Thursday, 30 January 2014

Happy new everything.

It's been too long. But then again, perhaps it's needed. Breaking rhythms, working outside in the sunshine. I still miss this space. Therefore, happy new everything I guess.

I have been all over the place, quite literally. The luxury of a month in one specific place lies ahead, and that allows a little bit more time to think. It seems airplane engines are never good for reflections, at least in my case.

Many interesting subjects to tackle lie ahead. Particularly issues that relate to how to capture changes around us, if they can ever be captured. I'll stick to Badajoz for the next month, then we will see what happens.

Above: a photograph of a supermarket. It could be any supermarket, anywhere. But it isn't. I could geo-tag it, but then I would be helping all those marketing vultures, only too kind to offer me a deal. Perhaps it could be the first of a series: supermarket trolleys taking over aisles in different cities; perhaps it could be read as the different practices of an economic crisis gripping our cities. But it's more about this story, finally.

PS. I wonder if this blogspot format is obsolete. Still, it feels a bit like home. Not quite ready for change on that front. 

Friday, 12 July 2013

Egypt

About 2 months ago I went to Egypt. These were my thoughts at the time:

In English and Turkish

Sunday, 14 April 2013

Sunrise

I woke up today like one of those days when you wake up just before the alarm rings off, somehow premonitory. But it wasn’t the alarm that filled the air seconds later. The running outside caught my sleepy attention. As the shots were fired I was ready to jump out of the bed. I had not made it up. Someone outside had shot, aiming at some other person, just in the street where I live. I cautiously tried to look out but they were long gone. Police sirens here and there. And I need to get ready for work.

The sky is still dark, though the faint light of the distant sun starts to bring up dim shadows all over.

As I walk to the bus stop, police have cordoned off the street just next to it. I am tempted to tell them that the guys run off through my street. And then I think, it’s the police after all. I leave it. The bus arrives on time, empty, the streets are hardly there at this time of the day. As we approach Brixton the left-overs from the night before are spilling out of local clubs or waiting for the tube to open. I have done this so many times and the world looks do different when you are part of the fun. But now I am on my way to work, along with all the others that are not singing, stumbling, shouting or dancing. Simply just standing there, waiting for the next bus to arrive.

And then I see her. In the midst of a typical early Sunday morning in London, she stands out in her pristine white. She is wearing gloves and hat. It is cold at this time of the morning. Her shoes are also black. But the rest of her figured is hugged by a beautiful Ethiopian gabi, and the dress below gives away the design of the orthodox cross. She is old and she embodies all the Ethiopian women that I have seen going to church in Addis, day or night. I am transfixed by this apparition that has absolutely nothing to do with my expectations of my journey to work. I am tempted to say hello, in Amharic, just to be able to share with someone my own experience of her county. And at the same time I stop myself. Sometimes perhaps people want to be left alone. I would not want to disturb her. So we both stand in silence, very close to each other, close enough for me to see the tear rolling down her cheek. It is the wind I guess.

The long-haul airplanes make their way down to Heathrow over our heads. They are flying low and I can tell the next one on the flying path is British Airways. People going to places, both above and below.

I leave her to catch my ride to Victoria. People going to work. People going home from clubs. We stop outside a pub in Stockwell. It seems they have just closed… security guys almost outnumber the revellers. Hot dog stand, tired make up and sun rising. The scene is unforgiving. Spanish girls, probably my age, chatting downstairs in the bus. I think about all the dreams of generations… people pushed to look for any kind of work in places they have not chosen purposely. It’s like stories that had already been written on a constant loop.

 The city is awakening, slowly stretching every part of her humongous multi-layered organism. The flights keep on coming. And going. It looks like a big party high above. They say today it will be 20 degrees in London.

Wednesday, 12 December 2012

Television killed the radio star

After watching hours of Spanish television, changing channels, appreciating the different textures of TV advertisement, I can confirm the following: the level of stupidity from your obviously-shite gossip program to the news across the board is hardly comparable to anything I have seen before. I guess there is a logic behind it, the more worrying the situation gets in regards to access to democratic rights the louder media gets in order to silence the alarm bells ringing.
My guess is that it won't be enough this time. 

