24 Jul 2015

Seven Years Of Noel Pearson Trials Have Led Aurukun To The Bottom Of the National Heap

By Amy McQuire

In this special New Matilda feature, Amy McQuire demolishes the reforms - and the propaganda - that is the Cape York Welfare Reform Trials.

Last week, the Australian newspaper ran a piece on the controversial Cape York Welfare Reform Trials, the brainchild of influential Aboriginal lawyer Noel Pearson.

According to the headline the ‘experiment’ underpinning the education reforms in three Cape York communities – the just as controversial ‘Direct Instruction’ teaching method – had “passed its first test”.

According to the Oz, the students at Pearson’s home community of Hope Vale, one of the communities to trial Direct Instruction, along with Coen and Aurukun, had “performed at levels within the upper two bands in numeracy, and nearly one in five in reading”.

This had been an improvement since before 2014, when there hadn’t been one student in the upper two bands. There was no word in the piece on the outcomes at Coen or Aurukun, other than to say that the school in Coen had recently celebrated a 100 percent attendance rate.

The small Cape community had already notched up some of the highest school attendance rates in Queensland before Pearson’s trials had even begun, but that’s an inconvenient fact for those cherry picking data to justify the expense of the trials.

While the ‘successes’ of the trials have been well-chronicled in the pages of the Oz, in the same week as this story, another report was released that painted a startling different picture.

The Dropping off the Edge Report, compiled by Jesuit Social Services Australia and Catholic Social Services Australia, presents a devastating picture of disadvantage across the nation.

It ranks different postcodes by their cumulative disadvantage across a series of indicators, from child maltreatment, criminal convictions and domestic violence, to long term unemployment, housing stress and juvenile convictions.

The report is significant for this simple fact: across the nation, the most disadvantaged postcodes are majority Aboriginal. In Queensland in particular, the outlook is depressing, if not unsurprising.

The 12 most disadvantaged communities in the state are all Aboriginal communities (with the exception of Inala, in Brisbane, which has a sizable blackfella community).

The two most disadvantaged, in fact, are two Cape York communities - Aurukun and Doomadgee.

They have another thing in common.

They are both communities subject to the expensive Cape York Welfare Reform trials, which aim to break social norms through a radical ‘tough on love’ approach to welfare.

 

The other communities involved in the trials are Coen, Mossman Gorge and Hope Vale.

The trials have been in place in these communities, with the exception of Doomadgee, since 2008, when both federal and state governments backed Pearson’s vision to the tune of about $96 million. Since then, both governments have funnelled millions of dollars into the trials, which ultimately goes to a population of less than 3,000 people.

Under the trials, the Families Responsibilities Commission receives notifications from relevant government agencies about school attendance, tenancy breaches, child safety issues and convictions in Magistrates Courts. The FRC-appointed commissioners can compel residents to attend a ‘conference’ to discuss the notifications, where options are discussed ranging from clients attending support services, or case management programmes, voluntary income management or compulsory income management.

The aim is to move people from ‘passive welfare’ and rebuild ‘positive social norms’.

But seven years on, it seems the only success the trials could claim has been the unbelievable ability to attract government funding, largely a result of the influence of Pearson.

In fact, the amount over the past 7 years adds up to about $146 million – and that includes the recent funding announcement by the Queensland Treasurer Curtis Pitt, who juggles this role with the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Partnerships portfolio. In this year’s budget, the state would kick in a further $28.6 million over four years for trials that have still yet to produce solid outcomes.

If you look at the Dropping off the Edge Report’s section on Aurukun and Doomadgee, you would think the funding has been non-existent.

In fact, Aurukun has deteriorated significantly since the Cape York trials began in 2008 - so much so that it is now the most disadvantaged community in Queensland. But according to the Dropping off the Edge reports it wasn’t always the case. In 2007, it didn’t even make the top five.

“Two locations (Aurukun and Doomadgee) have experienced increased disadvantage between 2007 and 2014,” the report says.

“Aurukun’s deterioration is evident in a range of indicators, including: Criminal convictions (ranked 11th in 2007 and 1st in 2014); young adults not engaged in work or study (ranked 107th in 2007 and 5th in 2014) and unemployment (ranked 262nd in 2007 and 10th in 2014).”

When it comes to education, Aurukun still is ranked low in the state. For Year 3 numeracy, it was ranked 18th, for Year 9 numeracy, it was even lower – at 9th.

For young adults not engaged, the report ranked it among the top five most disadvantaged in the country.

It’s not exactly the education revolution you would expect from a trial worth millions of dollars.

It gets even more outrageous when you consider Aurukun is the community that has the most amount of funding spent on it out of the five communities. If you wade through the quarterly reports of the Families Responsibilities Commission, every quarter, Aurukun receives more funding than the other communities – sometimes even double of what other communities like Coen receives.

The trials have always been judged on their ability to end truancy, to increase school attendance rates. In Aurukun, which had some of the lowest school attendance rates in the state, there was signs of early success. There was a significant jump in 2009 at the school when school attendance jumped from 37 percent to 63 percent.

