Saturday, April 08, 2023

Main Blog Moved to Kersplebedeb.com!

Since March 2013, the main Kersplebedeb website has been migrated to a primarily wordpress format.

What this means in practical terms is that everything you are used to seeing on Sketchy Thoughts is now being posted straight to Kersplebedeb and simply being automatically mirrored here. So in general, you will probably have a better reading/viewing experience if you head over to Kersplebedeb.

For those who prefer the Sketchy Thoughts blogger layout for whatever reason, this page will continue to be automatically updated whenever something is posted to Kersplebedeb, for at least the short-term future. However, as additional functionality is added to the Kersplebedeb site via wordpress, the Sketchy Thoughts page will probably begin to show its age more and more.



Tuesday, January 12, 2016

Ottawa Anti-Prison Triple Launch, January 28th (Certain Days, Escaping the Prism, Lumpen)

triplelaunch

WHERE: University of Ottawa, Gradate Student Association, 601 Cumberland, Room GSAED 307 (in the same building as Cafe Nostalgica — see map below)

WHEN: Thursday, January 28th – 7pm

TRIPLE LAUNCH for …
– Certain Days Freedom for Political Prisoners Calendar 2016
– Escaping the Prism … Fade to Black, Poetry and Essays by Jalil Muntaqim
– Lumpen: The Autobiography of Ed Mead

AGAINST PRISONS, SUPPORT POLITICAL PRISONERS!
AGAINST REPRESSION, SPREAD RESISTANCE!
——-

Join us for an evening of conversation, poetry, and celebration against prisons, as we launch the Certain Days calendar, and two new books from Kersplebedeb Publishing: Escaping the Prism… Fade to Black by Jalil Muntaqim, and Lumpen: The Autobiography of Ed Mead. Former political prisoner Ed Mead will be joining us by skype.

This event is FREE; the Certain Days calendar and books from Kersplebedeb Publications will be sold.

Food will be served
Space is wheelchair accessible
Traduction chuchotée disponible de l’anglais vers le français
——-

TRIPLE LANCEMENT
– Certain Days Freedom for Political Prisoners Calendar 2016
– Escaping the Prism … Fade to Black, Poetry and Essays by Jalil Muntaqim
– Lumpen: The Autobiography of Ed Mead

Jeudi le 28 janvier à 19h
Édifice GSAÉD, pièce 307
601 rue Cumberland

CONTRE LES PRISONS, EN APPUI AUX PRISONNIER(E)S POLITIQUES!
CONTRE LA RÉPRESSION, ÉTENDONS LA RÉSISTANCE!

Rejoignez-nous pour une soirée de discussion, de poésie et de célébration anti-prison, avec le lancement du calendrier Certain Days et de deux nouveaux livres de chez Kersplebedeb: Escaping the Prism… Fade to Black, et Lumpen: The Autobiography of Ed Mead. Ed Mead, ancien prisonnier politique, nous rejoindra par skype.

Cet événement est GRATUIT; les calendriers Certain Days et les livres de Kersplebedeb seront en vente sur place.

Nourriture comprise
Espace accessible par chaise-roulante
Traduction chuchotée disponible de l’anglais vers le français
——-

gsd_ottawa

*Le calendrier Certain Days Freedom for Political Prisoners 2016, qui en est à sa 14e année d’édition, est un projet conjoint de financement et d’éducation entre des militant.es de Montréal et Toronto et les prisonniers politiques David Gilbert, Robert Seth Hayes et Herman Bell, emprisonnés dans l’État de New York.

*Escaping the Prism … Fade to Black
Jalil Muntaqim est prisonnier politique depuis 1971, ayant été ciblé par le programme du genre COINTEL du FBI. Ce recueil de poèmes et d’essais combinant le personnel et le politique nous font mieux connaître un militant pour la libération des noirs qui a passé presque toute sa vie en tôle. Avec une introduction signée Walidah Imarisha et un essai historique détaillé de Ward Churchill.

* Lumpen: The Autobiography of Ed Mead
Emprisonné pour la première fois à l’âge de 13 ans pour avoir brûlé une école et volé des cigarettes, Ed Mead a co-fondé la brigade révolutionnaire George Jackson de Seattle, avant d’être emprisonné après un hold-up raté et de devenir un organisateur dans plusieurs prisons, devenant actif dans le mouvement prisonnier queer notamment. Sorti de prison en 1991, il milite encore contre le système carcéral aujourd’hui.

* Certain Days Freedom for Political Prisoners Calendar 2016
Now in its 14th year of existence, the Certain Days: Freedom for Political Prisoners Calendar is a joint fundraising and educational project between outside organizers in Montreal and Toronto and three political prisoners being held in maximum-security prisons in New York State: David Gilbert, Robert Seth Hayes and Herman Bell.

* Escaping the Prism … Fade to Black
Captured in 1971 and railroaded by a COINTELPRO-type FBI operation, Jalil Muntaqim is one of the longest held political prisoners in the world today. This collection of Jalil’s poetry and essays, written from behind the bars of Attica prison, combines the personal and the political, affording readers with a rare opportunity to get to know a man who has spent most of his life — over forty years –- behind bars for his involvement in the Black Liberation Movement of the 1960s and early 1970s. With an introduction by Walidah Imarisha, and a detailed historical essay by Ward Churchill.

