ACSBlog

  • February 19, 2016

    by Nanya Springer

    In the week following the death of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, confusion and misinformation became widespread with regard to U.S. leaders’ constitutional obligations to fill the vacant seat. To explain what the Constitution requires of President Obama and the U.S. Senate, as well as the ramifications of a prolonged vacancy on the high Court, noted professor and legal expert Erwin Chemerinsky on Wednesday joined ACS for a discussion about what comes next.

    Chemerinsky immediately dispelled the myth that a president should not nominate a Supreme Court justice in an election year by simply reading the text of the Constitution. He explained, “What it says in Article II, Section 2, paragraph 2, is that the president ‘shall appoint Ambassadors, other Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States . . . with the Advice and Consent of the Senate.’ So, the Constitution creates a duty for the president to appoint Supreme Court justices by using the word ‘shall.’ There is no clause in Article II that says, ‘but not in an election year.’” He added that “presidents throughout American history have nominated in an election year, the last year of their term.”

    Chemerinsky provided historical data, noting that "over the entire course of American history, 24 times presidents have nominated individuals in an election year . . . and in 21 of 24 instances, the nominee has been confirmed by the Senate. That’s 87.5 percent. If you look at the entire course of American history, and all presidential nominations to the Supreme Court, 86.9 percent have been conformed. So there’s no statistical difference between nominations in the last year of presidency and nominations that come at any other time of the presidency.”

    Clearly, there are consequences that result from having an eight-member Supreme Court, particularly in the event of a 4-4 split. In that situation, Chemerinsky explained, the Court may choose to reconsider the case and seek a resolution on narrow or procedural grounds, put the case over for reargument the next term, or affirm the lower court’s decision without opinion. The latter situation would create complications in the presence of a circuit split because “the same federal law will have varying meanings in different parts of the country.”

    To listen to the full discussion, click here.

  • February 19, 2016

    by Nanya Springer

    As part of its Access to Justice series, ACS on Thursday hosted Director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Richard Cordray for a discussion of how forced arbitration and other anti-consumer measures are harming average Americans. Cordray, the agency’s first director, has overseen the birth and growth of the CFPB, which sprung directly from the financial crisis of 2007-2008. During the ensuing years, the cumulative wealth of middle-income Americans fell drastically, and many families saw their net worth cut in half.  The CFPB, he noted, was forged to ensure “consumer financial markets work by making rules more effective, by consistently and fairly enforcing those rules, and by empowering consumers to take more control over their economic lives.”

    A burgeoning threat to consumers is mandatory arbitration agreements. Cordray explained that originally, arbitration was used primarily “in commercial disputes between businesses that bargained with each other to create tailored contracts; it was rarely used in disagreements between businesses and consumers.” Over the last two decades, however, “banks started including arbitration clauses in their consumer contracts, requiring any disputes or disagreements to be resolved through private arbitration.” He noted that the attorneys who advised these banks specifically pointed out that arbitration clauses can be used to block class action lawsuits.

    To investigate the impact of increasingly common arbitration clauses, the CFPB undertook the most extensive study of consumer finance arbitration ever conducted, finding that tens of millions of consumers are subject to at least one mandatory arbitration clause—and most don’t even know it. Most importantly, the CFPB found that “arbitration clauses restrict consumers’ relief in disputes with financial service providers because companies are using them to block class proceedings in any forum – whether court or arbitration.”

  • February 19, 2016

    by Nanya Springer 

    In The Huffington Post, ACS President Caroline Fredrickson urges the U.S. Senate to fulfill its constitutional duty and “give fair and prompt consideration” to any Supreme Court nominee.

    ACS Director of Strategic Engagement Jill Dash comments to Paul Waldman in The Washington Post about the improbability that a new Supreme Court would immediately overturn high-profile decisions. “The four more liberal justices currently on the Court take precedent and stare decisis seriously,” adds ACS Issue Brief author Samuel Bagenstos.

    Perry Cooper at Bloomberg BNA says class actions may see a Renaissance in the near future and notes ACS Board member Erwin Chemerinsky’s prediction that Spokeo Inc. v. Robins will result in a 4-4 split decision.

    In the Emory Corporate Governance and Accountability Review, Caroline Poplin examines the pharmaceutical industry’s misuse of First Amendment doctrine, and ACS Board member Reuben Guttman, with Paul J. Zwier, examines wrongful marketing and pricing practices.