Since then, school attendance at the school has fluctuated, and there is still a problem with secondary school and students who leave for boarding school, and then return shortly after to the community, a fact acknowledged by the FRC in several quarterly reports.

In one report, the FRC raises concerns that, “They are concerned to see the future months are constructive in bringing about firstly, an acknowledgement by the Aurukun and Hope Vale communities of the serious problem of the significant number of disengaged youth under 16 years of age who neither attend any educational program or do so irregularly, and secondly that a realistic community-lead plan to implement what was foreshadowed in Quarterly Report to No 20. There has been no discernable improvement in the school attendance of those children in 2014.”

In that report the FRC noted “The communities of Aurukun and Hope Vale report a significant number of disengaged youth of high school age who have returned to community but have not engaged in an education option. These youth participate in dysfunctional behaviour and feel disengaged from mainstream society and also from their own communities.”

It prompted Greens Senator Rachel Siewert to ask in Senate Estimates in April last year “I understand that in Aurukun only 25 per cent of the Aurukun youth of high school age are attending school in Aurukun or elsewhere and that significantly better statistics on school attendance are being achieved in Bamaga without the special attention being given to Aurukun.”

The federal government at the time claimed it was because there was no high school in Aurukun, compared to Bamaga.

But it points to the very limited scrutiny that the Cape York Welfare Reform Trials has attracted, while the government spends big dollars on a seven-year experiment that doesn’t seem to be making inroads.

When Aurukun experienced the heralded jump in school attendance, there was still controversy over what it could be attributed to. Prior to the trials, there had been an injection of quality teaching, and the influence of Stronger Smarter, lead by celebrated Murri educator Chris Sarra, whose success is grounded in his work as Principle of Cherbourg school where he cut absenteeism rates by 94 percent.

Interestingly, Cherbourg was also one of the most disadvantaged communities in Queensland according to the report.

But while Aurukun is still ranked as one of the most disadvantaged communities in Australia when it comes to Year 3 and Year 9 numeracy rates, in Cherbourg, the report notes success.

“One community, Cherbourg, appears to have some success in relation to all school educational indicators (Year 3 numeracy 71st, Year 3 reading 35th, Year 9 numeracy 36th and Year 9 reading 43rd). But the report notes “at the moment this has not flowed on to post-school qualifications (ranked 4th)”.

Aurukun’s school attendance rates are also cause for scrutiny when you consider just how many notifications the FRC receives for absenteeism.

As of the most recently quarterly report, from October 2014 to December 2014, the FRC received 252 School Attendance Notices for Aurukun, and that has remained largely consistent throughout the course of the trials.

It raises concerns around the ability of the trials to fulfill the Abbott government’s mantra of getting kids to school.

The high level of unemployment in Aurukun should also raises alarm given the grand government expenditure.

As the report shows – Aurukun went from being ranked 262nd for long term unemployment in the disadvantage indicator, to 10th in 2014.

That’s a phenomenal jump. It’s also one which has been acknowledged previously by Pearson, who has told media that the trials haven’t been achieving goals in relation to unemployment.

But there’s a bigger story even in that.

The report notes that the large jump in unemployment could be due to “the cessation of the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP), which in 2006 made up half of all positions in community”.

That is disturbing because Pearson has been a vocal critic of CDEP in the past, for failing to move Aboriginal people off welfare and into real employment.

As Indigenous Policy Expert Professor Jon Altman wrote in 2013: “A major plank of the Pearson project going back to his original treatise (Our Right to Take Responsibility) in 2000 is to shift people from passive welfare into real jobs in the real economy.

“Subsequently, in 2007 in the trial blueprint (From Hand Out to Hand Up), people participating in CDEP were represented as being on welfare and sitting on a ‘welfare pedestal’, a comfortable poverty trap that was abstractly illustrated with detailed modelling.

“Most of the 832 CDEP participants of 2007 have now been knocked off this pedestal; the crucial question is what has been their destination?”

The answer in Aurukun seems to be welfare and long-term unemployment.

Meanwhile, the trials, which seven years on are still trials, plug along soaking up government funding.

Where is the scrutiny? Where is the transparency? All we seem to get are uncritical, puff propaganda pieces in the pages of the Australian, a vocal Pearson backer.

Meanwhile, as black organisations struggle to continue in the aftershocks of the chaotic Indigenous Advancement Strategy, the Cape York Welfare Reform Trials swim a long through an ocean of government cash.

And it doesn’t seem to be reaching the people who need it most. In another five years, will Aurukun still be the most disadvantaged community in the state?

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This user is a New Matilda supporter. nobody456
Posted Saturday, July 25, 2015 - 16:12

Should I imagine that someone very close to Abbott is charging exorbitant administration fees?

This user is a New Matilda supporter. MattQ
Posted Saturday, July 25, 2015 - 16:35

What should we give our Indigenous peoples in return for their continent? Misery, of course.