* Lumpen: The Autobiography of Ed Mead
First imprisoned at the age of thirteen for burning down a school building and stealing cigarettes, Mead would become a revolutionary and co-founder of the George Jackson Brigade, a Seattle-based urban guerrilla group. Reincarcerated following a bank robbery gone wrong, he subsequently organized on the inside in numerous prisons, including with queer prisoners in the legendary Men Against Sexism. Released in 1991, he continues to work against the prison system to this day.
——-



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Monday, January 11, 2016

Women In Baltimore Public Housing Were Forced To Trade Sex For Basic Repairs (repost)

M.G.’s refrigerator in her apartment in Gilmor Homes, a public housing complex in Baltimore, had been broken for years. She filed numerous work orders seeking to get it fixed or replaced, but nothing ever happened.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Women In Baltimore Public Housing Were Forced To Trade Sex For Basic Repairs



on the main Kersplebedeb website: http://ift.tt/1Zg6M0v



Against sexualised violence and racism. Always. Anywhere. #ausnahmslos (“noexcuses”) (repost)

On the night of New Year’s Eve numerous women were sexually attacked in Cologne and other German cities in public spaces. These crimes demand thorough and comprehensive investigations. The prevailing impunity regarding crimes of sexualised violence must end.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Against sexualised violence and racism. Always. Anywhere. #ausnahmslos (“noexcuses”)



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Women In Baltimore Public Housing Were Forced To Trade Sex For Basic Repairs



M.G.’s refrigerator in her apartment in Gilmor Homes, a public housing complex in Baltimore, had been broken for years. She filed numerous work orders seeking to get it fixed or replaced, but nothing ever happened.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Women In Baltimore Public Housing Were Forced To Trade Sex For Basic Repairs



Against sexualised violence and racism. Always. Anywhere. #ausnahmslos (“noexcuses”)



On the night of New Year’s Eve numerous women were sexually attacked in Cologne and other German cities in public spaces. These crimes demand thorough and comprehensive investigations. The prevailing impunity regarding crimes of sexualised violence must end.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Against sexualised violence and racism. Always. Anywhere. #ausnahmslos (“noexcuses”)



Thursday, January 07, 2016

Frameworks

buildingblocks

Frameworks are sets of definitions, ideas about how things relate to each other, construed relationships, or even (especially!) of other frameworks, with which people make sense of phenomena and of themselves. Interlocking sets of frameworks which are cohesive enough can create and maintain a distinct identity, a kind of super-framework called an ideology, creating distinct ways of seeing and explaining things, which may not be easily translateable or compatible with analysis created through another ideological lens. It’s like people with different ideologies are watching different movies, even when they observe the same reality. But each of those ideologies or uber-frameworks are made up of more specific less all-encompassing frameworks which can often (with some work) be transposed from one ideological frame to another.

At all levels frameworks have multiple functions, however not of equal importance. They always constitute tools with which to either to clarify or obscure different aspects of reality, implicitly (sometimes explicitly) encouraging or discouraging certain forms of action or behaviour. At the same time, they always constitute a signifier of identity, a flag people can wave, indicating they are on the same side, or at least the wish or illusion that that were so. Or put another way, different frameworks make reality appear differently; both external reality (the observed) and internal reality (the observer).

As frameworks get in more explicit contradiction with other frameworks, more complex and all-encompassing, closer to the level of ideology, their identity-aspect grows. Which is not to say that their tool-aspect necessarily diminishes right away. But a trend is clearly visible. For instance, beyond the level of ideology – on the level of broad ideological families, frameworks collecting and connecting frameworks of frameworks, for instance “left” and “right” – at this level it does indeed seem like the identity-aspect is almost always far greater than the tool-aspect, which often seems reduced to nothing. Conversely, frameworks that are shared by “everyone” will appear “non-political”, and will often have no visible identity-function, other than separating “normal” people from crazies and imbeciles.

Frameworks can be free floating, integrated into different ideological structures, built upon in various ways. But not without consequence. Frameworks carry with them implications, once one is integrated into an overarching ideology, that can affect what else might or might not be integrated into that ideology, and how. Frameworks can be duplicated, integrated into multiple, even adversarial, ideological structures. When that happens, they can provide a backdoor channel, a wormhole of sorts, connecting these adversarial structures. Allowing other ideas to flow between them, often unobserved. Potentially allowing one to reach into the other, to take control of each other, to flip sides. The ability to do so is not normally symmetrical.

Frameworks can clarify things. The more robust a framework, the more things it can clarify or reveal. Even a shoddy framework is normally good at revealing or clarifying something. But beyond what a framework is good at revealing, there are always a set of phenomenon for which it is suboptimal, i.e. that it partially clarifies, but also distorts. These phenomenon would often be completely invisible without the framework in question, and so the framework improves matters somewhat despite its distortions. But unless a much better framework is found for them, they will often come to be understood primarily through the lens of the framework which is suboptimal for them. The scope of phenomenon observed increases, but the clarity and focus of the framework is diminished. This process can be ongoing, and the more powerful the framework in question, the more difficult it is to resist or reign in. Furthermore, as people think in frameworks, and as phenomena often repeat certain patterns or resemble other phenomenon occurring on different levels or in different ways, a powerful framework will often be adopted as a metaphor or a fill-in for understanding things for which it was not initially intended, but which it superficially seems to fit well. This is another factor by which frameworks can end up distorting or occluding more and more things. The end point of these processes is normally not attained, but when it is, the framework becomes an empty signifier.

In 1999, two Dutch anti-capitalists, Eric Krebbers and Merijn Schoenmaker, wrote about the way in which certain arguments adopted by the left, fit very well into the ideological structures of the right, and how this laid a theoretical basis for left-right crossover:

“In his analysis of the crisis of antiracism, Pierre-André Taguieff describes the appropriation of leftist discourses by the neoracists as retorsion (not in the sense of revenge, but in a slightly less common French meaning of the use of an argument against its author). This raises the question of when a leftist discourse is open to retorsion. Or the other way around: How would a discourse have to be structured so that it would not serve right-wing propaganda.” (“De Fabel van de illegaal quits Dutch anti-MAI campaign” http://ift.tt/1OD7djQ)

Krebbers and Schoenmaker hit upon an interesting, and important, question. How do frameworks, when adopted by both left and right, work to prepare the ground for “left” groups and individuals to find themselves on the right? Do all such shared frameworks enjoy this potential equally? What determines whether frameworks play more in favor of one ideological structure or another? Is it the assumptions or implications carried by the framework itself? Or does it depend on external factors – which side has the wind in its sails, so to speak?

