Sunstein Criticizes Lessig and Warren on Whether the System is “Rigged”

Cass Sunstein:

It is unquestionably true that money often distorts political outcomes, because it plays an intolerably large role in the political system. Warren, Sanders and Lessig are right to emphasize that moneyed interests sometimes block desirable action. As Nobel Prize-winning economists George Akerlof and Robert Shiller explain in a forthcoming book, those interests have especially harmful effects on complex or technical issues to which ordinary voters pay little attention.

It is one thing to deplore the effects of money and well-organized private interests. It is quite another to proclaim that our democratic structures are rigged.

The current era of fundamental reform demonstrates that if yesterday’s losers work hard enough, they can end up as tomorrow’s winners. The system is far from perfect, but it is anything but rigged.

 

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“Florida Supreme Court allows for another redistricting session, but orders trial court to take charge”

Miami Herald:

The Florida Supreme Court on Friday ordered the trial court to return to the redistricting drawing board, allowing it to review the rival maps submitted by the House and Senate and choose between them.

The court rejected a request by the plaintiffs to take over the drawing of the congressional map after a two-week special session of the Legislature in August ended without an enacted map.

But the high court opened the door to the state Senate’s request to conduct another special session on redistricting, as long as the work is completed by the deadline the court set in July — Oct. 17.

The ruling orders Circuit Court Judge Terry Lewis to hold a hearing on the “proposed remedial plans” from both the House and the Senate, as well as any amendments offered to them.

“However, the Legislature is not precluded from enacting a remedial plan prior to the time the trial court sets for the hearing,” the court added

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“Voter ID Battle: Texas Seeks Rehearing, DOJ Seeks Injunction”

Texas Lawyer:

Texas has asked the full bench of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit to rehear civil rights plaintiffs’ case against the state’s voter ID law after a three-judge panel from the same court ruled that the law discriminates.

Because the state’s request for a rehearing is pending, and since Texas may also seek a hearing at the U.S. Supreme Court, the Fifth Circuit in a Sept. 2 order rejected civil rights plaintiffs’ proposals to have the litigation remanded to the trial court, where a judge could have ordered Texas to immediately start changing how it identifies voters.

“We will get those decisions pretty quickly,” Rolando Rios, of San Antonio’s Law Office of Rolando L. Rios, said about the rulings on the en banc Fifth Circuit and Supreme Court hearings. Rios represents the Texas Association of Hispanic County Judges and County Commissioners, which is an intervening plaintiff in the litigation.

But the U.S. Department of Justice, which has sided with the civil rights plaintiffs in the litigation, wants to avoid any wait for Texas to redo its voter ID procedures. To that end, the DOJ also filed on Sept. 2 a motion requesting that the Fifth Circuit enter an injunction directing Texas to accept as sufficient valid voter registration certificates from voters who lack the specific list of documentation required under the law SB-14, which the Fifth Circuit’s three-judge panel struck down. Passed in 2011, SB-14 requires voters to show specific government-issued photo identifications. Among the identifications the law allows voters to show: driver’s licenses, concealed handgun licenses, U.S. military identifications, U.S. passports or other U.S. citizenship certificates.

I don’t see how this gets resolved “pretty quickly,” especially given the time to file a cert. petition if en banc review is denied.

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“Talk in G.O.P. Turns to a Stop Donald Trump Campaign”

NYT:

But the mammoth big-money network assembled by Republicans in recent years is torn about how best to defuse the threat Mr. Trump holds for their party, and haunted by the worry that any concerted attack will backfire.

In phone calls, private dinners and occasional consultations among otherwise rivalrous outside groups, many have concluded that Mr. Trump’s harsh manner and continued attacks on immigrants and women were endangering the party’s efforts to compete in the general election. Yet after committing hundreds of millions of dollars to shape the Republican primary contest and groom a candidate who can retake the White House, the conservative donor class is finding that money — even in an era of super PACs and billion-dollar presidential campaigns — is a devalued currency in the blustery, post-policy campaign fashioned by Mr. Trump, driven not by seven-figure advertising campaigns but by Twitter feuds and unending free publicity.

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“Hundreds rally in Raleigh for voting rights”

WRAL:

Hundreds of people marched through downtown Raleigh on Thursday evening and rallied near the State Capitol in support of voting rights.

The demonstration is part of the NAACP’s Journey for Justice march, which began Aug. 1 in Selma, Ala., and is expected to conclude later this month with a rally in Washington, D.C. The 860-mile trek has focused on issues from improving schools to economic growth to criminal justice reform, but in North Carolina, it has centered on voting rights.