Grace57
Posted Saturday, July 25, 2015 - 17:16

A good article Amy.  I have long wondered where the scrutiny lies with this program, which receives copious amounts of funding each year and provides little results.  For example on the North Coast region of Brisbane there are approximately 6000 Indigenous students who receive a pittance in education funding support from the Commonwealth in comparison to the stated millions of funding going towards the Cape York welfare reforms.  Is there a breakdown of how this funding is distributed in the Cape? eg. Welfare, housing, health, employment, education?  You make an interesting point and one that I raise in my research frequently - only when you have committed leadership will you get the results, such as those educational outcomes achieved by Dr Chris Sarra and his staff at Cherbourg. Changing systemic problems and attitudes is the only way forward..and that means working with the whole community, using an holistic approach.  Where are the other voices from the Aurukun communities about these issues?  Why aren't we hearing from the Elders in these communities about what is happening or not happening? I am not suggesting for one minute that there shouldn't be funding to support communities, however there does, as you say, need to be transparency around how this money is being utilized within these communities - so that one pearson (I meant person) is not pulling all of the strings.

 

This user is a New Matilda supporter. matildaminer
Posted Saturday, July 25, 2015 - 20:15

I wouldl be really interested to see a complete financial breakdown of all these millions of dollars supposedly spent on our Indigenous Communities.

I will bet that most of the money has been usurped by unnecessary bureaucratic "administrators". How much was spent to dream up the slogans " From Handout to Hand Up" and "Our Right to take Responsibility" ? 

Children will got to school if they have good teachers and interesting curricula suited to their culture and life-style. How much was spent on this ? How much influence did the elders have in curriculum development ?

Show me the itemised balance sheet. No politician or bureaucrat would have the courage.

Mystery
Posted Saturday, July 25, 2015 - 21:52

I am unsurprised to read that the Cape York trials have not achieved their goals. I have been working with and for Aborginal communities for many years. Despite good funding and innovative projects, there is little achieved after the euphoria of the initial planning dies down. In my experience, people are exhausted just surviving. Massive family and social problems sap energy. Racism continues unabated in different ways. Leaders both Aboriginal and non Aboriginal pat themselves on the back, believing their own rhetoric. It is like the fable of the King with no clothes. Just rhetoric, inability to operationalise strategy and failure to improve living standards. Couple that with heavy drinking, boredom in remote communities and it is inevitable that there will continue to be "wicked" problems. 

Evan
Posted Sunday, July 26, 2015 - 09:03

"Direct Instruction" is awful from an educational point of view.

 

Do you think there is the prospect for Stronger, Smarter to be more widely adopted.  It seems to have had good success with schooling.  Employment is another issue I suppose.

 

Years ago I remember Sam Watson talking about the amounts of money going into the Aboriginal bureaucracy and how little made it to Aboriginal people and their communities: Just give it to us once; we'll shut up, just give it to us once!

This user is a New Matilda supporter. Sooz
Posted Sunday, July 26, 2015 - 11:21

Amy, I don't know much about Pearson's project, but you mentioned kids being sent to boarding school & returning soon afterwards. Is sending kids out of the community for education part of the plan? It makes me wonder if this is doing more harm than good, if money could be better spent providing high school education locally. I know 3 people who were sent to boarding schools as kids who were traumatised by the experience.

This user is a New Matilda supporter. Australian Muslim
Posted Sunday, July 26, 2015 - 17:51

Amy as you know there is no silver bullet for the huge problems Aboriginal communities are facing.

It seems that the initiative of Noel Pearson's focused direct approach is the best way.

The results of the direct education approach is promising as Western Australia also wants to try.

I agree that the transparency and scrutiny of the grants is the most important element for the success and future of this type of projects.

Gforce06
Posted Sunday, July 26, 2015 - 18:14

It's a catch 22 Sooz. Direct instruction has it's place as a remedial literacy tool. Works well in bringing say, kids who have maybe a half dozen months of attendance all up, in their entire school life, up to about a year 3-5 level reasonably quickly.

But, these kids then have to board away to attend school (secondary) and they arrive in an unfamiliar environment, basically years behind their peers academically. Away from country, family and academically challenged. You reckon education and educational institutions are high on their favourites list?

First time they go home for school holidays, they go bush, or worse, offend so they wont have to go back to the ignomony of their peers referring to them as being in "dummy class". (Direct instruction).

$196 M over 7 years to "reveal" what you learn after 12 months of working up there.

Kyran
Posted Sunday, July 26, 2015 - 20:33

Seems to me, Noel Pearson is a very complex character. It can't be easy straddling a fence. He was a legal advisor for ATSIC, which was disbanded in 2005 due to its 'apparent & inherent' corruption. Then became a friend of Mal Brough (Minister for Indigenous Affairs) in 2007, by way of jointly publishing policy papers. Most of which were of the hand out/hand up philosophy.

'Chopper' Bishop has demonstrated what a politician thinks of their constituents. I regard Pearson as a politician and there is a similar pattern as to how he treats his 'constituents'.

