Greater Netherlands () is a term used to describe parts or all of the Low Countries that certain political groups aspire to unite into a single polity. "Greater Netherlandsism" (Grootneerlandisme) is a term used to describe these aspirations.

One scenario includes a (re)unification of the Netherlands and Flanders, which can be thought of as a possible unitary state, a federation, or a confederation. Because this scenario would unite the Dutch people, the term Dietsland ("Dutchland'") is used to describe the unification. It uses the word "Diets," an archaic term for "Dutch." Another scenario, called "Whole-Netherlands" (Heel-Nederland) involves combining all the Low Countries as a single entity, the "Netherlands." Yet another form is contemporary Orangism which seeks the restoration of the Dutch royal family (House of Orange-Nassau) to the Low Countries.

Greater Netherlands proper

and the Netherlands.]]

Narrowly, "Greater Netherlands" refers to the aspiration for the unification of the Netherlands and Flanders. The ideology, otherwise known as the "Dutch reunification", bases itself on the fact that the Dutch and Dutch-speaking Belgians (known as the Flemish) share a common history, culture, and language. It emphasizes that a new state unifying most of the Dutch speakers in Europe would create a more powerful political and economic bloc. Its supporters, especially in multilingual Belgium, also advocate that a monolingual state would prove to be less bureaucratic and more efficient. A union with Flanders has not been a political issue in the Netherlands and it is on the agenda of only a single political party, the right-wing PVV, but an August 21, 2007 poll indicates that 2/3 of the population would welcome union with Flanders. However, a (federal) union between Flanders and the Netherlands is not a popular option among the Flemish population. Given the difficulties experienced in forming a government following the 2007 Belgian elections, the likelihood of Flanders seceding from Belgium appears greater than before. The Vlaams Belang and N-VA parties are the primary advocates of secession in Belgian Flanders.

Greater Netherlandism is sometimes associated with the extreme right fascist organizations in both the Netherlands and Belgium, and the movement used part of the ideology and some of its symbols to achieve their own goals during World War II. Various moderate individual politicians have expressed their support for this particular ideology, including Domela Nieuwenhuis, Louis Tobback, Hugo Schiltz and Frits Bolkestein (to name a few).

Whole Netherlands

is sometimes used by Whole Netherlands groups]]

The "Whole Netherlands" (Heel-Nederland), otherwise known as the "Netherlandish reunification" is an ideology which desires the creation of a state comprising all of the historical Low Countries (not merely the Dutch-speaking areas). The main proposal involves uniting Belgium (as a whole), Luxembourg, and the Netherlands (which would be similar to the former United Kingdom of the Netherlands). Other versions include Northern France (preferably Nord-Pas de Calais) and the formerly Dutch-speaking areas of Germany, even going to the extreme of including South Africa and Suriname a former Dutch territory in South America.

This ideology is called "Whole-Netherlandism" (Heelneerlandisme), sometimes known as "Burgundicism" [Bourgondicisme] after the historical Burgundian Circle). Confusingly, the term is used by some groups such as Vlaams Belang to refer to linguistic Greater Netherlands (above) and not the wider uniting of all of the Low Countries.

Some Whole Netherlands organisations are:

Benev (Netherlands & Flanders)

De Pacificatielezingen vzw (Flanders)

Delta-Stichting (Flanders)

Open Orthodoxie/Bitter Lemon (Netherlands)

Het Pennoen (Flanders)

Die Roepstem (Flanders, the Netherlands & South Africa)

Voorpost (Netherlands & Flanders)

Werkgemeenschap de Lage Landen (Netherlands & Flanders)

Zannekin (Flanders)

Contemporary Orangism

From the 1980s, the term "Orangism" has been used to refer to Greater or Whole-Netherlands projects with a focus on the restoration of the Dutch royal family (House of Orange-Nassau) to the entire region. It should not be confused with the Orangism proper of the 19th century and earlier.

See also

Dietsch

Flemish movement

Orangism

Pieter Geyl

Bakker-Schut Plan

Imperial Federation

Seventeen Provinces

Burgundian Netherlands

Notes

External links

Whole-Netherlands (in politics) - Government and Politics Research

Category:Flanders Category:Geography of the Netherlands Category:Pan movements Category:Politics of the Netherlands Netherlands

Name	Pim Fortuyn
Caption	Pim Fortuyn May 4, 2002
Birth name	Wilhelmus Simon Petrus Fortuijn
Birth date	February 19, 1948
Birth place	Driehuis, Netherlands
Death date	May 06, 2002
Death place	Hilversum, Netherlands
Death cause	Assassinated
Known	Assassination during Dutch Election of 2002
Occupation	Politician, civil servant, sociologist, author, columnist, professor
Alma mater	Vrije Universiteit University of Groningen
Title	Doctor of Philosophy
Party	Labour Party (1974-1989) People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (mid 90's) Livable Netherlands (2001-2002) Pim Fortuyn List (2002)
Religion	Roman Catholic

Wilhelmus Simon Petrus Fortuijn, known as Pim Fortuyn (; February 19, 1948 – May 6, 2002) was a Dutch politician, civil servant, sociologist, author and professor who formed his own party, Pim Fortuyn List (Lijst Pim Fortuyn or LPF).

