Russian role
Russia, which was following the events with deep interest, maintained its traditional stand that
Kashmir was part of
India. Pradhan writes
Moscow accepted the disturbances in Kashmir had been created by infiltrators from
Pakistan.
Russia also backed
India at the
United Nations. K. Vijaykrishnan writes in ‘
The Soviet Union and the India-Pakistan War,
1965’, “
Support was available for India on some important technical points and objections India had raised,” he says. Russia supported the
Indian position that the
Security Council should only deal with "questions directly connected with the settlement of the armed conflict” and not drag in the
Kashmir issue.
Fending off
China was a trickier affair. Russia did not want an open confrontation with
Beijing, but Moscow decided it would not remain a passive spectator if India had to battle on two fronts. According to Vijaykrishnan, during the thick of the conflict, India received a reassuring message from
Russian Premier Alexei Kosygin indicating support in the event of a
Chinese attack.
Sisir Gupta writes in ‘India and the
International System’ that India was aware Russia would never like to see India humbled or weakened. “A strong and friendly India occupying a pre-eminent position in
South Asia was very much a
Soviet foreign policy interest. Notwithstanding the fluctuations in the
Soviet attitude and the zig-zag nature of the course it pursued, there was throughout a broad assumption underlying Soviet policies towards South Asia, that India was the key factor in the region and that any policy which created distrust and dissension between the two countries was to be avoided.”
China got the message and backed off despite
Pakistani appeals for help. Chinese strongman
Mao Tse-Tung was reported to have told
Ayub Khan that "if there is a nuclear war, it is
Peking and not
Rawalpindi that will be the target", writes
G.W. Chaudhury in ‘
India, Pakistan,
Bangladesh and the
Major Powers:
Politics of a
Divided Subcontinent’.
Western ways
The US, which was embroiled in a bloody war of its own in
Vietnam, acted mostly through the United Nations. However, the defining western aim was to see their satellite
Pakistan get through the war without getting battered. This view is amply summed by Chavan, who wrote about
British Prime Minister Harold Wilson’s ceasefire proposal at a time when India had the upper hand: “I insisted on military advantages being maintained.
The UK proposals look like a trap.”
As three divisions of the
Indian Army were slicing across Pakistani defences and thundering across the
Ichhogil canal to
Lahore,
Wilson sent a message to
Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and Ayub Khan: “Both governments bear responsibility for the steady escalation which has subsequently occurred, and today’s attack in the Lahore area presents us with a completely new situation.”
Wilson’s message implied that India was as much to blame for the war on the subcontinent as Pakistan. “Shastri more or less brushed aside that message,” says Pradhan. “
Bias on the part of
Britain would rule out the UK from playing any effective role in events after the ceasefire.”
- published: 23 Mar 2016
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