Several years ago, i wrote about this in what was basically a note-to-self, Afterglow, which was spurred by conversations i had been having at the time. Some of the concrete observations i made there – about gender and race being undertheorized by insurrectionary anarchists for instance – i now think were premature and possibly off-base. However, the process i was trying to think about, about conclusions surviving the death of their arguments, about ideas losing their mooring, is not unrelated to what i’m thinking about here.

Another question: what is the relationship between frameworks and that consensus reality known as hegemony? Modern “democratic” capitalism seems unparalleled in its ability to coopt countercultural and even politically adversarial phenomenon. How do ideological structures, i.e. meta-frameworks, relate to hegemony? How do they become integrated therein? Is the process similar to that whereby shared frameworks created shared connections between mutually antagonistic ideological structures? Or is something different at work?

In any case, this is really just another not to self, neither conclusive nor even looking for conclusions, more just sketching out some rough ideas and definitions for possible future use.

 



on the main Kersplebedeb website: http://ift.tt/1OD7eUK



Monday, January 04, 2016

The Terror of Modi: an Interview With Arun Ferreira



On May 26, 2014, Narendra Modi became the 15th Prime Minster of India.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at The Terror of Modi: an Interview With Arun Ferreira



The Terror of Modi: an Interview With Arun Ferreira (repost)

On May 26, 2014, Narendra Modi became the 15th Prime Minster of India.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at The Terror of Modi: an Interview With Arun Ferreira



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Tuesday, December 29, 2015

Mumia Abu-Jamal on Star Wars



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Ursula Le Guin’s The Dispossessed: Anarres as Description of the Communist Future (repost)

Ursula K. Le Guin’s is not only a criticism of present-day capitalism by way of science fiction but also a description of what an alternative system could look like. In the novel’s universe, there are the two worlds Urras and Anarres.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Ursula Le Guin’s The Dispossessed: Anarres as Description of the Communist Future



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Monday, December 28, 2015

Ursula Le Guin’s The Dispossessed: Anarres as Description of the Communist Future



Ursula K. Le Guin’s is not only a criticism of present-day capitalism by way of science fiction but also a description of what an alternative system could look like. In the novel’s universe, there are the two worlds Urras and Anarres.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Ursula Le Guin’s The Dispossessed: Anarres as Description of the Communist Future



Tuesday, December 22, 2015

Trump's impact: a fascist upsurge is just one of the dangers



In some ways it doesn’t matter whether we call Donald Trump a fascist or “just” a right-wing populist. However we categorize him, his presidential campaign represents a serious danger.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Trump's impact: a fascist upsurge is just one of the dangers



Trump’s impact: a fascist upsurge is just one of the dangers (repost)

In some ways it doesn’t matter whether we call Donald Trump a fascist or “just” a right-wing populist. However we categorize him, his presidential campaign represents a serious danger.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Trump’s impact: a fascist upsurge is just one of the dangers



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When We Leftists are Criticized by the Right

argument

They see in the population’s hostility towards the left only the hostility towards the left, not the hatred against those who are socially privileged. (Red Army Faction)

Tell no lies. Expose lies whenever they are told. Mask no difficulties, mistakes, failures. Claim no easy victories .  (Amilcar Cabral)

It happens, often. It may be a right-wing journalist, or it may be someone we know personally, a family member or someone at work … or a complete stranger on facebook. They make fun of or relativize/trivialize something our analysis has shown to be super important and that should be obvious to everyone. Or else they seize upon something they claim “leftists” — or in more irritating contemporary verbiage, “liberals” or “social justice warriors” — are up to, belittle or criticize it, exaggerate it to the point of ridicule, all to discredit or distract from the many good things our side is doing, all of our smart insights, the blessing that we are to this world.

This is met with a response from “our side” of denouncing the person in question as racist, sexist, etc. or right-wing, even fascist. Or simply as being stupid, or not cool, or a loser. And we then think we’ve won, or at least have “stood up for ourselves”.

Wrong.

Comrades need to distinguish between rhetorical attacks on the left, and attacks on the oppressed. The latter should be met with an aggressive defense, the former often call for nuance and even introspection. When coming from the oppressed themselves, or from third parties who we may wish to win over to our side, even what feel like unfair criticisms are sometimes best met with humility (though never obsequiousness).

Or to break it down in more detail — probably too much detail, but i know it’s useful to sometimes spell it all out (indeed, that is what this post is about):

Comrades need to distinguish between rhetorical attacks on the left, and attacks on the oppressed. This is an important distinction, even when the source of these attacks in the enemy, even when the motive behind both categories of attack are probably the same. It is true, when the enemy rhetorically attacks our ranks, it doesn’t do so primarily because it cares about us, it does so as a means of attacking the oppressed. Most of the time, we are a means to that end. Right-wing criticism of feminists is meant to reinforce the oppression of all women, feminist or not. Right-wing criticism of anti-racists is meant to reinforce white supremacy across the board. Right-wing criticism of trade unionists or those who work for labor rights is meant to reinforce the exploitation of all workers, especially the most oppressed, especially those who may not be in a union or benefit from the “rights” in question. Right-wing criticism of oppressor-nation anti-war movements in meant to prepare public opinion for attacks on oppressed nations abroad. Etc.