 

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“Ethics probe finds California Rep. Honda may have mixed official and campaign business”

WaPo:

A congressional ethics panel announced Thursday that Rep. Mike Honda (D-Calif.) may have improperly used tax-payer funded congressional staff and resources for campaign activity in 2012 and 2014.

A report from the Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE) found that there “there is substantial reason to believe” that staffers assigned to Honda’s House office were involved in work that benefited his campaign. The OCE is an independent body that investigates ethics allegations and refers issues to the House Ethics Committee for further review. The Ethics Committee plansto extend its probe into Honda’s behavior.

 

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“Anti-Citizens United initiative case to be argued in October”

At the Lectern:

 Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association v. Padilla — the case to decide whether the Legislature can ask the voters to give their advisory opinion whether the United States Constitution should be amended to overturn the United States Supreme Court’sCitizens United opinion — will be argued before the California Supreme Court next month.  The Legislature had placed on the 2014 ballot an initiative requesting that opinion, but, with election deadlines imminent, the Supreme Court removed it, saying the proposition’s validity was uncertain and holding out the possibility of the initiative appearing on a future ballot if the court ultimately determines it is valid.  Now, after full briefing, the court is set — one way or the other — to remove the uncertainty about the validity.

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“With flourish, Trump rejects independent bid if he loses GOP nomination”

LAT:

Election lawyers say the pledge is not legally binding because it does not promise the parties anything in return for their loyalty.

“As a matter of contract law, it doesn’t look like an enforceable contract,” said UC Irvine law professor Richard Hasen, who specializes in election law.

“To be a binding contract, they have to be giving something, and what could they give?” Hasen asked.

Trump told reporters he received “absolutely nothing, other than the assurance that I would be treated fairly” in return for his signature, a statement that might leave some room for later interpretation. Asked whether he would change his mind, he said, “No, I have no intention of changing my mind.”

The party appears to be simply banking on candidates’ unwillingness to break a promise, Hasen noted.

“If [Trump] later changed his mind, he would be painted as a hypocrite for promising one thing and doing something else,” Hasen said.

Michael Kang, a professor at Emory University in Atlanta who has written about election laws, called the pledge “an attempt to replicate the effect” of so-called sore-loser laws. Such laws stipulate that a registered primary candidate cannot switch parties or become an independent to run in a general election, though states rarely apply them to presidential candidates, Kang and Hasen said.

Kang called the enforcement of such a pledge an “open question.”

“It’s safe to say that there would be constitutional questions about their enforceability,” Kang said.

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Irregular Blogging the Next Few Weeks

I’m on my way to #APSA, and between APSA and my talk at Ohio State in early October, I have a number of speaking engagements, internal and external administrative and scholarly deadlines, and family obligations. So expect blogging to be more irregular (I’d say erratic, but my blogging is always erratic).  Those who get my posts via the Election Law listserv may not receive posts every day.

Thanks for your patience.

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Major Benchslap to Nevada Federal District Court Judge Robert Jones by 9th Circuit

In the NVRA case I just mentioned, the Ninth Circuit took the rare step of reassigning a case away from federal district court Robert Jones. (This is not the first smackdown of Judge Jones by the Ninth Circuit). Here’s the discussion from today’s opinion:

D. Reassignment

Plaintiffs have asked, in the event we reverse and remand, that we assign this case to a different district judge. We reassign only in “‘rare and extraordinary circumstances,’” Krechman v. Cnty. of Riverside, 723 F.3d 1104, 1112 (9th Cir. 2013) (quoting United Nat’l Ins. Co. v. R&D Latex Corp., 242 F.3d 1102, 1118 (9th Cir. 2001)), such as when the district court “has exhibited personal bias,” In re Ellis, 356 F.3d 1198, 1211 (9th Cir. 2004) (en banc) (quoting United Nat’l Ins. Co., 242 F.3d at 1118), or when “reassignment is advisable to maintain the appearance of justice.” United States v. Kyle, 734 F.3d 956, 966–67 (9th Cir. 2013) (quoting United States v. Lyons, 472 F.3d 1055, 1071 (9th Cir. 2006)). We reluctantly conclude that we must reassign this case. The errors made by the district judge may suggest to a reasonable outside observer that reassignment “to maintain the appearance of justice” is necessary. The reasons for our conclusion are apparent from what we have written above, and we review them only briefly here. The judge sua sponte sought to limit the effectiveness of representation by insisting unreasonably that only two of Plaintiffs’ chosen out-of-state attorneys be given pro hac vice status. See In re United States, No. 14-70486, 2015 WL 3938190, at *8 (9th Cir. June 29, 2015) (“At minimum, a court’s decision to deny pro hac vice admission must be based on criteria reasonably related to promoting the orderly administration of justice, or some other legitimate policy of the courts.” (citations omitted)). The judge did this despite the plea of Plaintiffs’ Nevada lawyer that he needed the expert assistance of out-of-state counsel who specialize in NVRA litigation, and over the objection of one of the would-be out-of-state counsel that the judge’s ruling would prevent depositions from being taken in Nevada by associates in his firm. The judge’s actions came very shortly after the Ninth Circuit had deemed “troubling” his comments regarding out-of-state counsel in another case involving a different Nevada agency. Henry A. v. Wilden, 678 F.3d 991, 1012 (9th Cir. 2012). Based on this and other cases, a reasonable observer could conclude that the judge’s feelings against out-of-state attorneys are both wellestablished and inappropriately strong. See Great Basin Res. Watch v. United States Dep’t of the Interior, No. 3:13-CV- 00078-RCJ, 2014 WL3697107, at *3 (D. Nev. July 23, 2014) (this same judge expressly stated he would “presume[] that the out-of-state lawyers are unwilling to obey the ethical strictures that govern all other attorneys”). Further, the judge sua sponte and without notice dismissed Plaintiffs’ case based on a motion the State had previously withdrawn, pursuant to a joint stipulation by the parties. Still further, the judge misread the complaint when he concluded that Plaintiffs had failed to allege that they had changed their behavior and had thus suffered no injury, when Plaintiffs had alleged that they had expended additional resources on voter registration as a result of the State’s violation of Section 7. Finally, the judge dismissed the complaint without leave to amend despite Plaintiffs’ explicit request that they be allowed to amend their complaint if the judge found its allegations insufficient.

