klan allies as a result of the turmoil, the success of the Klan candidates across the nation in 1924 buoyed Evans' spirits. His notoriety peaked with a parade of 40,000 Klansmen down Washington's Pennsylvania Avenue to the Washington Monument in August 1925. Evans boasted of having helped re-elect Coolidge, of having secured passage of strict anti-immigration laws and of having checked the ambitions of Catholics and others intent on "perverting" the nation. All in all, the Klan was riding high in the saddle.




As we previously noted, this Klan briefly became a real political force: a nationwide organization with chapters in all 48 states that briefly became a political powerhouse in a number of states, including Oregon, Indiana, Tennessee, Oklahoma, and Maine, where the Klan played a critical role in the 1924 election of Owen Brewster to the governorship. That same year, the Klan made waves at the Democratic Convention when the Klan-backed candidate, William Gibbs McAdoo of Georgia, declined to denounce them. Al Smith of New York managed to block his nomination, largely on these grounds, and West Virginia's John Davis emerged as the compromise selection. He lost to Calvin Coolidge.

As Chalmers records:
In 1922, the Klan helped elect governors in Georgia, Alabama, California, and Oregon, and came close to knocking Missouri's Jim Reed out of the U.S. Senate. It was reported that perhaps as many as seventy-five members of the lower house had received help from Klan votes. An undetermined, and unguessable, number of congressmen, veterans, and newcomers, had actually joined the hooded order, and E.Y. Clarke was asking the local chapters to suggest likely candidates for the future. The next year, the Klan continued to expand, with its greatest strength developing in the upper Mississippi Valley and in the Great Lakes kingdom of D.C. Stephenson.
All this time, the Klan's propensity for violence became its very byword. In Tulsa, where the Klan was such a prominent and active presence that it kept a public "whipping field" at which it publicly humiliated various miscreants, the violence evenutally erupted into the massive Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, where the resulting death toll of African Americans is estimated to have been between 300 and 3,000.



[More photos from the riot here.]

Klan violence clearly was not relegated strictly to the South, but its was particularly intense there, especially the use of cross burnings to threaten and intimidate blacks. This became especially the case in the 1930s and '40s, when the Klan rose to attempt to stem the oncoming tide of the Civil Rights movement; and in the early 1950s, the Brown v. Board of Education ruling ordering the desegregation of Southern schools actually produced a second revival of the Klan, all of it focused on the "traditional values" of white supremacy and its fruits: Jim Crow, segregation, lynching.


There were thousands of these lynchings. They are the human victims, like Leo Frank, of the Klan who Jeffrey Lord so casually and carelessly whitewashes into victims of leftist violence.

And it is not as if the Klan has gone away since. In the ensuing years, it has remained the implacable enemy not merely of civil rights for blacks, but for any minority, including gays and lesbians. Its activities have remained associated with violence of various kinds, including a broad gamut of hate crimes committed against every kind of non-white, or non-Christian, or for that matter non-conservative.

In the recent past, it has revived its nativist roots by becoming vociferously active in the immigration debate, openly sponsoring anti-immigrant rallies at which the Klan robes have come out:



Somewhat predictably, immigration has become a major point of recruitment for the Klan and other white supremacists. And just as predictably, a sharp spike of bias crimes against Latinos has followed in their wake.

Those are the historical details. Moreover, the Klan in every incarnation -- its original, its second, and its current, has been a creature of right-wing politics. Consider its current program:
-- Anti-Semitism

-- Racial separation

-- The quashing of civil rights for minorities

-- The destruction of federal government power

-- Anti-homosexual

-- Anti-abortion

-- Anti-immigration
What exactly is "liberal" about that? Well, nothing. All of these positions typically are part of what we call right-wing, and in the Klan's case, they are drawn to an extreme degree. The Ku Klux Klan are right-wing extremists by any accounting, and always have been. Indeed, much of their explicit animus has historically been directed at liberals -- as with the fascists, their antiliberalism has been a defining feature for most of their existence.

Moreover, the Klan, as Robert O. Paxton explains in his 2004 book The Anatomy of Fascism, was probably the first real manifestation of fascism as an organization, not just in America but anywhere:
... [I]t is further back in American history that one comes upon the earliest phenomenon that seems functionally related to fascism: the Ku Klux Klan. Just after the Civil War, some Confederate officers, fearing the vote given to African Americans by the Radical Reconstructionists in 1867, set up a militia to restore an overturned social order. The Klan constituted an alternate civic authority, parallel to the legal state, which, in its founders' eyes, no longer defended their community's legitimate interests. In its adoption of a uniform (white robe and hood), as well as its techniques of intimidation and its conviction that violence was justified in the cause of the group's destiny, the first version of the Klan in the defeated American South was a remarkable preview of the way fascist movements were to function in interwar Europe.
As Paxton explains, the Klan was fascist not just in its function and the political space it occupied, but in being the embodiment of its ideology, namely:
Although one can deduce from fascist language implicit Social Darwinist assumptions about human nature, the need for community and authority in human society, and the destiny of nations in history, fascism does not base its claims to validity upon their truth. Fascists despise thought and reason, abandon intellectual positions casually, and cast aside many intellectual fellow-travellers. They subordinate thought and reason not to Faith, as did the traditional Right, but to the promptings of the blood and the historic destiny of the group. Their only moral yardstick is the prowess of the race, of the nation, of the community. They claim legitimacy by no universal standard except a Darwinian triumph of the strongest community.
Elsewhere, Paxton explains:
Fascism may be defined as a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal constraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion.
Likewise, Chalmers' description of the Klan as a "revitalization movement" also happens to confirm the identification of the Klan with American fascism, if we follow Roger Griffin's definition of fascism as "a palingenetic and populist form of ultranationalism" (palingenesis referring to a core myth of phoenix-like national rebirth).

And no, despite any ahistorical poppycock that Jonah Goldberg and Jeffrey Lord might try to sell you, fascism and its iterations are NOT a "phenomenon of the left" at all. Fascism is, and always has been, a cancerous, metastasized version of right-wing populism.

Donald Trump, of course, is currently reminding us all about how that particular beast arises -- and where it comes from. Which is why getting the historical record right, as Lord suggests, really does matter.