However, those comrades who assume our enemies are all stupid … well, let’s just say that wishful-thinking approach is neither helpful, nor borne out by the facts. And those right-wingers who are not stupid, are most likely to call attention to actual problems on the left, actual weaknesses. If they have the choice, intelligent opponents are less likely to invent something out of thin air, than they are to exploit real points of vulnerability. In other words, through our own fuckups and errors, we facilitate (on the level of that mythical “public opinion”, i.e. hegemony) the enemy’s attacks on the oppressed.

That is why our response to right-wing criticism should depend on whether it is the left or leftist arguments being singled out, or the oppressed directly. If the latter, we should respond aggressively, and generally should not dignify the charges being made with a detailed response. Oppressive discourse — understood in this case narrowly as discourse which explicitly attacks the dignity and advances the subjugation of oppressed categories of people — should be denounced for what it is, period. To do otherwise is to lend it credence, and to make ourselves partners with the right in a patronizing top-down “debate” about the merits or demerits of those who we then become complicit in oppressing.

On the other hand, when it is the left or leftists, or other putative anti-oppressive forces, being criticized, we should keep in mind that the criticism may be reminding us (or revealing to us) an actual problem with what we are doing. Even in those cases when the criticism seems “ridiculous” or a blatant example of “bad politics”, we should keep in mind that criticism and response is performative, with people watching (today, with social media, this is true as never before); people who we may hope to win over to our side, but who may actually be concerned or troubled by the charges being made against us. Indeed: they don’t know us, why should they trust us? The worst thing we can do in such cases is to decide to respond in an ad hominem manner, or to simply not dignify the charges with a serious rebuttal but just drop a flippant comment or dismissive joke. Doing so may make us feel more secure, more like we’re obviously right and have nothing to worry about, but the more perceptive observers (i.e. exactly the kind of people we need to win over) are going to see that we have not answered the charges or the criticism …and that rarely impresses anyone.

As such, when we — as leftists, as anarchists or communists or feminists or anti-racists, as “activists” or “revolutionaries” — are criticized or rhetorically attacked by those we deem “enemy”, we should approach this as an opportunity to explain our politics and to explain why the criticisms being made are incorrect. If we cannot do that, then we have to face the fact that there may be some truth in the criticism, and what’s worse we have allowed our enemies and not ourselves to call attention to this. That’s a double failure on our part. How we deal with it will depend on tactical circumstances, however if only behind the scenes, rectifying the error in question needs to be a priority.

Finally, we need to be exceptionally careful to differentiate between attacks from our enemies, and attacks which may use terms or arguments crafted by our enemies, but which are coming from the oppressed and/or from people we would otherwise hope to win over to our side. Too often, the more radical one feels one has become, the more arrogant one becomes not only in respect to the enemy, but also in respect to everyone else, including even the oppressed when these are not the immediate object of one’s political activity (and sometimes even then). This is not real radicalism, in fact it is more a real mirror image of the disdain the middle class mainstream (where many “activists” come from) feels for both oppressed people and the “less enlightened”. And while not necessarily the main reason, it certainly contributes to the hegemony the middle class has on the left.

Criticisms are made using problematic terms or arguments for all kinds of reasons. In contexts where debate on the left is either too quiet to be noticed, or where the right simply enjoys hegemony in public discourse, criticisms leveled by all kinds of people — including people whose interests objectively have far less in common with our enemies than the average “activist” does — will borrow the arguments, the idioms, the catchphrases crafted by the right. They may not even associate it with, or realize, where it originated. It drives me bonkers, and i am sure i am not the only one, to hear people leveling criticism using lousy terminology like “social justice warrior”, “political correctness”, etc. or words or turns of phrase that our movements have rejected or identified as oppressive or reactionary. But in cases where the people using this lousy language are oppressed people, or people who we feel objectively should be on our side, it’s worse than useless to focus on the words being used and not the criticism being made, on the form and not the content.1

People will use the terms and words that have currency in their culture, in their milieu; to use the way they speak as an excuse to discount their concerns is a sure way to signal that they have no place as equals in our movements. That they can join, but only on our terms, we gatekeepers of “liberation”. People with self-respect and enough wits to recognize this will either decide that all politics are useless, or else will check out other quarters for a place to intervene in social developments. And the latter possibility can be more than rhetorically dangerous to us.

This is not an argument to not confront and struggle against oppressive and reactionary ideas wherever they may be found, including amongst oppressed people. On the contrary, it is an argument to struggle against these ideas, to put in the work to refute them, but to also try to understand them, to take them seriously, and to not concede terrain to our opponents by pretending that we’re so cool or smart that we don’t have to address the concerns of others. And to keep in mind, that not every idea that challenges us is a bad idea — that other people, even in their badly formulated criticisms, may have a lot to teach us.2

  1. OK, so obviously this isn’t cut and dried. Reality provides many opportunities for people to be both oppressed and oppressors, and it’s not difficult to think of examples of oppressed people using racist, sexist, homophobic, etc. terms and arguments. Which should of course be rejected. But care should be taken not to assume that something we analyze as implicitly oppressive is intended as such, and in these cases intention is not nothing. We may have to challenge the terminology as well as respond to the argument; what i am saying is that doing the first does not absolve us from our responsibility to do the second, and should not be used to cover up our laziness.
  2. In this regard, a lazy attitude to refuting people’s arguments or addressing their concerns, instead just focussing on the words or tone or form of speech they use, or what “kind” of person they are, signals a lack of seriousness on our part. After all, if our ideas are not meant to be implemented then it doesn’t really matter if there are weaknesses or flat-out errors contained within. It’s all just for show, a game, in any case. But if we are planning on putting our ideas into practice, imposing them even, then every critic who identifies our problems and our fuckups is doing us a favor, regardless of their motivations, because we can’t afford to overlook anything.