Fortuyn was the centre of several controversies for his views about immigrants and Islam. He called Islam "a backward culture", and said that if it were legally possible he would close the borders for Muslim immigrants. He was labelled a far-right populist by his opponents and in the media, but he fiercely rejected this label and explicitly distanced himself from "far-right" politicians such as the Belgian Filip Dewinter, the Austrian Jörg Haider, or Frenchman Jean-Marie Le Pen whenever compared to them. While Fortuyn compared his own politics to centre-right politicians such as Silvio Berlusconi of Italy, he also admired former Dutch Prime Minister Joop den Uyl, a socialist. Fortuyn however repeatedly described himself and LPF's ideology as pragmatism and not populism. Fortuyn was openly homosexual.

Fortuyn was assassinated during the 2002 Dutch national election campaign by Volkert van der Graaf, who claimed in court he had murdered Fortuyn to stop him from exploiting Muslims as "scapegoats" and targeting "the weak members of society" in seeking political power.

Biography

Early life

Fortuyn was born on 19 February 1948 in Driehuis, as the third child to a Catholic family. In 1967 he began to study sociology at the University of Amsterdam but transferred after a few months to the Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam. In 1971 he ended his study with the Academic degree Doctorandus. He later worked as a lecturer at the Nyenrode Business Universiteit and as an associate professor at the University of Groningen where he taught Marxist Sociology. He was a confessed Marxist at the time. Later, he joined the Dutch Labour Party.

In 1981 he received a doctorate in sociology at the University of Groningen as a Doctor of Philosophy. In 1989 he became director of a government organisation administering student transport cards. In 1990 he moved to Rotterdam and from 1991 to 1995, he was an extraordinary professor at the Erasmus University Rotterdam, appointed to the Albeda-chair in 'employment conditions in public service'. When his contract was discontinued, he made a career of public speaking and writing books and press columns, gradually becoming involved in politics.

Fortuyn was openly gay, and described himself in an interview in 2002 as Catholic.

Political career

In 1992 Fortuyn wrote "Aan het volk van Nederland" (To the people of the Netherlands) and declared himself the successor to the charismatic but controversial 18th-century Dutch politician Joan van der Capellen tot den Pol.

A one-time communist and former member of the social-democratic Dutch Labour Party, he was elected "lijsttrekker" of the newly formed Livable Netherlands party by a large majority on 26 November 2001, prior to the Dutch general election of 2002

On 9 February 2002, he was interviewed by the Volkskrant, a Dutch newspaper (see below). The statements he made were considered so controversial that he was dismissed as lijsttrekker the next day. In the interview Fortuyn said, among other things, that he favoured putting an end to Muslim immigration, if possible. Having been rejected by Livable Netherlands, Fortuyn founded his own party LPF (Pim Fortuyn List) on 11 February 2002. Many Livable Netherlands supporters transferred their support to the new party.

As lijsttrekker for the Livable Rotterdam party, a local issues party, he achieved a major victory in the Rotterdam district council elections in early March 2002. The new party won about 36% of the seats, making it the largest party in the council. For the first time since the Second World War, the Dutch Labour Party found itself out of power in Rotterdam.

For the next three months Fortuyn gave hundreds of Interviews and statements about his political ideology and ideas. In March he released his book "The Mess of Eight Purple Years" (Puinhopen Van Acht Jaar Paars) which he used as his political agenda for the upcoming general election.

Assassination

where he lived from 1998 until his death]]

On 6 May 2002, at age 54, Fortuyn was assassinated in Hilversum, North Holland, by Volkert van der Graaf. The attack took place in a parking lot outside a radio studio in Hilversum, where Fortuyn had just given an interview. This was nine days before the general election, for which he was running. The attacker was pursued by Hans Smolders, Fortuyn's driver, and was arrested by the police shortly afterwards, still in possession of a gun.

Months later, Volkert van der Graaf confessed in court to the Netherlands' first modern age political assassination (excluding WW II events). Van der Graaf was sentenced to 18 years in prison.

The assassination shocked many inhabitants of the Netherlands and made the cultural clashes within the country apparent. Politicians from all political parties suspended campaigning. After consultation with LPF, it was decided not to postpone the elections. However, under Dutch law, it was not possible to modify the ballots, so Fortuyn became a posthumous candidate. The LPF went on to win an unprecedented debut in the House of Representatives, winning 26 seats (17% of the 150 seats in the house). However, after the elections the following year, this figure dropped to eight seats, and after the 2006 elections the party had no seats left in the parliament.