Tuesday, 11 December 2012

Return to the land of strange

Spain always feels stranger than it should be every time I come back, I guess the result of years living abroad. Allegedly belonging to a place but lacking the tools to understand it puts me in a position equivalent to that of the traditional observer. Particularly in times like this, when a government is trying its best to destroy the past, present and future of a whole country, I am compelled to record the reactions, the social imaginary, the group conversations, the overall attempts to deal with an attack on society of this caliber. 
After months of inactivity in this blog, overwhelmed by an adjustment to a new home in Ethiopia, it would be kind of funny if I eventually take up writing to comment on the Spanish current juncture. 

Sunday, 4 November 2012

54 days of hunger strike for hundreds of prisoners in Turkish prisons

As the media silence becomes outrageous the situation of prisoners continue to deteriorate. The following is a statement published in a different blog, where I also contribute. 


Nearly 1000 prisoners convicted or detained for allegedly belonging to the KCK are currently taking part in a hunger strike.
Starting in two prisons in Diyarbakir on September 12th, numbers have since swelled to 65 prisons across the country, and now also include a number of women and underage detainees.
It is now 50 days and counting; the detainees taking part since the beginning are at risk of permanent disability and death.
Strikers consume a cube of sugar, a pinch of salt, and a B1 vitamin per day.
Their central demands; (1) The lifting of the isolation of Abdullah Öcalan, the guarantee of his health, security and freedom, (2) Kurdish language rights in education and in court, (3) and the lifting of assimilationist policies against Kurds.
Some observers say: The lifting of the isolation of Abdullah Öcalan and recognition of the mother tongue as a right for defense are enough to end the strike.
As we approach the 50th day of the hunger strike, we as Women in Places officially oppose the Turkish State’s willful ignorance of the demands of the strikers on the grounds that they are “unacceptable.”
Furthermore, we believe the indifference of mainstream media and civil society institutions to the hunger strike is an indication of a lack of value placed on human life.
Today, in this land, institutions, television, newspapers, and columnists keep silent out of fear. In doing so, they ignore the lives left to die by both the current government and main opposition parties.
We as Women in Places state that public pressure should be created in order to motivate the government to take immediate action.
We demand the media gives an end to its deadly silence and takes immediate action in order prevent these humanitarian demands from ending in death.
Before anything else, we reject the reason and authority of the state, which takes its power from the silence and unresponsiveness of the public opinion, and respond to the public silence that lends approval to the government. On the path to a solution, we believe that every single human being with a conscience, who share today and have the power to act, can and should. Otherwise history will judge us. 

Wednesday, 1 August 2012

Addis-London: snapshots of an urban routine

Addis wakes up early, very early. Already lots of people going to work, school, church. In between the two lines of the road, some are still curled up under dirty blankets or plastics. It always surprises me how they are hardly disturbed by the traffic next to them. Furthermore I am shocked at how easily I have come to accept the possibility of dead bodies under those plastics, even though I asked and apparently it does not happen often (I wonder where do they go to die?).


Extract from an article I wrote first published in Women in Places

Saturday, 21 July 2012

Addis Ababa- aires de cambio?

Mercato (the mainly Muslim area of the city) witnessed more demonstrations yesterday, whilst the health of the PM continues to be a source of rumours. Interesting times ahead.

More info here

Thursday, 14 June 2012

In between

And slightly clueless.
The joys of wanting to be in too many places at the same time, whilst trying to adapt to the intensity of this one.

Addis Ababa, the city without streets. 

Tuesday, 15 May 2012

Iraq's Neo-Liberal reconstruction

Fantastic article... having seen what kind of development is going on in Iraqi Kurdistan, this article does a superb job of relating a reality difficult to imagine. The shape of new colonialisms. 


If Sadr City was conceived of as a strong central government’s top-down solution to the problems of urban poverty, today Iraq is set to embark upon the neo-liberal model for the satellite city, replicating projects already built on the outskirts of cities like Cairo and Istanbul, designed not for the poor but for the upper-middle classes. As many scholars have observed, these satellite cities exist at the expense of the central city, suctioning away financial and natural resources from the historic center and disseminating them to the periphery, widening social, political, and cultural divisions. For Baghdad, a city in desperate need of reconstruction, projects like the Besmaya project are an extreme representation of the triumph of neo-liberal urban planning and, ultimately, the failure of Iraq’s regime to rebuild Iraq’s shattered cities. The neo-liberal satellite city represents an American-style suburban escape for the Iraqi elite: The low-density model of sprawl—wide streets, massive lawns, and low-density—is unsustainable, requiring infrastructural and natural resources that are, in Iraq, increasingly scarce. Despite the well-established critiques of the negative impact such development projects have on cities, on social cohesion, and on the environment, what Besmaya represents is the further “opening” of Iraq to speculative multinational capitalism and, if implemented, the material re-organization of its spaces and people based on a neo-liberal logic. 