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Thursday, December 17, 2015

Un drone aurait livré une arme à la prison Rivière-des-Prairies (repost)

Des mesures d’urgence ont été prises et des recherches sont en cours au Centre de détention Rivière-des-Prairies à Montréal pour tenter de retrouver une arme de poing qui aurait été déposée dans la cour de l’établissement par un drone, a appris La Presse.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Un drone aurait livré une arme à la prison Rivière-des-Prairies



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A Racist in the Streets: Trad Youth Ramps Up Public Actions (repost)

If the rhetoric of the racist right is tweaked at the edges, with the sharp language about minority groups shifted towards a broad discourse of “white dispossession,” then it can easily go under the radar as coded racial attacks are common to Tea Party groups and Donald Trump rallies.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at A Racist in the Streets: Trad Youth Ramps Up Public Actions



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Un drone aurait livré une arme à la prison Rivière-des-Prairies



Des mesures d'urgence ont été prises et des recherches sont en cours au Centre de détention Rivière-des-Prairies à Montréal pour tenter de retrouver une arme de poing qui aurait été déposée dans la cour de l'établissement par un drone, a appris La Presse.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Un drone aurait livré une arme à la prison Rivière-des-Prairies



A Racist in the Streets: Trad Youth Ramps Up Public Actions



If the rhetoric of the racist right is tweaked at the edges, with the sharp language about minority groups shifted towards a broad discourse of “white dispossession,” then it can easily go under the radar as coded racial attacks are common to Tea Party groups and Donald Trump rallies.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at A Racist in the Streets: Trad Youth Ramps Up Public Actions



Wednesday, December 16, 2015

Detroiters struggle to survive without city water (repost)

How do you survive without running water for more than two years? First, get a trash can. Put it under the roof to collect water to flush the toilet. Then, get a bucket and remember what your grandparents taught you in the early 1950s, before indoor plumbing reached all of rural America.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Detroiters struggle to survive without city water



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In Flint, Mich., there’s so much lead in children’s blood that a state of emergency is declared (repost)

For months, worried parents in Flint, Mich., arrived at their pediatricians’ offices in droves. Holding a toddler by the hand or an infant in their arms, they all have the same question: Are their children being poisoned?

Read the rest of this post on the original site at In Flint, Mich., there’s so much lead in children’s blood that a state of emergency is declared



on the main Kersplebedeb website: http://ift.tt/1lOwdKc



Detroiters struggle to survive without city water



How do you survive without running water for more than two years? First, get a trash can. Put it under the roof to collect water to flush the toilet. Then, get a bucket and remember what your grandparents taught you in the early 1950s, before indoor plumbing reached all of rural America.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Detroiters struggle to survive without city water



In Flint, Mich., there’s so much lead in children’s blood that a state of emergency is declared



For months, worried parents in Flint, Mich., arrived at their pediatricians’ offices in droves. Holding a toddler by the hand or an infant in their arms, they all have the same question: Are their children being poisoned?

Read the rest of this post on the original site at In Flint, Mich., there’s so much lead in children’s blood that a state of emergency is declared



Connecting the disconnected: when South Asians accuse East Africans of cultural appropriation (repost)

On August 9th, Yasmin Yonis, a Somali-American writer, caused a Twitter storm when she started a conversation about accusations of cultural appropriation made by South Asian Twitter against Black Twitter.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Connecting the disconnected: when South Asians accuse East Africans of cultural appropriation



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Connecting the disconnected: when South Asians accuse East Africans of cultural appropriation



On August 9th, Yasmin Yonis, a Somali-American writer, caused a Twitter storm when she started a conversation about accusations of cultural appropriation made by South Asian Twitter against Black Twitter.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Connecting the disconnected: when South Asians accuse East Africans of cultural appropriation



Saturday, December 05, 2015

Not Much Time Left for Regular Shipping to Arrive by Dec. 25th!

2013-12-11-11-04-08-PostmanU.S. Deadline: December 8th
Canada Deadline: December 10th

Just a heads up for all of you that care and who are in the united states, there are just a few days left to place your orders with leftwingbooks.net in order for us to be able to mail them off to get to you by December 25th. Any orders places after this Tuesday, December 8th may not arrive until after the 25th.

If you are in canada, you have a little bit longer, but not much: orders we receive after this Thursday December 10th cannot be guaranteed to arrive by the 25th.

Of course, if you are up to paying for express post, that will buy you a few more days. But really the safest thing is to order now!

We look forward to hearing from you soon :)



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Panther Vision: Essential Party Writings and Art of Kevin Rashid Johnson

panthervisionKevin “Rashid” Johnson entered the u.s. prison system over 20 years ago, one of countless young Black men consigned to lifelong incarceration by the post-civil right policies of anti-Black genocide. While behind bars, Rashid encountered the ideas of revolutionary Black nationalism and Marxism-Leninism, and of the people and organizations who have used and developed these ideas in previous generations, foremost amongst these being the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. Along with other Black/New Afrikan prisoners, Rashid helped found the New Afrikan Black Panther Party-Prison Chapter, while using both his artwork and his political writings as avenues to advance the cause of liberation for all.

Here, collected in book form for the first time, are Rashid’s core writings as Minister of Defense of the NABPP-PC. Subjects addressed include the differences between anarchism and Marxism-Leninsm, the legacy of the Black Panther Party, the timeliness of Huey P. Newton’s concept of revolutionary intercommunalism, the science of dialictical and historical materialsm, the practice of democratic centralism, as well as current events ranging from u.s. imperialist designs in Africa to national oppression of New Afrikans within u.s. borders. And much more.