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“Ninth Circuit Hands Victory to Voting Rights Groups in Public Assistance Voter Registration Case”

This is a big deal:

Today, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit issued a decision reinstating a case challenging the State of Nevada’s failure to provide federally required voter registration services to its low-income citizens.  The case, brought by the National Council of La Raza, the NAACP Reno/Sparks Branch, and NAACP Las Vegas, had been thrown out by the United States District Court for the District of Nevada.

Voting rights groups Demos, Project Vote, and the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, which represented the plaintiffs along with the law firms Dechert LLP and Woodburn and Wedge, applauded the decision.

“Today’s decision is a victory for low-income voters in Nevada and the community groups that serve them,” said Brenda Wright, Vice President for Legal Strategies at Demos. “The Ninth Circuit’s decision recognizes the fundamental importance of access to the courts in protecting the right to vote. We are pleased that the Ninth Circuit has rectified a miscarriage of justice by reinstating our clients’ voting rights claims.”

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“How Jimmy Carter championed civil rights — and Ronald Reagan didn’t”

Ari Berman in the LAT:

When we look back on Reagan’s victory over Carter, we think of the end of the Iran hostage crisis and the beginning of “Morning in America.” Less well known is that Reagan’s triumph also ushered in a counterrevolution against the country’s civil rights laws.

Whereas Carter had appointed Drew Days III, a former lawyer with the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, to run the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division, Reagan installed the conservative lawyer William Bradford Reynolds, who believed that “government-imposed discrimination” had created “a kind of racial spoils system in America,” favoring historically disadvantaged minorities over whites. The future leaders of the contemporary conservative legal movement, including Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr., came of age in the Reagan Justice Department, where they aggressively tried to weaken the civil rights laws of the 1960s.
Now we live in the world Reagan created. The five conservative justices on the Supreme Court who gutted the Voting Rights Act in the 2013 decision Shelby County vs. Holder were all appointed by Reagan or served in his administration. Reagan’s ideological descendants, post-Shelby, have imposed strict voter-ID laws, cut early voting and eliminated same-day voter registration.

I was surprised this piece did not mention the Carter-Baker commission’s support for voter id laws (though Carter later pulled back from that support).

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“Why Fund-Raising Is Important, Even if You Are Trump”

Smart Lynn Vavreck NYT Upshot column:

Mr. Trump may continue to eschew money from lobbyists and special interests and condemn those candidates who take it, but a closer look at the F.E.C. fund-raising numbers reveals an interesting pattern that underscores the importance of campaign organization in soliciting donations: Candidates who are good at raising money from super PACs are also good at raising money from individual donors. And vice versa.

Mr. Bush, Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio have all raised a lot of money from super PACs and outside groups, but they are also the top three candidates in terms of campaign contributions by individual donors. Dismissing candidates who raise unlimited sums of money from outside groups as being indebted to those interests and therefore untrustworthy ignores the fact that those candidates are also the ones raising the most money from more limited individual contributions.

The explanation for this pattern may in part come from the candidate’s appeal among the electorate and within the party. But another important part is the professionalism of their organizations and their ability to find and ask the right people to contribute across a range of possibilities.