Having had a look at his Wiki page;

"In April, 2008, after attending Rudd's "Australia 2020 Summit", Pearson argued that any proposed constitutional reform aimed at recognising Indigenous Australians must be in a form acceptable to a wide range of the Australian population. He therefore indicated his belief that a "domestic agreement" would be preferable to a treaty beteen sovereign states."

I have little regard for lawyers or politicians. There is an old adage pertaing to conflict of interest, 'You can't wear two hats'.

I have great respect for leaders. I suspect he will never balance a third hat on his head.

Thank you Ms McQuire. Take care

maris
Posted Sunday, July 26, 2015 - 21:08

Aurukun is a complex community with 5 clan groups, historically strong, staunch people within whose ranks, as an example, are artists who have travelled, literally, to many places in the world.  It is a place that I have visited on some 3 or 4 occasions, over a number of years in an 'outreach' capacity associated with previous employment.  

I would think it is most definitely a community that has had more than it's 'fair share' of 'trialled, government-funded programs & whose services include fly in/out agency workers, a situation that must cause angst within community.  It might be worthwhile to do a 'profile' to ascertain the numbers of local people, indigenous to that community, who actually are in senior positions within workplaces & therefore able to affect the actual way in which services are delivered & whether the basis of assessing situations & the 'determined appropriate outcomes' of those assessments are, in fact, culturally appropriate to that area.

I am guessing, Amy, that you didn't actually visit Aurukun.  From my perspective, it is just not possible to ONLY use statistical data & even, indeed the other 'reports' you referred to in your article, if you want to truly present a glimpse of life in Aurukun.  You need to visit, to mingle, to give people the opportunity to 'size you up' & if you pass muster, find some answers that truly reflect the hearts, the visions of the community.

I look forward to such a story.  Cheers.

M

This user is a New Matilda supporter. swarmi
Posted Sunday, July 26, 2015 - 22:48

Now I know why pearson is always wearing a new and 'deadlier' suit every time I hear him pontificate piously about why others don't see his pitiful allowance as not enough.

Two reasons (maybe 4) why a lot of cash is being splashed about and why it seems to be doing more harm than good:

1. The government (and pearson) have no intention of providing anything meaningful. An empowered black community that demands justice is the last thing they want to be worrying about. Better the petrol sniffing and/or high suicide rates.

2. meanwhile they can pretend that they are doing something meaningful because of all the cash they're spending - and pearson's new suits

3. all start up programes are trials. The ones that show promise, and are often initiated from within the community, are the first to have their money cut. This way the government can still claim they are doing something even if it looks like it's just another failure.

4. racists like DX2013 (he couldn't spell his own name) get to show they need the money even more.

There will never be, can never be, justice for black people under this occupation. Just opportunities for opportunists like pearson to hop on the gravy train while kicking his own people in the guts. It must have been his superior education what done it.

 

flowenswell
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 00:46

The issue of educational advancement in remote communities must be deeply complicated for raising as many issues as it solves. Better literacy and numeracy promotes greater exposure to one's own position in the wider world, and is likely to be accompanied by significant disillusionment for community teenagers facing the challenges of boarding far from home in difficult circumstances. Coming from a disadvantaged community must place great stress on any high achieving teenagers for their need to disavow aspects of their background to further their own education. It's not hard to imagine why there might be a deep ambivalence to the zealous, and likely heavy-handed, principles of this and similar programs.

This is not intended as an argument against broadening the scope and expectations of education in remote communities, just mean to say that whatever successes might actually be happening in the classrooms may not translate well into the metrics we use to measure progrest. There is little chance, and even less cause, to strive towards high educational achievement in a community where there is little opportunity to even find work. Except for the rather abstract fact that some guy in a suit is telling you your and your community's future depends on it.

Kids learn because it's compelling discovering new things. But when the scope of what you can learn is delimited by the examples of your environment, it's pretty hard to imagine bridging the vast chasm between that experience and achieving what is presented as success, i.e.coming from the most disadvantaged communities means not having viable examples for exceptional achievement. Direct teaching cannot provide the broad framework of interpretation necessary to negotiate 'real' opportunities in society; the kind that middle-class city kids are pretty much born into. You cannot replace the competitive advantage of growing up in a household with two professional parents, no matter how much money you throw at educational programs. Particulalrly when opportunities for functional productive employment have been withdrawn (cdep), or are generally outsourced to transient outsiders.

The notion of real jobs and real economies in communities is bullshit when the economies of big cities are based on consumption. That is, some part of the community must have a lot of money to provide an impetus for it, and provide for an economy based on marketing, finance and other services. Blaming communities because they don't have this basis in wealth to begin such a cycle of wealth generation is deeply hypocritical for anybody who is comfortably employed anywhere. There is just no viable market, and no industrial structure, organic or even wholly state-subsidised, that can begin to bridge that gap in anything more than a rhetorical way.