As Professor Jared Ball explains in his preface,

“Rashid represents the fear expressed by COINTELPRO’s fearful question: What happens if this radicalism reaches successive generations and then explicitly calls for the same and more in their time? He both articulates to his contemporaries and those coming behind him the context in which their art exists, the shifts in the landscape that take us from African medallion hip-hop to the bling era. He can also demonstrate with wondrous skill the power artists have in articulating those same ideas, critiques and concepts of revolution. Rashid in this sense becomes the problem he has himself warned is necessary.”

 

Foreword by Jalil Muntaqim, introduction by Jared Ball; afterwords By George Katsiaficas and Tom Big Warrior.

 

What People Are Saying

“The original Black Panther Party for Self-Defense challenged the prevailing socio-political and economic relationship between the government and Black people. The New Afrikan Black Panther Party is building on that foundation, and Rashid’s writings embrace the need for a national organization in place of that which had been destroyed by COINTELPRO and racist repression. We can only hope this book reaches many, and serves to herald and light a means for the next generation of revolutionaries to succeed in building a mass and popular movement.”
Jalil Muntaqim, Prisoner of War

“All Praise due to Brother Kevin Rashid Johnson, for his courage, determination and commitment from deep within the belly of the beast. For using his pen as a weapon to put forth his vision and perspectives, to inform and enlighten, to be discussed and evaluated.”
Emory Douglas, Revolutionary Artist & Former Minister of Culture, Black Panther Party 1967–1981

“The U.S. is a society that originally based itself on a form of prison labor called slavery. Then it based itself on a form of slavery called racial segregation. Now it sets at the core of its political culture a form of racial segregation called the prison industry, run by a judicial machine. Each of these phases of U.S. history has used its racialization of class relations to render its class exploitation extreme. As with all exploitation, there is resistance. Today, Rashid’s is one of the most powerful voices of that resistance.”
Steve Martinot, author of The Rule of Racialization

“Kevin “Rashid” Johnson’s Panther Vision is an extraordinary testimony to the human capacity to struggle against oppression.  Johnson, a Virginia prisoner, who has been moved to Oregon and Texas, is a radical writer, artist, and organizer and co-founder and current Minister of Defense of the New Afrikan Black Panther Party Prison Chapter (NABPP-PC). The theme of struggle against capitalism and white supremacy as central to revolutionary change runs throughout this collection of thirty-eight articles (written between 2005 and 2015) and fifty-five, often extraordinary, drawings – most done with only a pen. Panther Vision breaks out of the walls of physical imprisonment to treat such topics as politics, history, theory, organization, Troy Davis, Trayvon Martin, and Michael Brown. It discusses well-known figures such as Marx, Lenin, Mao, Angela Davis, George Jackson, Ella Baker, Huey P. Newton, Assata Shakur, Kwame Nkrumah, Amilcar Cabral, Howard Zinn, George Jackson, and lesser known, but important writers such as Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen. “Rashid” Johnson’s Panther Vision is a remarkable achievement — the power of his writings, art, and thought cannot be jailed and will continue to reach wider audiences and grow in importance.” — Jeffrey B. Perry, author, Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918



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Seven years after the riots, the suburbs of Paris still simmer with resentment (repost)

In the entrance hall of a run-down block of flats, a group of teenagers stood hanging out, smoking, track-suit hoods up, shoulders hunched, seemingly nonplussed that they were getting drenched. A storm was blowing rain into the building on the Chêne Pointu estate.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Seven years after the riots, the suburbs of Paris still simmer with resentment



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Seven years after the riots, the suburbs of Paris still simmer with resentment



In the entrance hall of a run-down block of flats, a group of teenagers stood hanging out, smoking, track-suit hoods up, shoulders hunched, seemingly nonplussed that they were getting drenched. A storm was blowing rain into the building on the Chêne Pointu estate.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Seven years after the riots, the suburbs of Paris still simmer with resentment



Friday, December 04, 2015

Inmates refuse meals to protest Innes Rd. jail conditions (repost)

Inedible food, no time in the outside yard, overcrowded cells and no access to religious or self-help programs. Muhamad Alhasi told the Sun on Wednesday that he and other inmates in the maximum-security wing — he says dozens — began to refuse meals Tuesday.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Inmates refuse meals to protest Innes Rd. jail conditions



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Towards a Radical Critique of Eurocentrism: An Interview with Alexander Anievas and Kerem Nisancioglu (repost)

According to the dominant narrative, the origin of capitalism was a European process at its core: this was a system born in the mills and factories of England, or under the blades of the guillotines during the French Revolution.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Towards a Radical Critique of Eurocentrism: An Interview with Alexander Anievas and Kerem Nisancioglu



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Inmates refuse meals to protest Innes Rd. jail conditions



Inedible food, no time in the outside yard, overcrowded cells and no access to religious or self-help programs. Muhamad Alhasi told the Sun on Wednesday that he and other inmates in the maximum-security wing -- he says dozens -- began to refuse meals Tuesday.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Inmates refuse meals to protest Innes Rd. jail conditions



Towards a Radical Critique of Eurocentrism: An Interview with Alexander Anievas and Kerem Nisancioglu



According to the dominant narrative, the origin of capitalism was a European process at its core: this was a system born in the mills and factories of England, or under the blades of the guillotines during the French Revolution.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Towards a Radical Critique of Eurocentrism: An Interview with Alexander Anievas and Kerem Nisancioglu



Friday, November 27, 2015

Things i wish i had published

highwayIt’s been a fairly intense couple of years for me here at Kersplebedeb, publishing more books and pamphlets than i ever did before, and i like to think they include some important contributions to people who are trying (much as i am, hopefully with more success) to figure out how the world works, and what we can do about that. The recent publication of Lumpen: The Autobiography of Ed Mead, Escaping the Prism … Fade to Black by Jalil Muntaqim, and Panther Vision by Kevin “Rashid” Johnson, felt like a real watershed for me, and now that all three are done, life has taken on a really different rhythm.

i am planning on publishing far less for the foreseeable future — this is both because it is not sustainable for me to continue at the previous rate, and also because i have other stuff i want to get back to working on. There will still be new books coming out, just not 10 a year, maybe not quite so thick, and likely refocussed on stuff produced by a particular circle of theorists.