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“How Team Bush Divides in Order to Conquer”

Bloomberg:

But “not coordinated” isn’t clearly defined, and candidates have taken advantage of that. This year almost every presidential candidate in the field has at least one supporting super-PAC that’s ostensibly acting independently of his or her campaign, though staffed in many cases by the candidates’ long-time aides. Arguably, no one has taken advantage of this legal loophole more than Bush. The flow of consultants from the outside groups to the campaign and, in at least one instance, the sharing of staff, has created a series of interlocking relationships that illustrate how the best-funded Republican candidate is aggressively navigating the new world of campaign finance laws.

While there’s no apparent legal violation, and the various pro-Bush entities have insisted they are in compliance with the law, the situation shows how difficult it can be to fence off outside groups, which can collect contributions in unlimited amounts. In the case of Right to Rise Policy Solutions, organized as a “social welfare” non-profit, donors never have to be disclosed.

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“Why Lawrence Lessig Should Love Money in Politics”

David Keating for the Daily Caller:

That’s why the quick rush to cover Lessig is important to note. You see, passing even more complicated campaign finance laws isn’t actually about saving America from corruption. Lessig, the media, and the rest of the left seem to believe that the reason Republicans support gun rights is because of campaign donations from the NRA, and that the Republicans oppose restrictions on fracking because of donations from energy companies. In fact, he explicitly says so on his newly launched campaign website, saying that “every issue — from climate change to gun safety, from Wall Street reform to defense spending — is tied to this ‘one issue.’”

Meanwhile the truth is much less complicated than that. Republicans tend to believe in limited government and individual liberty, so they vote that way. Democrats tend to believe the opposite. And while this may be a bit inconvenient for Lessig (it sure wasn’t covered in his Ted Talk) – voters tend to vote for people who share their beliefs. It’s why Utah sends conservative Republicans to Congress and Massachusetts sends people like Elizabeth Warren to the Senate. Does anyone in their right mind believe that limiting contributions to candidates would change that?

 

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“A new way to track political money in California”

LAT:

Californians will have an easier time determining who is giving money to political candidates and causes starting Thursday, when a new tool becomes available on the secretary of state’s website.
The antiquated CalAccess system, which shows political donations and lobbying information on the site, is clunky and difficult to use, especially for searching and sorting the data.

A new search engine has been added to help users see more fully and easily, for example, the money received by candidates and ballot-measure campaigns. It will also be easier to see where industries and other special interests are concentrating their money.

“The public and press should have quick and easy access to campaign finance information,” Secretary of State Alex Padilla said Wednesday in announcing the improvements. The new search mechanism provides “a clearer view of the flow of campaign dollars,” he said.
The new tool, developed by the nonprofit group Maplight, which tracks political money, allows searches by geography, dollar amounts and time periods going back to 2001. It also allows quick determination of totals in specific elections.

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“Indicted Philadelphia congressman cannot suppress warrant for emails”

Reuters:

Chaka Fattah, a Philadelphia congressman facing corruption charges, failed to persuade a federal appeals court to void a search warrant that would give investigators access to seven years of his private emails.

The 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals on Wednesday dismissed Fattah’s argument that executing the warrant to force Google Inc to turn over contents of his Gmail account dating back to 2008 would violate the U.S. Constitution’s Speech or Debate Clause, which provides protections for members of Congress.

 

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“Appeals court to hear election recall case brought by San Antonio and Houston churches”

San Antonio Express-News:

Are Texas churches prohibited from campaigning to recall politicians?

The 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals will weigh that question Thursday in a case set to clarify if and how a church as a corporate entity can influence the political process of ousting a sitting elected official.

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SC Gov. Nikki Haley Discusses Voter ID in “Black Lives Matter” Speech

Text of the speech:

One of the lessons of the flag controversy is that if we stop shouting and start listening, we get more accomplished. We should all listen to each other more – we will all benefit from walking in someone else’s shoes.

A good example in the civil rights arena is in voter ID laws. There are those who act is if any effort whatsoever to maintain the integrity of the voting process is a racist attack on civil rights. Well that’s just not so.

Requiring people to show a photo ID before they vote is a reasonable measure. It’s not racist. If everyone was willing to stop shouting, and stop trying to score race-baiting political points, we could reach common ground.

I want everyone who is eligible to vote, to vote. I now count Reverend Jesse Jackson as a friend. I got to know him through the funerals. He’s a native South Carolinian, who has done some amazing things in his career with voter registration.

I will say this: any time Reverend Jackson wants to do a voter registration drive in South Carolina, I will stand shoulder-to-shoulder with him. I want to make it easy for everyone who is rightfully eligible to vote to do so.