Not that education need serve only the intentions of those in power. Undoubtedly the metrics in question are as much for their satisfaction and 'success' as for the outcomes for communities like Aurukun. Hence The Australian's indifferent cherry-picking of the results that conform to their ideological position. The only people who will truly care for outcomes on the ground are those who invest their own lives in such communities. They will know that their efforts have incremental and unquantifiable benefits of substance for a community struggling to sustain itself however it can.

This user is a New Matilda supporter. aussiegreg
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 07:22

I visited Hope Vale briefly in the late 1990s. I thought I had seen a few places with ironic names, but this one topped the list. No black adult I saw there had an expression on their face anywhere above listless boredom, and every adult pair of eyes were dead with the drudgery of a life destroyed by alcohol and other whitefella chemicals.

When people ask me how I survive on a privately-earned income less than the dole, I start by pointing to my vegetable garden, my fruit trees, the vines that cover the walls of my house providing both summer shade and fruit, my preserving equipment, the gifts I get back from family and friends after giving them my surplus produce. Nowhere in Hope Vale did I see a single vegetable garden, despite the community-owned store charging prices roughly double those you would pay for equivalent fresh produce in Cooktown, less than an hour down the road south.

I asked the white manager of that store why he and his two staff were all white, despite being answerable to an all-black board. Only whitefellas could be relied on to turn up for work, he said baldly.

At the time, despite the cutbacks in the new Howard government's first budget, the combined Federal and State bill for Aboriginal Affairs amounted to somewhere north of $20,000 for every indigenous person in Australia – these days, in the wake of the wildly-expensive Intervention, it is up over $40,000. And that does not include welfare, schooling, health centres, and the rest of the raft of normal public services available to blackfellas as they are to all Australian citizens – it only counts special money spent solely to try and remedy black disadvantage. 

I can't speak for whether Noel Pearson's reforms have improved things there, or whether things got better or worse in the period between when I was there in 1997 and when the Pearson regime started to be implemented, but nothing has been plainer to any objective observer for my entire adult life than the total failure of all previous attempts to improve the lot of Aboriginal Australians, unless you count the Aboriginal Australians who work in the publicly-funded Aboriginal Industry. 

This user is a New Matilda supporter. Rychard
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 09:19

Amy and Chris, take care.

penangke
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 09:27

There is one good thing about this trial and that is that it has been going for so long. So many programs aimed at changing peoples lives are so short lived as to be counter productive. People keep getting herded up and told that this new program will change your life (wether you like it or not) get on board invest some hope and trust in this. then the rug is pulled from under the people again  often when we are just starting to get some traction. Long term issues need long term funding. Governments see the big headlines "Bad Stuff Haappening In Aboriginal Communities."  So they make another big headline  "Government Chucks Buckets Of Cash At Blackfellas"  and then they want another headline quickly, "Its All Happy Families At X Community".   That last headline wont happen in a hurry, what we have to aim for is a small note in the Classifieds, "That Bloke Seems Happier Today". After a time there will be more adds in the classys and maybe someone will notice, Gee we haven't seen one of those big shock horror headlines for a while.

Cape-resident
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 09:55

Good article.  I have to say that as a resident of Cape York it is interesting to see the perception of many of those who do not come from this area.  This article is spot on.  We, on the Cape have been the recipients of government decisions to "save us"  for so long that it is now a joke.  

For the record, the Aurukun community had the Noel Pearson reforms forced on them.  They had no choice.  For some reason, bureaucrats in Canberra decided this was the ultimate solution. There was no real consultation with community.  If you go back to when this was all rolled out for Aurukun, there was a lot of media around the community being upset with the process.  How does a programme become successful when it's clients do not want them there? But in their wisdom, someone decided to go ahead anyway.

Aurukun community has its issues. But from my perspective, they are no different from any other community, they just happen to be in the spotlight, all the time. The council has been working on some innovative strategies to engage the community in improving, and from my perspective, it's working.

the only solution to issues in aboriginal communities is aboriginal people.  There are some very successful and passionate indigenous business owners who work tirelessly with and for their communities providing work and support in real terms.  When everyone starts to realise that it is these people who are going to provide the solutions to the issues at hand and not some professor or government official who lives in Canberra and the support mechanisms are put in place to facilitate this wave, then we will see some marked changes.  No one wants to help Aurukun more than Aurukun people.  This is the same all over the nation.  There are people and businesses who sit under the radar who are making a difference and they are not the prominent people like Noel Pearson, they are the grass roots community members who struggle day to day to make a difference.

Lynceus
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 09:58

I read a lot of condemnation and the over used 'racist' but has any one any answers ? Noel Pearson seemed to be at least some kind of answer but, if he can't do it, who can ?  How about people in the know ( and that's not me) showing us an answer or answers without burying us in bullshit.  Is there any answers ?

Borisc
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 11:19

@Lynceaus did you see the post from Cape-resident. I think they've hit the nail on the head. Aboriginal people all over the country are offering answers but are rarely heard and never respected. @ cape-resident it's been great to get your perspective, the most relevant in this conversation. Thank you.