During the last months of his life, Fortuyn had become closer to the Catholic Church of his youth. To the surprise of many commentators and Dutch TV hosts, Fortuyn insisted on Fr. Louis Berger, a parish priest from The Hague, accompanying him in some of his last TV appearances. According to the New York Times, Berger had become his "friend and confessor" during the last weeks of his life.

Fortuyn was initially buried in Driehuis in the Netherlands. He was re-interred on 20 July 2002, at San Giorgio della Richinvelda, in the province of Pordenone in Italy, where he had owned a house.

Views on Islam and immigration

In August 2001, Fortuyn was quoted in the Rotterdams Dagblad newspaper, saying, among other things, "I am also in favour of a cold war with Islam. I see Islam as an extraordinary threat, as a hostile religion." In the TV program Business class Fortuyn said that Muslims in The Netherlands did not accept Dutch society. Fortuyn appeared several times in the TV program Business class, moderated by his friend Harry Mens. In this program it has been suggested that his words were interpreted rather harshly, if not wrongly. For instance, he said that Muslims in the Netherlands needed to accept living together with the Dutch, and that if this was unacceptable for them, then they were free to leave. His concluding words in the TV program were "...I want to live together with the Muslim people, but ."

On 9 February 2002, he made further controversial statements in a Dutch newspaper, this time the Volkskrant. He claimed that if he became part of the next government, he would pursue a restrictive immigration policy while also granting citizenship to a large group of illegal immigrants.

Remarkably, he said that he did not intend to "unload our Moroccan hooligans" onto the Moroccan King Hassan. Hassan had died three years earlier. Furthermore, he considered Article 7 of the constitution, which asserts freedom of speech, of more importance than Article 1, which forbids discrimination on the basis of religion, life principles, political inclination, race, or sexual preference. However, he distanced himself from Hans Janmaat of the Centrum Democraten, who in the 1980s wanted to remove all foreigners from the country and was repeatedly convicted for discrimination and hate speech.

Fortuyn proposed that all people who already resided in the Netherlands would be able to stay, but he emphasized the need of the immigrants to adopt Dutch society's consensus on human rights as their own. He said "If it were legally possible, I'd say no more Muslims will get in here", claiming that the influx of Muslims would threaten freedoms in the liberal Dutch society. He thought Muslim culture had never undergone a process of modernisation and therefore still lacked acceptance of democracy and women's, gays', lesbians' and minorities' rights, and feared it would dismiss the Dutch legal system in favour of the shari'a law.

One of Fortuyn's fears was of pervasive intolerance in the Muslim community. In a televised debate in 2002, "Fortuyn baited the Muslim cleric by flaunting his homosexuality. Finally the imam exploded, denouncing Fortuyn in strongly anti-homosexual terms. Fortuyn calmly turned to the camera and, addressing viewers directly, told them that this is the kind of Trojan horse of intolerance the Dutch are inviting into their society in the name of multiculturalism."

When asked by the Dutch newspaper Volkskrant whether he hated Islam, he replied:

Fortuyn used the word achterlijk, literally meaning "backward", but commonly used as an insult in the sense of "retarded". After his use of "achterlijk" caused an uproar, Fortuyn stated he had used the word with its literal meaning of "backward".

Fortuyn wrote the book Against the Islamization of Our Culture (in Dutch).

Other views

Pim Fortuyn claimed to be neither right wing nor left wing, asked for more openness in politics, and expressed his distaste for what he called "subsidy socialism". He furthermore criticised the media as a "Siamese twin" of the government.

He wanted smaller-scale organization of public services such as health, education, and the police, making extensive use of the possibilities of information technology (for example, a surgeon conducting an operation remotely at a local hospital). Critics said his plans would require building hundreds or thousands of new institutions at enormous expense, but Fortuyn said no extra funds would be allocated until inefficiencies had been removed.

He also held liberal views, favouring the drug policy of the Netherlands, same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and related positions.

He wanted to merge the army and air force to save money, retaining only a separate navy, but also favoured re-instating compulsory military service, giving youngsters the choice between military service and a new form of public service (in which they would help in hospitals or retirement homes, for example). It is often said that he wanted to disband the army and the air force; however, Fortuyn denied this on 24 March 2002 in a business TV programme.

Legacy

Fortuyn can be credited with changing the Dutch political landscape and political culture. The 2002 elections, only weeks after Fortuyn's death, were marked by large losses for the liberal VVD and especially the social democratic PvdA (whose parliamentary group was halved in size); both parties replaced their leaders shortly after their losses. The election winners were the Pim Fortuyn List, and the Christian democratic CDA. On the other hand, others speculate that Fortuyn's perceived martyrdom may have played into the hands of the LPF.