Monday, 14 May 2012

Police brutality in Madrid. Outrageous.



The worst thing is that this bastard probably enjoyed it. Bunch of cowards getting off on the violence the state allows them to exercise.

Sunday, 13 May 2012

Tuesday, 1 May 2012

SPAin’S GeneRAL StRiKe & the BLeAK PROSPeCtS FOR SPAniSh WORKeRS


Article by my dad Chus Rivas, retired and ex-member of the Communist Party during Franco times, in the latest issue of the Occupied Times.

The numbers are known. in January 2012 unemployment figures in Spain passed the five million mark, which  points to an incredibly high and growing number of families without any source  of income. civil servants’ salaries were frozen, and have now been cut. Such measures are being sold to many active workers as a solution to keep their jobs. Wages, already below the European average, continue to drop. The “mileurismo” - salaries of a thousand euros - long ago fell to 800 euros for hundreds of thousands of workers, especially the young. if they want keep their jobs, people are expected to accept longer hours in poor conditions, without overtime compensation. 

It is against this backdrop, and as a “long term solution” to the crisis hitting all Western economies, that royal Decree-Law 3/2012 for Labour reform (Spain) was approved. This move will satisfy only the aspirations of employers, by further liberalising working conditions, scuppering collective negotiation in favour of redundancy, and making everything cheaper for the bosses. in some of the new contracts, employee dismissal will come at no cost to the employer. Another postulate beyond belief is that nine days of sick leave in two months can justify a dismissal, if the employer wishes to enforce it. it is not difficult to see that none of these measures have anything to do with improvement in economic activity, nor will they lead to any growth in employment.

Thus the Labour reform Decree has turned into the main focus of a General Strike contextualised by the frustration and rage these measures provoke in workers and throughout society. The measures being taken to mitigate the effects of the economic crisis will be disproportionately directed towards reducing all kinds of benefits, including those services considered essential for the protection of the most disadvantaged. These measures have already had a direct impact on public education and healthcare, as well as other services that could be considered of strategic importance, such as research. Meanwhile, the budget for culture has been cut so severely that it is now almost non-existent.

Nothing beyond rhetoric has been forthcoming, no effective measures have been implemented to curb extremely high rates of tax fraud in the country (there is a verified shadow economy of around 20%). A reform of the Spanish taxation system is well overdue, as it is intolerable that average employees, including the self employed, are taxed at a rate almost twice that of businesses. The national budget proposes further cuts which will add 630,000 to the current unemployed figures, according to experts. This reveals that there is indeed a link between the proposed plans and labour reform: it was necessary to facilitate the dismissals of even more workers to meet the planned budget.

The general strike on the 29th of March did not have the widespread impact that organisers had hoped for, 
although it did affect whole sections of the chain of production. Key to understanding the success or failure of the strike is how employers strategised against it, and the role of the media, which is mostly pro-government, and discouraged potential strikers. Many workers were threatened with the sack if they participated. Equally, the response from trade unions lacked the force necessary to mobilise effectively and en masse, with the urgency this untenable situation calls for.

Although participation in the strike was less robust than had been hoped for, this was compensated for by a 
great number of demonstrations by workers (strikers and non-strikers), the unemployed (who can’t effectively strike), parents and carers, young people, students and indignados of all kinds, whose participation exceeded all forecasts. The shock reached government officials, whose parliamentary majority does not grant rule without consent. Many different social sectors and their representatives are now calling the politicians to account.

Despite this, there is no interest from the government, which acts predominantly in favour of employers, to modify what has already been approved. it is thus very likely that conflict will increase and demonstrations will grow. The greater the injustice, the more radical the workers’ responses will be.

Profound reflection is needed; an acknowledgement of the inadequacy of the latest measures, the reestablishment of balance between workers and employers, and an agreement to face the crisis with fair and proportionate measures. right now, exactly the opposite is being proposed.
(translated by Clara Rivas)

Sunday, 29 April 2012

London rooftops to carry missiles during Olympic Games

I thought April Fools' Day was long gone...