DrGideonPolya
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 11:33

Excellent article by Amy McQuire. The awful circumstances in Aurukun and Cape York in general is reflecting a continuing  national tragedy in which:

1. Aboriginal Genocide and  genocidal avoidable death rate. 4,000 Indigenous Australians  die avoidably every year out of an Indigenous population of 670,000 , an "annual avoidable death rate as a percentage of population"  of 0.6% as compared to 0.0% (White Australia), 0.4% (South Asia) and 1.0% (sub-Saharan Africa) in an ongoing Aboriginal Genocide  (see "Aboriginal Genocide”; https://sites.google.com/site/aboriginalgenocide/ and Gideon Polya, “Body Count. Global avoidable mortality since 1950”, that includes  an avoidable mortality-related history of every country from Neolithic times and is now available for free perusal  on the web  : http://globalbodycount.blogspot.com.au/  ).

2. Educational Apartheid. Indigenous Australians are subject to an Educational Apartheid system in which 80% of Indigenous children in the Northern Territory  fail to meet basic literacy and numeracy standards,  truancy is the norm and thus most Indigenous children end up being essentially unemployable even for supermarket stacking (see “Australian Aborigines & Educational Apartheid”, Educational Apartheid: https://sites.google.com/site/educationalapartheid/australian-aborigines ; “Educational Apartheid”: https://sites.google.com/site/educationalapartheid/ ; and Gideon Polya, “37 Ways Of Tackling Australian Educational Apartheid And Social Inequity”,  Countercurrents, 22 May, 2013: http://www.countercurrents.org/polya220513.htm ).

3. Australian Aboriginal Genocide and Australian Aboriginal Ethnocide. The British invasion of Australia on 26 January 1788 ultimately destroyed as many  as 600 unique Indigenous Australian tribes and a comparable number of languages and dialects  (it is estimated that in 1788 there were 300 distinct Aboriginal language groups  and 750 dialects of which only 150 survive and of which all but 20 are endangered ), this making the Australian Aboriginal Genocide qualitatively the worst genocide in human history (see Gideon Polya, “British Have Invaded 193 Countries:  Make  26 January ( Australia Day, Invasion Day) British Invasion Day”,  Countercurrents, 23 January, 2015: http://www.countercurrents.org/polya230115.htm  ). The Australian Indigenous Ethnocide and Australian Indigenous Cultural Genocide continues through massive child removal, closure of remote communities and departure from proper bilingual education (see Gideon Polya, “Ongoing Aboriginal Genocide And Aboriginal Ethnocide By Politically Correct Racist Apartheid Australia”,  Countercurrents, 16 February, 2014: http://www.countercurrents.org/polya160214.htm ). According  to a recent study (2009) : “At the end of 2008 the Northern Territory Government, supported by the Commonwealth Government, all but closed bilingual education in remote Indigenous schools by determining that the language of instruction for the first four hours of school must be English. This decision could spell the death of the remaining endangered Indigenous languages in Australia” (see Jane Simpson, Jo Caffery and Patrick McConvell, “Gaps in Australia's Indigenous Language Policy: Dismantling bilingual education in the Northern Territory ”, AIATSIS Discussion Paper Number 24, 2009: http://www.aiatsis.gov.au/_files/ntru/DP242009Simpson.pdf ).

4. This ongoing tragedy requires resolute, empathic action involving (a) informing everyone at home and abroad, (b) useful initiatives e.g. a tobacco- , alcohol-  and illicit drugs-free  Zone C  covering 90% of Australia (with localized exemptions  for tourist precincts) , and (c) a racist, genocidal and ethnocidal  Apartheid Australia should  increasingly  face the weight of international Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS)  of the kind successfully applied against Apartheid South Africa and currently being applied against  US Alliance- and Australia-backed, nuclear terrorist, genocidally racist, democracy-by-genocide Apartheid Israel. Boycotts.  Decent anti-racist Australians  will utterly reject the politically correct racist (PC racist) Lib-Labs (Coalition and Labor Right), vote 1 Green and put the Coalition last.

Evan
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 12:22

Thanks caperesident.

Amy McQuire
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 15:31

@Maris - Thanks for your comment - This article is directed at an expensive trial that has not lead to outcomes in Aurukun - and asks why there is no scrutiny placed on it like similar programmes, while the rest of Aboriginal Australia deals with savage budget cuts. For that I've used a report that charts Aurukun's deteoriation, and also the FRC's own reports. You can get a picture of the sort of questions that need to be asked based on data from the FRC itself. It's not about providing a glimpse at life in the community, and I would suggest only four or five "outreach visits" wouldn't do it justice either if someone was to write such an article.  

Mossman Murri
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 18:01

Amy, thank you, it was about time!  I am interested in knowing how much money Pearson pays himself in consultancy fees for his advocacy on the welfare reform trials.  Not the first to make money out of people's poverty.