The immigration policy of the Netherlands is now one of the strictest in the EU. However, while some applaud these developments as a release from political correctness, others have objected to what they feel is a harsher political and social climate, especially towards immigrants and Muslims.

Contemporary Dutch politics is more polarized than it has been in recent years, especially on the issues that Fortuyn was best known for. There is a deep division on whether to consider the multicultural society a failure, and if so to what extent assimilation by newcomers is needed. The decision by the government to expel a large number of asylum seekers whose application had failed was controversial. Incidentally, Fortuyn advocated an amnesty for asylum seekers already residing in the Netherlands.

The coalition cabinet of CDA, LPF and VVD fell within three months, due to infighting within the LPF. In the following elections the LPF was diminished to only 8 seats in parliament (out of 150) and was not included in the new government; however, political commentators speculated that there was still a sizeable number of discontented voters who might vote for a non-traditional party, if a viable alternative was at hand. In recent times the right-wing Party for Freedom, which has a strong stance on immigration and integration, has won 9 (out of 150) seats in the 2006 elections and 24 in 2010.

In 2004, in a TV show, Fortuyn was chosen as De Grootste Nederlander ("Greatest Dutchman of all-time"), followed closely by William of Orange, the leader of the independence war that established the precursor to the present-day Netherlands. However, the election was widely regarded as not being representative as it was held through the internet and by phoning in, and so easily hijacked and possibly influenced by Fortuyn’s supporters, who had his violent death still fresh on their minds.

Also, the murder of the controversial film director Theo van Gogh by a Muslim for comments critical of Islam had occurred a few days before the election and undoubtedly moved many voters to bring Fortuyn higher in the ranking. It later turned out that William of Orange had in fact received more votes before the closing of the vote, but that many of these could not be counted until after the official closing time of the television show (and the proclamation of the winner), due to technical problems. The official rules of the show outlined that votes counted before the end of the show would be decisive, although it was communicated that all votes correctly cast before the closing of the vote would be counted. Following the official rules, the outcome was not changed.

where Fortuyn was assassinated]]

Fortuyn's political career and popularity may point to a shift in the opinion the Dutch have about themselves as a tolerant society with integrated multiple cultures. "First of all, one can conclude that criticism on political correctness and on the ideal of the multicultural society has broken through for real relatively late.... In the end it was Pim Fortuyn, the electoral success of the LPF and namely the murder on Fortuyn which led to the definitive breakthrough." Although he did not advocate segregation, he made political establishment aware of their failure to recognise it as a disputable issue.

After Fortuyn's death, the Netherlands saw a rise in right-wing politicians, like former Minister for Integration & Immigration Rita Verdonk and the prominent critic of Islam, Member of the House of Representatives Geert Wilders. These politicians often focused on the debate over cultural assimilation and integration.

Accusations of alleged sexual misconduct

In 2005, three years after Fortuyns death, Dutch journalist Peter R. de Vries obtained and made public a secret report of the intelligence department of the Rotterdam police. It became clear from this report that Fortuyn, along with several other members of his party, had been the subject of an investigation by the intelligence services. An anonymous informant claimed that Fortuyn had engaged in sex with Moroccan youths aged between 16 and 21; this would have been legal under Dutch law. The Ministry of the Interior informed parliament that the report contained factual inaccuracies, and that the trustworthiness of the original source could not be verified.

Fortuynism in Flanders

In Belgium, several minor political parties adopted the same conservative liberal principles as Pim Fortuyn did in the Netherlands, especially his combination of "tough-on-crime" and "anti-immigrant" stands with his ethical progressive and economical libertarian viewpoints. In Flanders, analysts and observers tend to call VLOTT a fortuynist party, as well as List Dedecker and the Liberal Appeal. These three "liberal" parties do not officially call themselves fortuynist.

Books

Tegen de islamisering van onze cultuur: Nederlandse identiteit als fundament (Against the Islamisation of Our Culture), (A.W. Bruna, 1997), (ISBN 90-229-8338-2)

50 jaar Israel, hoe lang nog?: Tegen het tolereren van fundamentalisme (Fifty Years Israel, how much left?) (Bruna, 1998), (ISBN 90-229-8407-9)

De Puinhopen Van Acht Jaar Paars: de Wachtlijsten in de Gezondheidszorg, de Zorgwekkende Staat Van Het Onderwijs, de Problemen Met Betrekking Tot de V (The rubble of eight purple years), (Karakter Uitgevers, 2002), (ISBN 9-0611-2911-7)

References

External links

Official Parliamentary Biography

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