For most people, showing a picture ID is no burden. But I recognize that it is a burden for some. And those people are disproportionately poor, elderly, or disabled – which is why in South Carolina we offered rides to any citizen, anywhere in the state, to get to a local DMV and get a free picture ID.

So let’s not throw out voter ID laws – the integrity of our democracy is too important for that. But let’s figure out ways to make it easy and cost-free for every eligible voter to obtain a photo ID. That way, everyone who wants to vote, can vote.

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“Explaining the Blue Shift in Election Canvassing”

Ned Foley and Charles Stewart APSA paper:

We conduct statistical analysis of a phenomenon recently identified by Foley (2013), the rise in the number of votes counted after Election Day (“overtime votes”) and the growing tendency of these votes to disproportionately favor Democrats in presidential elections (the “blue shift.”) We provide a historical description of these two time series, from 1948 to 2012, and establish that the timing of the persistent growth in the blue-shifted overtime vote began with the 2004 election. While some of the interstate variability in these time series is accounted for by regional factors (e.g., a lag in news travelling to New York), changes in the time series are broadly consistent with changes in electoral practices, especially in recent years.

We perform statistical analysis to understand better interstate variability in the overtime vote and the blue shift in the 2012 presidential election. We discover that variation in the size of the overtime vote is associated with the number of provisional ballots, but not the number of absentee/mail ballots; variation in the relative size of the blue shift is positively associated with the number of provisional ballots and with the Democratic partisanship of the states. We also perform an analysis of the overtime vote in seven statewide contests in Virginia, using that state’s change log as evidence. We find a tendency of provisional ballots to persistently favor Democrats in these races, whereas other sources of votes accounted for after Election Day do not persistently favor Democrats in that state.

We conclude the paper by suggesting how the analysis offered here might be expanded in future work.

 

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“Texas Two-Steps All Over Voting Rights; It says it can make voting as difficult as it wants to, and any law that says otherwise is unconstitutional.”

I have written this piece for Slate.  It begins:

In 1965, Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, one of the most important pieces of legislation in U.S. history. It contained key protections for minority voters, especially blacks, who had been effectively disenfranchised in the South. The act was a remarkable success, increasing minority voter registration and turnout rates within a few years. In 1982, an important amendment made it much easier for minority voters to elect candidates of their choice.

Then, following the contested 2000 elections, states started passing new voting rules along partisan lines. As part of these voting wars, conservative states began passing laws making it harder to register and vote, restrictions that seemed to fall most on poor and minority voters.

In the midst of all of this, the Supreme Court in 2013 struck down a key component of the Voting Rights Act. It had required states and jurisdictions with a history of racial discrimination in voting to get permission from the federal government before making a voting change by proving that the proposed change would not make it harder for minority voters to vote and to elect their preferred candidates.

Don’t worry, Chief Justice John Roberts assured the American public in that 2013 case, Shelby County v. Holder. Although states with a history of racial discrimination would no longer be subject to federal “preclearance” of voting changes because preclearance offends the “equal sovereignty” of states such as Texas, there’s always Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. That provision, Roberts explained, is available “in appropriate cases to block voting laws from going into effect. … Section 2 is permanent, applies nationwide, and is not at issue in this case.”

It concludes:

Let’s not mistake what Texas is doing here. To seem more moderate, it couches its constitutional arguments in the language of “constitutional avoidance,” not exactly saying that Section 2 is unconstitutional but saying that the courts should read it narrowly because otherwise the law would be unconstitutional. In practical terms, that’s a distinction without a difference. In either case, according to Texas, the result is that Section 2 cannot offer protection for racial minorities in vote denial cases.

If the argument succeeds, then Roberts’ promise in Shelby County that minority voters will be protected by Section 2 after the death of preclearance will prove to be tragically empty. And the Texas two-step will stomp out what remains of protections for minority voters from the new vote denial.

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NPR with a Great Explainer and Graphics on Iran Deal Vote

Here:

Here’s how it works. Instead of voting on whether to approve the Iran deal, Congress votes on whether to disapprove.

If they disapprove, the president can veto their disapproval. And under the normal rules, it would take two-thirds of the House and the Senate to override the veto. That makes all the difference.

We asked NPR editor Ron Elving how this changes the number of votes the president’s side needs.

“If it were normal legislation and not a treaty, you would need 60 to shut off debate and then 51 to prevail,” he said. For a treaty, 67 votes would be needed.

So how many does the president need for this deal? Thirty-four, said Elving. “That’s the essence of what we’re talking about here. If the Senate gives the president 34 votes to sustain his veto, he has won and it’s over.”

The president can also win without a veto, if a minority of 41 senators sustains a filibuster. All the checks and balances that make congressional action difficult work in the president’s favor because his opponents, not Obama, are the ones who need Congress to pass something.