This user is a New Matilda supporter. SearchAndRescue
Posted Monday, July 27, 2015 - 19:41

Good work Amy.  Forget FIFO trips to do Feel Good articles.  Let's see the hard cold facts about where that money has been spent.  This is a phenomenal amount of money.  $20million per year.  In the face of persisting poverty and disadvantage this is heartbreaking.

ultrabat
Posted Tuesday, July 28, 2015 - 00:13

Can someone tell me how much money is received by indigenous people or institutions, such as trusts, by virtue of mining operations;  what is done with the money, and is it used to pay for essential services, and are the payments taxed?  Do the fortunate communities share their good luck with those who missed out?

maris
Posted Tuesday, July 28, 2015 - 02:17

@Amy McQuire - I meant no disrespect to you or your article & absolutely agree that "four or five outreach visits" (or my 3 or 4) would not do justice to an article either.  I trust/hope my reference to a few visits was not construed as me knowing anything.  I do not.  I do know - on the other hand - that I like to read your articles in New Matilda 

@Cape-resident - I am particularly interested in your comments regarding local initiatives.  I've always believed that solutions come from the people/by the people ....... In fact your comments make me happy :) & optimistic  

 

This user is a New Matilda supporter. pwinwood
Posted Tuesday, July 28, 2015 - 03:48

 At the very heart of all these dysfunctional communities is one simple reality:

They all have 'faux'. economies. 

If there are no REAL work/career opportunities within a community there is nothing for any child growing up there to aim for or find role models in. 

None of the complexity of family/work/ responsibility/achievement/development/self esteem/ which we absolutely take for granted in the 'rest' of the Australian community (however much we may complain about 'housing stress' and declining living standards etc, etc), exist in these communities.

Of course they are going to be catastophes, no matter how many words (or tax payer dollars) are ;poured into them. 

They simply lack the essential core building blocks of a modern, industrial society structure.

AnneRussell
Posted Tuesday, July 28, 2015 - 08:39

Unless Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder is acknowledged, diagnosed and appropriate interventions and strategies implemented, very little will make a significant difference. 

Cape-resident
Posted Tuesday, July 28, 2015 - 16:53

Thank you all for the positive comments. The fact that these businesses exist and are walking the walk is definitely inspiring.  Most of these businesses don't get government funding, and do it because they are helping their own families and their own communities.  Some of these  businesses have been knocked back from getting funding because of whatever government criteria is out there or they don't have a spin doctor or application writer to put their applications in government speak.  So they just use their own money, time and efforts to help. Because for us it's way easier.

not to knock Noel Pearson, but let's face it he is a lawyer, he is articulate and he knows what these people want to hear.  That is why he gets the funding and the rest of us don't.  Until there is a culture change in policy and red tape, and application processes are made easier for those of us who don't have degrees, it will always be the most educated or those who can speak well who will be advantaged by government funding.  

There are a heap of these passionate business owners out there. The unsung heroes who every day help as best they can.  I've said it once and I will say it again, the only solution to indigenous problems is to support local indigenous business.  We live and breathe the issues along with our families, we live the problems in our communities.  We will always do the right thing, we will always do without to help our people and we will always put them before profits and being rich.  That is the intrinsic part of our culture, that's what makes us special, that we always think about the greater group, not the individual.  Sure, it doesn't make us money, but it sure does make us feel good

This user is a New Matilda supporter. swarmi
Posted Tuesday, July 28, 2015 - 17:09

@ penangke

Good sense and well said. You can never be too cynical when commenting on the 'virtues' of this occupation.

Marrnindji
Posted Tuesday, July 28, 2015 - 21:18

<p>this is for the article of Amy with regards to the Noel Pearson trials. I get completely gobsmacked when I see any article that has this mans title as Indigneous leader.&nbsp; He is, in Hopevale only.&nbsp; He does not speak for all our nations nor our people.&nbsp; In fact he should be called `weather vain&#39; depending on which way the wind blows. i would have more faith in Dr Sara who IS actually an educator/teacher rather&nbsp;than a pumped up lawyer who has never practised.! OK, now that that is off my chest, a good article Amy with not too much sarcasm that makes it non readible.&nbsp; It would be good to have a few more stats though like the population of each community the trials are in and the employment/unemployment levels of each</p>. Pearsons reach also extended to my community in Arnhem land and to another 72 communities I fact. It was called the NTER. I say Pearsons reach because Brough was too thick as a brick to implement the racist policies of the NTER. These so called `trials' wreak of the scent of the NTER whereby good people are demonised and culture is destroyed because the Indigenous peoples are not allowing enough mines or tourist operators to rape and pillage our lands. This FRC is another NTER which is just another extreme social engineer policy to smash our culture and lore. Why do we have to send our kids away to boarding schools in big cities, away from family support and kinship to get an education? why can't build appropriate levels of schools within our communities or not as far away? Am, if your figures of expenditure are correct than that in itself would have been able to build and fund enough high schools within the communities. Sending kids away to the bright lights, easy access to drugs and alcohol will not make them want to come back to the slower community life, especially when there are no employment prospects there. He demonised CDEP and yet that is what helped sustain the community in the absence of `real' jobs. And don't forget, CDEP was the cashing out of the welfare `sit down' money to work and earn. Its just that 1 race of people have been doing it for 30 plus years before the Balanda/Muninga/Gubas/Migaloos.. Don't get me started...ooops too late.