As such, this seems like a good time to take stock of what i have neglected to publish to date, of places where my contributions are weak, of specific books or pamphlets that i wish i had been able to get out. Most of what i publish is not written by me, and in a situation where i am already turning down manuscripts that deserve to get out there, and which i would have been excited to have been able to work on except i just didn’t have the time, i have never felt in a position to solicit work. So a big part of why the following never came out is nobody ever came up to me saying “i’ve written this, want to publish it?” However, these are things people have asked me for (sometimes repeatedly) when i table, and things i myself have found lacking in what’s out there. It’s not a short list, and you know, i may come back to this post in the months to come, adding more ideas as i remember them:

  • a rigorous class analysis of contemporary “canadian” society (with an emphasis on its national and regional contradictions and imperialist nature)
  • a rigorous class analysis of contemporary “quebec” society, with the same emphasis as above
  • a history of quebec, with particular attention (but not limited) to the rise of the ultramontane Church in the 19th century and its decline in the 20th, and also the (related) question of New France’s transformation from being an oppressor nation to being an oppressed nation (Quebec) in the 18th century, and to Quebec’s transformation back to being an oppressor nation in the 20th century, both fleshing out the details and confirming (or questioning) how real these changes were
  • a translation of that booklet by that belgian group
  • radical fiction (and non-fiction?) aimed at kids who are beyond “baby books” but are not yet at the “young adult” tween/teen stage
  • advice on how to cope when you’re the only kid into radical politics at your high school
  • a translation of that text by that other belgian group
  • experiences of being radical in urban settings outside of the big cities (i.e. not “back to the land” rurality, but big town/small city blues kinda thing)
  • an interview with that person about the political situation in South Asia
  • an examination of how neocolonialism affects the emotional tenor of politics in the middle-class north american left
  • (connected to the above), an examination of the weak and strong points of the cultural appropriation framework, and of identity politics more broadly
  • a history of the radical left in Montreal in the 1990s, how and why some of its tendencies blossomed and how some went nowhere in the 2000s
  • an examination of “survivor autonomy”,  placing it in the context of other past examples on the radical left of there being an imperative to “take leadership” from specific categories of people
  • a survey of differences between canada and the united states that often get glossed over by canadian radicals, illustrating their significance

Beyond this, i also came to realize some years ago that beyond the groundbreaking, and in fact life-changing (for me, at least), contributions by Butch Lee, the stuff i have published has been overwhelmingly by men. This is definitely something i regret, and probably reflects a weakness in both my own efforts and the circles i am working in; however, in a situation where i have not had the resources to allow me to solicit texts, i have not been sure how to remedy matters.

i’ll likely never publish most of the above — unless someone comes to me with a text they have worked on, and even then, like i said, i am refocussing. Maybe they’ll be texts “published” online? But then again, it’s difficult to do “rigour” in that format. Maybe someone else will publish them? That would be nice … if you see any such things, please do let me know!



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Wednesday, November 25, 2015

Inmates at Canada’s second-largest jail protest problems with hunger strike Add to … (repost)

One in five inmates at Canada’s second-largest jail are refusing meals to protest a spate of problems with the new facility ranging from mouldy showers to relentless lockdowns.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Inmates at Canada’s second-largest jail protest problems with hunger strike Add to …



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Inmates at Canada’s second-largest jail protest problems with hunger strike Add to ...



One in five inmates at Canada’s second-largest jail are refusing meals to protest a spate of problems with the new facility ranging from mouldy showers to relentless lockdowns.

Read the rest of this post on the original site at Inmates at Canada’s second-largest jail protest problems with hunger strike Add to ...



Monday, November 23, 2015

Message d’une Prisonnière à Tanguay: Contre l’Austerité

maison-tanguay-jail

Tou.te.s uni.e.s contre l’austérité !

En mettant la hache dans les services publics comme il le fait, le gouvernement Couillard fait un pas de plus dans la mise sur pied du projet capitaliste néo-libéral. Celui-ci vise à précariser les emplois salariés et à privatiser les services essentiels, tels la santé et l’éducation, en les soumettant au marché et en reléguant leur poids aux familles. Les mesures d’austérité s’inscrivent dans une restructuration de l’économie capitaliste au niveau mondial, visant à augmenter les taux de profits de la classe possédante et des investisseur.e.s. Ce faisant, il s’éloigne du modèle de développement du capitalisme québécois, qui avait utilisé l’État au tournant des années ’60, comme outil pour répondre aux nouveaux besoins de l’économie capitaliste en termes de formation de la main-d’œuvre, d’assurances pour la population (santé, de revenu) et de création d’une demande de consommation de masse. Il faut souligner que ces deux modèles de développement se basent sur l’appropriation des terres autochtones et sur leur exploitation intensive par les capitaux privés, la bourgeoisie subventionnée et les sociétés d’État, telle Hydro-Québec.