As of Wednesday, 34 Democrats had already voiced their support for the deal, with a number of others undeclared.

That means even if Republicans all vote no — and even if Democratic skeptics like Sen. Charles Schumer of New York also vote no — it looks like the president will have enough votes to prevail.

“It is a mechanism by which lawmakers can deal with the contradictions that reality presents them. You can call it cynical, you can call it pragmatic, but it gets the job done,” Elving said, “both in the sense of keeping the government going forward and in the sense of solving the political problem of the individual lawmaker.”

 

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Ron Collins Features Excerpts from ELB Podcast Interview with Floyd Abrams in His FAN

At Concurring Opinions (scroll down):

 

Rick Hasen Interviews Floyd Abrams: Selected Excerpts 

Screen Shot 2015-09-01 at 11.16.00 AMUCI Law Professor Rick Hasen has done it again — he has made the Election Law Blog even more appealing. By way of yet more value added, the ELB now has a podcast component. The second podcast consists of an interview withFloyd Abrams.

Abstract: Is more money in elections good or bad for our democracy? Would it be better to lift all limits on money in elections? What is the Supreme Court doing in the area of free speech? What of the new decision in Reed v. Town of Glibert? And what of academics and their views of the First Amendment?

→ Listen to audio feed here (31 minutes)

Here are a few excerpts from that interview:

  • Campaign Disclosure Requirements: Abrams: “[Rick,] I think you are right to say that in [Citizens United] Justice Kennedy did not anticipate the way disclosure would play out . . . on the ground. I doubt very much it would change his overview of what the First Amendment protects and doesn’t protect in this area. My own view . . . [is] that disclosure requirements are constitutional, in general, apart from . . . .NAACPlike situations [in which] the mere fact that disclosure is so likely to have a such chilling effect on the ability of citizens to participate in the political process . . I don’t think that has occurred, and as a generality I don’t think [much of it] occurs. And more broadly, when it does occur . . . , I think that’s fine — that’s part of the system, too. The fact that the Federal Election Commission is itself immobilized, for political reasons, is not something that I think the Constitution has to take into account. It would be a good thing, in my view, if there were more disclosure, and Citizens United holds that it would be constitutional if that occurred.”
  • Buckley Revisited: Hasen: “Would you like to see the Court go further and strike down contribution limits to candidates and parties as a First Amendment violation? First, would that be constitutionally required? And second, would that be a good state of affairs compared to where we are now? Abrams: “For some time I thought the Buckley v. Valeo creation [of distinguishing contributions from expenditures] .  .  . was sort of [an] acceptable on-the-ground compromise. I must say that it is increasingly difficult . . . from a First Amendment perspective, and probably a more on-the-ground perspective, to defend it. That is to say, it is very hard to come up with the words — maybe I speak now too much as a litigator — . . . to explain why it is that contributions are said to be more inherently corrupting than individual or corporate or union expenditures because, obviously, on the ground level they approach and cross over each other very often. . . . [Thus,] it really does get more difficult to defend . . .  [Buckley’s] half-way system . . . .”
  • Reed v. Town of GilbertAbrams: “I do think that [Reed] will lead to a major change. . . . I think one of the most important lessons of this case is how close our [First Amendment] law is becoming with respect to commercial speech as it is in political speech. I think we are moving in that direction. I don’t know that I would have moved all the way there, but I think that is where we are going. This case tells us that. We are not only going to have an expanded version of what is content based, with all of the consequences of that, but it is likely to apply as well in a large number of commercial speech contexts, which makes it, if anything, even more of a blockbuster decision. . . . One consequence of that may be that strict scrutiny becomes less strict as we apply it.  .  .  . One of the arguments against it is [just that] . . . . [In that regard,] Justice Breyer warned that strict scrutiny will become less strict than it has been in the past. . . . [The ruling in Williams-Yulee] may be a good example of this. . . . That may be a direction that we go in.  . . . Five years from now people like me . . might be saying, ‘I would rather have the old strict scrutiny if the price of cases like Reed . . . is that strict scrutiny is not at all as strict as it was.’”
  • The First Amendment & the Legal Academy: Hasen: When it comes to defending broad readings of the First Amendment, “[d]o you think something has changed in academia, and if so, what do you attribute it to, and do you think the First Amendment runs the danger of becoming another yet issue that divides the country [along] partisan lines? Abrams: “Yes and yes. . . I am sorry to say — but maybe one shouldn’t be naive about this — that an awful lot of [academic] decsisionmaking . . . comes not from [a] judgment about speech [protection], but what the topic happens to be. Protests around abortion clinics are viewed by some on the Left as more easily subject to restriction than would be the case if they were protests around factories by unions. I do think that scholars tend to be more liberal than not, more left-of-center than not. I have to say this has come to affect their judgment about the First Amendment and when it applies and what it means. . .”