  • February 19, 2016

    by Leslie C. Griffin, Boyd Professor of Law, UNLV Boyd School of Law

    This post originally appeared on Hamilton and Griffin on Rights.

    Catholics for Choice joined nine other Catholic organizations in filing a “friend of the court” brief with the Supreme Court of the United States. The amicus brief lifts up the voices of the Catholic laity, workers, women, children and LGBT people who would be affected by the Supreme Court ruling in the Zubik v. Burwell case.

    Zubik v. Burwell is consolidated with six other cases brought by members of the Catholic hierarchy and allied organizations in the latest round of challenges to the birth control provisions in the Affordable Care Act. If the Supreme Court were to rule in favor of the bishops’ demands, hundreds of thousands of employees at religiously-affiliated nonprofit organizations could be deprived of their conscience rights, religious freedom and access to healthcare.

    Jon O’ Brien, president of Catholics for Choice and lead among the amici, said, “Where you are employed should not override your religious freedom nor limit your access to healthcare. The majority of Catholics use and support contraceptive coverage. The majority of Catholics support real religious liberty for all. The majority of Catholics would be disappointed by a ruling in favor of the bishops.”

    Continued O’Brien, “We filed this brief because we are all concerned that if the bishops and their allies get their way, it will only be the beginning. The bishops have shown their desire to circumvent any law to which they object. If the courts rule in their favor, they could start opposing health insurance benefits for same-sex couples and their dependents, or refuse maternity leave to women who have children using in vitro fertilization, or deny gay and lesbian parents the right to adopt a child.”

    Marianne Duddy-Burke, executive director of DignityUSA, a member of the coalition, said, “We believe it is absolutely essential that the petitioners not prevail in this case. We are already seeing employees in same-sex marriages being refused employment, fired and denied health benefits that are given to their colleagues—all on the basis of employers’ religious beliefs. We don’t believe the law supports this and hope the court upholds the equality of all employees.”

    Jim Fitzgerald, executive director of Call to Action, a third member of the coalition, said, “The majority of Catholics across the country support equality, inclusivity and social justice. We join them in rejecting discrimination on the basis of sexual identity or conscience-based decisions about healthcare. We lift up the rights of workers to follow their God-given conscience when making deeply personal decisions around their reproductive health.”

    “Catholics for Choice is proud to stand with our partners to represent the majority of Catholics who believe that imposing religious beliefs on others is wrong,” concluded O’Brien. “To use the Catholic faith to deny employees equal access to healthcare is not the freedom from religion guaranteed by our Constitution. What the bishops want is simply state-sponsored discrimination. We support the rights of the workers to follow their conscience when making a decision about contraception, and we oppose the hierarchy’s attempts to interfere with anyone’s personal decisions.”

    Oral arguments for Zubik v. Burwell will be heard by the Supreme Court on March 23.

     

  • February 18, 2016
    Guest Post

    by Victor Williams, clinical assistant professor of law, Catholic University of America Columbus School of Law

    At noon last Friday, the Senate began a 10-day recess without any of the usual pro-forma sessions scheduled. No Senators were left home alone to gavel the Senate open and closed in sham sessions during the 10-day vacation. According to the formal House-Senate joint adjournment resolution, the Senate will not return until 3:00 p.m. on Monday, February 22. An uninterrupted 10-day break is exactly the minimum recess period established by the Supreme Court's NLRB v. Noel Canning ruling during which the president may exercise his recess appointment power. Whether intended or not, the GOP-controlled Senate has left Barack Obama a wide open appointment window. But it will be shut on Monday afternoon.

    When conservative commenters learned of the open window, they were not pleased. But even Senate GOP leadership aides acknowledge the unusual recess opportunity would allow Obama to make an immediate Supreme Court appointment: "He could appoint [Vice President Joe] Biden tonight if he wanted to.”

    Will President Obama immediately fill the vacant seat on the nation's highest judicial bench? If so, he would retain authority and obligation to also nominate someone (the recess appointee or another person) for a life-tenured appointment. Earl Warren, William Brennan and Potter Stewart each served as recess appointees on the Supreme Court while they waited for Senate confirmation to tenured positions. And will Obama use the 10-day recess to fill the many other empty executive, regulatory and judicial positions? He has a unique opportunity to ensure a fully staffed government for his final year in office.