Mossman Murri
Posted Thursday, July 30, 2015 - 11:47

To the best of my knowledge Pearson does not practice law, but he is a graduate of a law school.  There is that.  

Now, other points come to mind.  

It is hard to discern what Pearson stands for, I mean, his advocacy is mostly about social care, a field I believe he is lightly qualified to speak with authority albeit considering his mission history narratives which reveal superficial understanding of the complexities of social care needs.  In an earlier time I had read his 'Our Right To Take Responsibility', a so called treatise by some but to me this offered no new evidence to indicate deeper insight into the complexities, like much of his narrative, it is a re-telling of old news, much of the reporting provides coverage.  Nevertheless, during an earlier year, I had read this three times, front cover to back cover, not because I have problems understanding even the most banal rant, which is in my opinion is what it is, but because I was surprised at the immediacy of popular acceptance.  I could not work out what the attraction was.  I began to think I was surrounded by bogans, the reality of this thought became apparent to more I heard both white and black commentary to the point at which I questioned their capacity of awareness and critique.  The starkness of this reality revealed to me that even in mainstream education schooling does not coach children to critique realities of their environment, to be discerning thinkers.  This leads me onto my next point.  Direct Instruction has a similar effect.

Pearson holds himself up as an exponent of this approach to education.  I worry about this.  During an earlier time I once remarked to a former line manager that if Pearson is saying something new then you haven't learnt much about those complexities.  Thanks to my grade six teacher who opened my eyes as a 9 year old to the world, through her tutilage in critical thinking I developed an expanding awareness of global issues, for example, at that time Tel Aviv was in the media spot light for reasons that resonate today in Gaza.  My critical thinking or discernment capabilities would not have expanded had I been tutored by rote or direct instruction to assimilate.  I think, from publicly available sources, that Dr Chris Sarra reminds me of my former grade 6 teacher.

The other point is this.  

What evidence supports continued funding of the Cape York trials?  Reports to date suggest these fall well below the hyped promises of generational change, there has been at least one since federal and state government monies started flowing, and still the so called 'real economy' [presumably this refers to western economy] in those welfare state communities has yet to materialise.  The welfare state is part of the western economy, both major political party in Australia fund this according to ideology.  Anecdotal comments from Mossman suggest that very little has changed, very few jobs, small economy base of 2 or 3 employers employing along family lines.  I am assuming this pattern is reflected in other trial sites.  Perhaps if Pearson thought more about implementing social enterprise approaches then the results could improve.  My suspicion is that this is not the core business of the trial model.

This user is a New Matilda supporter. Australian Muslim
Posted Thursday, July 30, 2015 - 13:37

I would like NMatilda to publish a commentry on the issues raised here by N Pearson himself or his side so that we Jurors can make proper verdicts on the cyber courtroom of NM!

Chris did you hear?!

This user is a New Matilda supporter. swarmi
Posted Thursday, July 30, 2015 - 18:19

@ Mossman Murri

"My suspicion is that this is not the core business of the trial model"

What is your suspicion about what the 'core business' is?

I think that governments 'core business' is two things: they don't want Blacks in this country to have a voice so they sabotage their own works. Why are they so hostile to Blacks having a voice? Because the Australian people want them to do something meaningful. So the governments narrative is: "look! the problem is so intractable that we only get small or regressive results no matter how much money we spend."

Secondly, why do they want to keep Blacks down and invisible? Because any justice towards our original inhabitants will come at a cost to business be it mining, finance, farming etc. So, no deal. Just like Palestinians, it would be better, in the governments mind, if the original custodians of this land would  just disappear. Don't worry about the suffering as 'collateral damage' in this system is normal and acceptable practice.

Thus we have had missions, assimilation, the stolen generation, stolen wages, cheap labour, petrol sniffing, disease, poverty, high umemployment, poor education, deaths in custody, high incarceration rates,  and social exclusion. What more does a government have to do in order to make it clear Blacks in this country are an inconvenience.

Otherwise, you might think they would have learnt something by now.

Away
Posted Friday, July 31, 2015 - 03:44

The next article should be about his skeletons in the closet and love affair with David Burns.  Biggest joke in the Cape!

Mossman Murri
Posted Thursday, August 13, 2015 - 22:38

@Swarmi.  I have no argument with the points you make.  Yes, government will use the poor results from the trial and turn these into a blame the victim talkfest as often happens except in this case fingers will point to a so called "black" answer, the gravity of the criticism will weigh heavily as a future debt to be carried by many Aboriginal Australians to come.  Do you honestly believe that free marketeer Pearson will care about this?  However, my 'core business' reference is an allusion to 10% (consultancy fee?) of the $200m to date from government ergo tax payers dollars, and for very little result.  Thus, I am saying that the welfare reform agenda is an illusion, maintained for secular interests that are not inclusive of desires and aspirations of people in the trial communities.