There is much more and I urge readers to consult the entirety of this engaging and illuminating interview.

→ See also ELB Podcast Episode 3: “Larry Lessig: Bold Campaign Reformer or Don Quixote?” (go here)

 

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“GAB head told former employee to tone down comments”

Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel:

The head of the state’s elections agency largely defended a former employee Tuesday for how he discussed an investigation into Gov. Scott Walker’s campaign in emails. However, Kevin Kennedy acknowledged he had talked to the employee numerous times about “toning it down.”

The state Supreme Court in July terminated the investigation into the GOP White House hopeful’s campaign, saying the probe was without basis.

In emails in 2013 and 2014, then-Government Accountability Board lawyer Shane Falk accused a special prosecutor of lying to the press by saying Walker wasn’t a target of the probe and said the state was run by billionaires and corporations because of a “bastardization of politics.” Falk wrote if the prosecutor was trying to avoid politics, he “better check Burke’s ad,” referring to Walker’s opponent, Democrat Mary Burke.

Republicans have said the exchanges are the latest sign the accountability board was biased against them.

“When you keep seeing signs of heavy partisanship, when you keep smelling the smoke, you realize there’s a fire there,” said Sen. Devin LeMahieu (R-Oostburg).

Kennedy, the accountability board’s director, said he appreciated that Falk was blunt but added he had talked to him about his tone when he worked for the agency. Falk last year left the accountability board, which runs elections and oversees campaign finance, lobbying and ethics laws.

 

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“Redistricting deadline comes and goes in Virginia”

ABC:

Back in June a federal court ruled that Virginia’s third congressional district had been illegally packed with black voters to make surrounding districts safer for Republican incumbents, ordering the lines be redrawn by September 1.

“The Virginia General Assembly has not met that deadline for whatever reason and so the courts will probably now step in,” said political analyst Richard Meagher.

 

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“Redistricting case: Plaintiffs must provide map proposals”

The latest on the remand in the Alabama “racial gerrymandering” case:

Federal judges last week ordered black legislators challenging Alabama’s legislative maps to come up with their own boundary lines.

The three-judge panel Friday told the Legislative Black Caucus and the Alabama Democratic Conference to develop redistricting maps that follow the guidelines established by the Legislature in 2012.

The proposal must be filed by Sept. 25. Plaintiffs have the option of filing together or creating different plans. The state will have 28 days to respond.

The new proposals will not be the final word on the state’s district lines. The judges will consider the maps as part of plaintiffs’ broader argument that the 2012 map had racial biases.

“It’s an exercise, as we understand it, to help show whether the state was trying to target black percentages in each district, and thus sorting white and black voters by race,” James Blacksher, an attorney for the plaintiffs, said Tuesday. “We believe our maps will show they could have accomplished all their objectives in a way that would not have split any precincts or sorted black voters from white voters.”

 

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“The Racial Equity Impact of Secret Political Spending”

Demos:

The Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United v. FECallowed corporations to spend unlimited amounts of money to influence American politics. But, the American public is kept from understanding the full impact of new corporate money in politics because of the explosion of secret political spending and the failure to adopt common sense disclosure requirements.

Since Citizens United, more than $600 million in dark money has been spent in U.S. elections through 501(c)(4) and (c)(6) organizations that do not have to disclose their funders. Secret corporate political spending threatens the integrity of our democratic self-government, as those with the deepest pockets can overwhelm other voices. This financial influence leads to the needs and wants of corporations being prioritized and can skew important public policy outcomes, often in ways that perpetuate racial inequities. But while politicians typically know who is spending money to support their political fortunes, the public is denied the ability to properly assess when “elected officials are ‘in the pocket’ of … moneyed interests.”1

Many have called for measures that would pull back the curtain on corporate political spending. Greater transparency of such spending is particularly needed with respect to government contractors, who are given taxpayer dollars to do the people’s business.2These contractors often turn around and engage in political spending to influence policies that preserve their profits at the public’s expense, or affect contracting decisions. Government contractors often heavily advocate for, and profit when the federal government adopts, policies that disproportionately harm people of color and other traditionally disenfranchised populations. An executive order requiring government contractors to disclose their political spending would help the public hold government contractors accountable for political spending that benefits their bottom lines while entrenching structural racism in our country.

 

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Chutzpah Dep’t: Court Rejects Shelby County Plaintiffs’ Request for $2 Million in Attorney’s Fees

Attorney’s fees are sometimes available when a plaintiff seeks to enforce a federal statute, including when a plaintiff seeks to enforce the Voting Rights Act against a government entity. Shelby County, which got the Supreme Court to strike down a key provision of the Voting Rights Act, unbelievably sought over $2 million in attorney’s fees.