Military planners at the Ministry of Defence have decided to fit high-velocity rockets with a range of 5km to several apartment blocks close to the Olympic Park. This weekend they informed the occupants of the Lexington Building apartment complex in Bow that a missile battery would be installed this week.

More on this ridiculous exercise of terror-obsessive UK forces here. 

Tuesday, 10 April 2012

Addis Ababa: A city by accident?

A post I first published in Womeninplaces. It already feels slightly outdated as new impressions take shape. In any case, here it goes. 



Thus, when traveling in the territory of Ersilia, you come upon the ruins of abandoned cities, without the walls which do not last, without the bones of the dead which the wind rolls away: spider webs of intricate relationships seeking a form.
Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities
It has been almost two months since my arrival to Ethiopia. Even though it has been a short time, I have already gone through a number of impressions, all misleadingly solid and all leading me to the next stage of adjustment.
As fleeting as they might be, these first impressions have allowed me to attempt to understand what this new city is made of. As if I was trying and testing my surroundings, I have inadvertently been applying my own analytical perspective to Addis in the hope that it might help me grasp a reality I have never encountered before. What I also realise now is that I had been mentally preparing myself for the unknown I was to face in a place like this; protecting my sense of reality by making acceptable a landscape that perhaps should never be acceptable in the first place.
First and foremost, I am a foreigner. In this first stage of my adaptation to Addis, I was very much aware of the colour of my skin, like never before. To my surprise, I hardly saw foreigners in the streets. I saw the hundreds of NGO’s boards that betrayed the foreign presence. And perhaps I should make a note here to explain that at least my idea of what streets look like and what they function for is a very different one to what any street in Addis stands for. As Doreen Massey claims, space is always political, in the sense that the heterogeneous nature of societies are tamed by spatial strategies and regulation from above. So what does it mean that my understanding of place in the case of Addis is a very fragmented sort of public space, with parts of it being developed, parts being neglected? These are places that could hardly be part of the urban essence of any city as they belong to what I understand as rural ways of living, and still they are a part of it.
But can a city be the consequence of accidental events? Furthermore, isn’t every urban space an ongoing process of both calculated efforts and unplanned encounters? I guess this is the key question. My experience of urban spaces demonstrates the varying nature of their urban language and how it is codified. AbdouMaliq Simone’s lectures provided me with new questions about our urban experience: as I leave my flat in Hackney, do I expect a smooth journey in the city that follows an ordered pattern which leaves no option for the unknown to strike? I can safely say that the further I moved from those so-called “global cities” the more opportunities I have had to be surprised by unanounced events. Another question deriving from this argument is, what is it that has made a big majority in those “global cities” so weary about the unexpected? When we can predict the course of every step we are about to take, when we expect every decision and its consequence to run smoothly, aren’t we becoming a boring reflection of ourselves?
But at the same time, unpaved roads, lack of drains, access to water and   lighting, poor sanitary conditions and so on are hardly justifiable, particularly in a country where the most noticeable building sites are giving way to shiny offices and hotels for the very rich. Moreover, it is not that these services are inaccessible to all. It is a matter of class distinction who can use what. I do not believe it’s mere coincidence that the word fordevelopment in Amharic is also used for control.
So what are we left with? It is not a city placed somewhere on the imaginary timeline between developing and developed, even though that has been sold as the unquestionable and natural course of events. In a city like Addis multiple actors play their role, allowing for more or less influence from other players. In my own experience of the city, those first impressions that made me think the role of the foreigner was inescapable changed. I am able to see day by day how every imposed label is actually a matter of practice. I can choose to fulfill my role of foreigner or “farangi” to perfection. If I were to do that I would avoid by all means the so-called public space. I wouldn’t mix, I wouldn’t talk too much with those living in different contidions. I would frequent the few 5 star hotels, the diplomatic dinners and the international schools. I would pretend I don’t see the catalogue of illnesses and disease that people display in order to ask for money in the street. I would enjoy without further questioning a status bestowed upon me for simply being white in a black country ravaged by poverty and lack of democratic rights.
On the other hand, I can attempt to discover the narrow spaces where lines become blurred, never totally of course; accept that very status of privilege without ever forgetting the nature of the privilege; acknowledge the fact that foreign policies have a lot to do with the process of legitimization of a non-democracy whilst appreciating that the only ones able to rule themselves are the Ethiopians in this case; understand the nature of this new concept of public space, whilst measuring my own impact on its fabric; be able, after all, of accepting as part of the same reality, that little naked girl I see from my taxi under a storm in the middle of a dirty roundabout and the snacks the Egyptian ambassador is able to offer with a smile, even though the gap between extreme poverty and the rich stretches far enough to succesfully contest reality.
Because it seems that the public space in Addis is to be avoided by all means. Those engulfed by it seem to try to escape it, to trick it with anything that might be useful, to pretend it is not public and accessible by all after all. Those that can afford it, sit comfortably in their private cars, windows up, go from compound to compound, and keep as far away as possible from the neglected unpaved street, where there might be a chance of an unwelcomed encounter. The limits of dwelling, as poor as it might be, seem to always be designed with barriers. If it’s not a private villa with high walls, barbed wire and guards it is a slum with its own entrance doors. The new condominiums are clearly separated from the open spaces. Restaurants and bars try by all means to conceal their patrons; again, any kind of walls will do. What is this public space being cannibalized by all sorts of private space processes? Perhaps this is a public space that was never meant to be. By accident, it became a city. A city in the sense of a number of administrative offices, services, entertainment venues and housing units having been placed in closed proximity. Perhaps this space is simply a spatial canvas, waiting to be tamed by both strategies and tactics (using Michel de Certeau’s terminology), to be used and labelled one way or the other. The streets, paths, roads and roundabouts seem to have been proggresively imposed on an undefinied conglomerate of places. Regardless of Emperor Menelik’s cunning plan to place the foreign embassies in valleys for them to construct the bridges needed to access the city centre, Addis still feels fragmented, where different spaces try to survive as far away as possible of the idea of a common and egalitarian public space; where the development involves the construction of buildings that will remain empty, condominiums that do not totally respond to the needs of the most vulnerable city dwellers and finally the perpetuation of a hierarchical system that hardly allows for interclass mobility.