Couillard impose l’austérité, mais il n’hésite pas, par contre, à sortir de ses coffres 1 milliard pour voler au secours de Bombardier, une entreprise privée qui serait «en difficulté». On voit bien où sont ses vraies priorités. L’État condamne les travailleur.se.s à des charges de travail plus lourdes pour des salaires moindres et coupe des services de base pour lesquels se sont battues les générations précédentes. Si nous ne faisons rien face à la situation, un appauvrissement général de la population est à prévoir. C’est pourquoi une mobilisation de celle-ci dans les proportions les plus grandes possibles est avisée afin de faire pression sur le gouvernement, et ainsi espérer un recul de sa part. L’entêtement des Libéraux à poursuivre dans la voie de l’austérité et de la privatisation doit se heurter à la colère et à l’organisation des classes précaires et précarisées.

Allons plus avant dans l’organisation de la lutte contre le gouvernement Couillard et ses projets d’austérité !

Mobilisons toutes les couches de la société qui n’en peuvent plus de voir leur vies s’écrouler sous leurs yeux !

Grève sociale !

Coupures budgétaires en milieu carcéral ; les détenu.es n’en peuvent plus !

Faisant partie des couches les plus marginalisées et exploitées dans la société dite libre, nous, les détenu.es provinciaux.ales, n’avons pas à éponger personnellement les coupures budgétaires imposées aux institutions carcérales. Celles-ci qui, évidemment, se font un plaisir à nous les faire subir. En tant que détenu.e.s, notre précarité n’est que plus aiguë due à notre captivité et l’état de dépendance dans lequel nous sommes maintenue.e.s. Cependant, nous savons que nos conditions sont liées directement au capitalisme qui exploite les classes prolétaires, composées majoritairement, au niveau mondial, de personnes de couleur, de personnes migrantes ou déplacées, d’autochtones. Parmi ces groupes, les femmes sont bien souvent les plus précaires. Dans ce contexte, la prison n’est qu’un moyen de gestion des populations que le capitalisme a qualifié d’inutiles.

À Tanguay, la prison pour femmes de Montréal, nos conditions de vie se sont dégradées à un rythme effréné, au cours des cinq dernières années. Nous avons faim : les rations et la qualité de la nourriture causent de la malnutrition chez les personnes incapables de se payer une cantine pour compléter leurs repas. Nous sommes malades. Les établissements tombent en ruine. Les murs sont rongés par les moisissures. Dans certains secteurs, des reflux d’égouts sortent de la tuyauterie d’eau potable. La vermine pullule, dans la cuisine, dans les cellules. Pour couronner le tout, les produits de nettoyage sont dilués à un point où ils perdent leurs propriétés nettoyantes. Ils sont rationnés de façon telle qu’il n’est pas possible de nettoyer le secteur convenablement. L’accès aux services médicaux est réduit au minimum. Les retards dans les transferts de prescriptions mettent quotidiennement en danger la vie de nombreuses détenues sous le regard indifférent des agent-e-s correctionnel-le-s. Celles qui présentent des symptômes de manques physiques, même les plus graves, sont laissées aux soins des autres détenues qui se transforment alors en gardes-malade, et ce sans aucune formation, sans matériel médical ou produit de nettoyage, dans un environnement déjà insalubre. Sans compter que les personnes dans cet état sont fréquemment porteuses de maladies transmissibles comme le VIH ou l’hépatite B. Les femmes enceintes n’ont pratiquement aucun suivi médical, mis à part une seule échographie au cours de leur grossesse, pas plus qu’une alimentation convenable. Les fausses couches ne sont plus considérées comme une urgence. Les femmes qui en font ne reçoivent aucune aide médicale. On nous traite de façon inhumaine.

Le durcissement des peines, par exemple le retrait de la possibilité de sortir au 1/6, et des conditions de libération a entraîné un problème de surpopulation, qui ne fait qu’empirer la situation. Il faut passer environ un mois dans la salle commune, avant de pouvoir partager une cellule juste assez grande pour y entasser deux matelas, dont un sur le minuscule espace sur le plancher. On vit les unes par-dessus les autres ; les tensions sont à leur maximum.

Il va sans dire que lorsqu’on parle de coupures et de dégradation des conditions de vie, nous savons de quoi il est question. Est-ce que d’avoir commis quelques infractions au code criminel justifie un tel traitement ? Surtout sachant que la plupart des personnes incarcérées le sont pour des crimes liés à leurs conditions de vie. Nous ne sommes pas sans avoir remarqué un net changement dans les conditions de travail des agent.e.s correctionnel.le.s. Ce changement a des impacts négatifs directs sur notre traitement. Si la situation continue sur cette pente descendante, seul l’avenir nous révélera jusqu’où ira le ras-le-bol des détenu.e.s.

Ce que nous voulons :

Nous désirons grossir les rangs de la mobilisation déjà en cours dans l’espoir de lui donner un maximum de poids et de forcer un changement de direction quant aux politiques anti-sociales mises en vigueur par le gouvernement. Nous voulons qu’on reconnaisse nos revendications qui relèvent du simple respect de la dignité humaine : de la nourriture qui subvienne à nos besoins nutritionnels de base, des services médicaux adéquats et accessibles, un suivi particulier pour les femmes enceintes, une prise en charge des cas lourds de sevrage et des produits d’hygiène fournis. Plus de programmes sociaux, plus de cours qui débouchent sur des emplois, l’accès à des thérapies, de l’aide pour devenir des personnes fonctionnel.le.s : voilà ce que la majorité des détenu.e.s veulent mais ne peuvent atteindre en partie à cause du manque de ressource offertes.

(traduction en anglais ici)


 

Le 1er décembre, réunissons-nous pour une Vigile de solidarité avec tout.es les prisonnièr.es !
À midi (12h), devant le Palais de justice (1 rue Notre-Dame est)



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