You can read the three opinions of the three judges on the Court here, but the result can be explained in one sentence from the majority opinion by Judge Griffith: “We find Shelby County not entitled because its lawsuit did not enforce compliance with the VRA and because Congress did not intend to use fees to encourage the invalidation of the Act’s provisions.”

Judge Tatel concurring: “Although I agree with Judge Griffith that Shelby County is not entitled to recover attorneys’ fees, I find nothing at all ‘difficult’ about the question whether the County is even eligible for fees under section 14(e) of the Voting Rights Act.”

 

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“New James O’Keefe video sting catches Clinton campaign being kind to a Canadian”

Weigel:

Conservative undercover journalist James O’Keefe has released the second in an ongoing series of videos inside Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign. The latest from Project Veritas Action accuses the Democratic frontrunner’s director of marketing and FEC compliance director of breaking the law, and allowing a Canadian tourist to launder money for campaign swag.

There are just two catches. One: No one’s ever thrown the book at an American for purchasing merchandise from a campaign, then giving it to a foreigner as a gift. Two: The person who takes the Canadian’s money and gives it to the Clinton campaign is the Project Veritas Action journalist. The Clinton campaign, which has leaked evidence of other PVA stings to journalists, is gleefully brushing this one off.

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“After Citizens United: Extending the Liberal Revolution to Corporations”

Daniel Greenwood has posted this draft on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

This Article proposes several routes to reverse Citizens United, the Supreme Court case holding that corporate campaign spending is “speech” protected by the First Amendment.

The core problem of Citizens United is that corporations are illegitimate participants in our politics. Corporate law requires corporate officers to pursue the corporate interest. They are thus disqualified from considering the central political questions of a democratic capitalist country: defining the rules of the market (which define corporate interests) and balancing profit against other, more important, values. The high road to fixing Citizens United is a constitutional amendment to extend the fundamental insights of the Eighteenth Century liberal revolutions to the corporate sector: the Constitution should protect us from corporate officers, not the other way around.

But we can also reform Citizens United by statute. Citizens United is based on a conceptual error: Corporate “speech” is an issue of corporate governance, not the First Amendment. Even if we entirely banned corporate electioneering and lobbying, every corporate employee, investor and customer would remain entirely free to speak, spend and unite to promote political positions. Instead, the issue is corporate governance – for whom corporate officials work and the limits on the authority they are given to use money that is not their own.

No constitutional amendment is necessary. Congress or even a single state could require a corporation which opts to electioneer to do so in accord with our constitutional values of free debate and democratic elections.

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“The New Holy Trinity”

Richard Re has posted this draft on SSRN (forthcoming Green Bag):

There’s a familiar story about statutory interpretation in the Supreme Court. Once upon a time, the Court cared primarily about legislative purpose, even if it defied clear statutory text. But then Antonin Scalia came to town, became a justice, and laid down a new law: textualism. Central to Scalia’s success was his association of purposivism with a century-old precedent called Holy Trinity. Recently, however, purposivism seems to have evolved and, as a result, to have gotten the upper hand. Instead of adhering to Scalia’s New Textualism, the Roberts Court has repeatedly and visibly embraced what might be called “The New Holy Trinity.” This approach calls for consideration of non-textual factors when determining how much clarity is required for a text to be clear. This apparent methodological shift merits attention — and may have implications for constitutional law.

Looking forward to reading this!

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“Campaign Finance Analysis: Deadlocks Are Only Part of Story at FEC”

Ken Doyle for Bloomberg BNA:

Partisan deadlocks at Federal Election Commission have been highlighted as the source of dysfunction at the beleaguered agency, but a new analysis of some of the most controversial matters handled by the FEC shows that focusing solely on the battles between the FEC’s Democratic and Republican commissioners misses a lot of what is really going on.
The analysis looked at more than two dozen closed enforcement cases dealing with one of the thorniest issues now faced by the agency—allegations of illegal coordination between nominally independent super political action committees and the candidates they support. The result: Democrats and Republicans on the FEC agreed nearly three times more often than they deadlocked on these controversial cases.
Super PAC cases are important because those organizations, which can raise unlimited amounts of money to influence elections, are becoming increasingly dominant in U.S. campaigns. In theory, at least, they are supposed to remain legally independent of the candidates they support. But, whether super PACs face any practical limits on their activities largely is determined by the enforcement rulings of the FEC in individual cases.
And, the bottom line in all of the cases resolved by the FEC so far is that the allegations of illegal coordination have been dismissed.
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