Thursday, 5 April 2012

Internet in Ethiopia

From Wikipedia


The Ethiopian government maintains strict control over access to the Internet and online media, despite constitutional guarantees of freedom of the press and free access to information. OpenNet Initiative (ONI) conducted testing on Ethiopia’s sole ISP, the ETC, in 2008 and 2009. The ETC's blocking efforts appear to focus on independent media, blogs, and political reform and human rights sites, though the filtering is not very thorough. Many prominent sites that are critical of the Ethiopian government remain available within the country. Ethiopia’s current approach to filtering can be somewhat spotty, with the exception of the blanket block on two major blog hosts. Much of the banned political and human rights–related content is available at sites that are not blocked. The authors of the blocked blogs have in many cases continued to write for an international audience, apparently without sanction.

The Lasvegasation of Mecca.

Is that what I think it is? Mecca?

WHY THE HELL WOULD THE BUILD SOMETHING THAT IS FAR MORE PROMINENT THAN THE CITY’S ONE HISTORICAL LANDMARK/MONUMENT! JESUS CHRIST, MAN!!

Sunday, 25 March 2012

The Invention of the Savage: Colonial Exhibitions and the Staging of the Arab Spring

Fantastic article...



(Extract)

Three Principles of Mise en Scène: Narration, Spectacle, and Characterization 
Mise en Scène usually refers to the aesthetic production of a piece of art, often denoting “the contents of the frame and the way that they are organized."[1] It includes not only narration (the arrangement of characters and logic of the plot), but also the aesthetic valence of the performance (spectacle) and the ability of the actors to convincingly transform themselves in the roles given to them (characterization). While the contents of these principles have radically changed over the past century, the relationship between mise en scène and the depiction of the “other” remains relevant in analyzing the Arab Spring.
For example, the logic of civilization versus barbarism is enacted through two classic symbols of modernity that the Arab Spring is continuously asked to uphold and protect: women’s rights and elections. Clearly neither activity is to be discarded, but we should ask why these signs continue to be privileged markers of civilization, especially when both are embedded in a complicated history of social and political contest. Instead of looking at the ways in which women’s bodies have been a site of struggle among competing ideological and sociological factions, the “Arab Spring” is feared to be ushering in an “Islamist winter” (hiver islamiste) in which women will once again be subjected to the pre-modern fundamentalism of Islamic extremists.  

Condo life in Addis?